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                  <text>Advertisements</text>
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                <text>William Grey &amp; Co. (Advertisement)</text>
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                <text>TEMPERANCE &amp;amp; FREE LABOR&lt;br /&gt;GROCERY.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;WILLIAM GREY &amp;amp; Co. have opened a store for the sale of Groceries of the above description. They have on hand Coffee, Rice, Sugar, &amp;amp;c., all of which they warrant free from the contamination of 'slave labor.' They respectfully invite their friends of color and others to give them a call at No. 33, Sullivan-street.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;New-York, August&lt;/em&gt;, 1833.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.5.1833</text>
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                <text>Wholesale Free Produce Store (Advertisement)</text>
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                <text>WHOLESALE FREE PRODUCE STORE. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We are gratified to learn that&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Joseph H. Beale&lt;/em&gt;, a Merchant, in New York, has opened a WHOLESALE STORE, for the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Productions of Free Labor.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;We have had some acquaintance with him, and cheerfully recommend him to the patronage of our friends. He has long been engaged in foreign trade, upon an extensive scale, and has influential connexions abroad. He has recently imported a quantity of RICE, from the East Indies, some of which is for sale at the Retail Store of Charles Collins, New York, and Zebulon Thomas, Philadelphia. He will deal, solely, in articles, the production of &lt;em&gt;free labor&lt;/em&gt;, (both Groceries and Dry Goods,) as above mentioned; and full confidence may be placed in his intelligence, integrity, and attention to the business in which he is engaged. His establishment is located at No. 71,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Fulton St. New York.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Genius of Universal Emancipation&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;III and XIII: 6, p. 83</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>04.01.1833</text>
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                <text>WHO IS THE TRAITOR? (Poem)</text>
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                <text>EPIGRAM&lt;br /&gt;The following terse and timely epigram appears in the Portsmouth (N.H.) Journal. It is from the pen of James Kennard, jun., a young invalid, who has been confined to his room and bed for nearly ten years, and who for a considerable part of the time has been unable to bear the light of day. He retains, however, all the cheerfulness and vivacity of health, and from time to time dictates or writes the thoughts of a clear, vigorous mind, on prominent topics and passing events. We have never seen a better answer to the attempt to brand as treason the honest and conscientious disapproval of a disgraceful and wicked War.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;WHO IS THE TRAITOR?&lt;br /&gt;Who deserves the burning curses&lt;br /&gt;Heaped upon the traitor's head?&lt;br /&gt;"He who renders aid and comfort&lt;br /&gt;To the enemy," tis said.&lt;br /&gt;Who, then, is the greatest traitor&lt;br /&gt;On this vast terrestrial ball?&lt;br /&gt;He who renders aid and comfort&lt;br /&gt;To the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Enemy of All.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>John Greenleaf Whittier</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;2:9, p. 216 (reprinted from&amp;nbsp;the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;National Era&lt;/em&gt;)&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>9.1.1847</text>
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                  <text>Poetry</text>
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                <text>What the Voice Said</text>
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                <text>Maddened by Earth's wrong and evil,&#13;
"Lord!" I cried in sudden ire,&#13;
"From thy right hand, clothes with thunder,&#13;
Shake the bolted fire!&#13;
&#13;
"Love is lost, and Faith is dying;&#13;
With the brute the man is sold;&#13;
And the dropping blood of labour&#13;
Hardens into gold.&#13;
&#13;
"Here the dying wail of Famine&#13;
There the battle's groan of pain;&#13;
And, in silence, smooth-faced Mammon&#13;
Reaping men like grain.&#13;
&#13;
"'Where is God, that we should fear him?'&#13;
Thus the earth-born Titans say;&#13;
'God! if thou art living, hear us!'&#13;
Thus the weak ones pray.&#13;
&#13;
"Thou, the patient Heaven upbrainding,"&#13;
Spake a solemn voice within;&#13;
"Weary of our Lord's forebearance,&#13;
Art thou free from sin?&#13;
&#13;
"Fearless brow to Him uplifting,&#13;
Canst thou for his thunders call,&#13;
Knowing that to guilt's attraction&#13;
Evermore they fall?&#13;
&#13;
"Know'st thou not all germs of evil&#13;
In thy heart await their time?&#13;
Not thyself, but God's restraining,&#13;
Stays their growth of crime.&#13;
&#13;
"Couldst thou boast, oh child of weakness!&#13;
O'er the sons of wrong and strife,&#13;
Were their strong temptations planted &#13;
In thy path of life?&#13;
&#13;
Thou hast seen two streamlets gushing&#13;
From one fountain, clear and free,&#13;
But by widely varying channels&#13;
Searching for the sea&#13;
&#13;
"Glideth one through greenest valleys,&#13;
Kissing them with lips still sweet;&#13;
One, mad-roaring down the mountains,&#13;
Stagnates at their feet.&#13;
&#13;
"Is it choice whereby the Parsee,&#13;
Kneels before his mother's fire;&#13;
In his black tent did the Tartar &#13;
Choose his wandering sire?&#13;
&#13;
"He alone, whose hand is bounding&#13;
Human power and human will,&#13;
Looking through each soul's surrounding,&#13;
Knows its good or ill.&#13;
&#13;
"For thyself, while wrong and sorrow&#13;
Make to thee their strong appeal,&#13;
Coward wert thou not to utter&#13;
What the heart must feel.&#13;
&#13;
"Earnest words must needs be spoken&#13;
When the warm heart bleeds or burns&#13;
With its scorn of wrong, or pity&#13;
For the wronged, by turns.&#13;
&#13;
"But, by all thy nature's weakness,&#13;
Hidden faults and follies known,&#13;
Be thou, in rebuking evil,&#13;
Conscious of thine own.&#13;
&#13;
"Nor the less shall stern-eyed duty&#13;
To thy lips her trumpet set, &#13;
But with harsher blasts shall mingle&#13;
Wailings of regret."&#13;
&#13;
Cease not, Voice of holy speaking,&#13;
Teacher sent of God, be near,&#13;
Whispering through the day's cool silence,&#13;
Let my spirit hear!&#13;
&#13;
So, when thoughts of evil doers&#13;
Waken scorn or hatred move,&#13;
Shall a mournful fellow feeling&#13;
Temper all with love.</text>
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                <text>John G. Whittier</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;2:5, pp. 119-120</text>
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                <text>1.5.1847</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="816">
                <text>What is to Become of the Blacks</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;Hon. Samuel Hooper answered the question it his speech of last week before the Republicans of Ward Nine, in Boston, as follows:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;To those who ask what is to become of the blacks when slavery is abolished, and who affect an apprehension that the present free States of the North may be overrun with them, I would recommend the report of Mr. Conway, the superintendent of free labor in Louisiana, recently made to General Canby, on the results of the system. He says, in his report, that there are sixty free schools with one hundred teachers and eight thousand scholars; that the number of blacks employed on plantations is about 35,000, of whom about one-fourth are first-class hands, receiving wages at eight dollars per month besides board, clothing, medical attendance, schooling for their children, and one acre of ground worth five hundred dollars, to raise cotton. The wages paid to the laborers, he says, is as a whole more remunerative than has been ordinarily paid to farm hands in the North who work by the year.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;At the close of the present year there will be an average of about fifty dollars due to each cost of the 35,000, in addition to their little crop of cotton, corn, sugar, potatoes, &amp;amp;C., which will average is each more than is due them for wages. There are besides 15,000 of whom he has no return, and 30,000 in the city of New Orleans; making a total of 86,000 blacks there who are working for wages under the educational and labor system established by Gen. Banks in Louisiana. Is it at all probable that any of those laborers would be included to leave their occupation at the South to come among us in the cold climate of the North, to which they are not accustomed, and to a colder welcome from the prejudices existing against them here? In my opinion, when slavery no longer exists at the South, there will be two colored men go South from here to every one that comes North from there.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="819">
                <text>10.14.1864</text>
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                <text>What Can Be Done for the Slave?</text>
              </elementText>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Never perhaps before did the question come spontaneously to so many hearts, "&lt;em&gt;What can we do&lt;/em&gt;?" Never was there such a disposition abroad to in the world to unite in some great effort for the abolition of slavery from under the light of the sun. The present is a remarkable juncture for such an effort. What shall it be? This is a question of vast importance. It should be a&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;catholic&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;measure, in which the abolitionists of all countries might freely unite. It should be one divested of all connection with national politics; one which would be carried into execution without asking the aid or consent of any Parliament, Congress, National Assembly, Cortes, or Diet. It must be based upon the convictions of the individual conscience, and worked by the spontaneous energy and determination of individual effort--an undertaking in which abolitionists of Great Britain, France, Germany, and other continental nations may join, without encountering any governmental obstacle, or raising any political antagonism. It must be a measure which shall involve something more than&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;talk&lt;/em&gt;, however loud; more than the most eloquent expression of inactive sympathies for the slave, either from the pulpit, platform, or from the most powerful columns of the newspaper press. Then what shall it be? Let a slaveholder himself describe the measure which, he declared, "would abolish the system as surely as day follows night:--&lt;em&gt;Touch not, taste not, handle not the produce of slave labor."&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;This was the glove of defiance thrown down at the feet, not only of all the abolitionists in America, but in Europe, by a slaveholding member of the United States' Congress. This, he affirmed, would not only effect this object, but would do it in a way against which the slaveholders could not utter any just complaint. To be sure, he felt that the inhuman system was safe enough from any danger in this direction. He fully believed that the abolitionists would not venture to pick up the glove and accept this challenge of their sincerity. It would put them to some inconvenience to do it--perhaps to a little additional expenditure in matters of household economy--and he was sure they would not do it; and he taunted them with the discrepancy between their practice and professions. And, although many conscientious friends of the slave, on both sides of the Atlantic, now deem it a duty to abstain from the products of his labor, the great majority of abolitionists have looked upon this course as one that could not be effective, because it could not be generally adopted. Even if nearly all the produce of slave labor could be excluded from use in Great Britain, it would find a larger market on the Continent, they argued, so that there would be as great a demand for it as before. If the free men and women of the world supplied the markets of Great Britain, all the slaves would toil for the markets of continental Europe, they said, and thus the amount of produce stained with the sin of slavery would not be diminished, though it might be separated from that of sinews never bought and sold. Now, if this argument had ever any truth or force, it no longer possesses either in reference to this measure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Surely something mighty and noble may be done, if the almost universal flood of sympathy be taken at its tide, and brought to bear upon one great effort for the abolition of slavery. And upon what one measure could it be more fully and powerfully concentrated, than upon the exclusion of slave-grown produce from the markets of the world, by voluntary abstinence from its consumption?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Here is a measure which involves no legislation, no petitions to Parliaments, National Assemblies, Congress or Cortes. It trenches upon no principle of political economy, of any treaty or compact, or commercial arrangement. The freest free-trader could not object to this measure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Here, then, is the first great advantage of this measure--the people of all countries may unite in carrying it out, without encountering any political obstacle or objection--without asking any legislative aid. This is a great consideration. It would also work nobly for the brotherhood of nations, if they culd unite in one common sympathy and in one great enterprise of humanity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It would be an effective measure, dealing a mortal blow to slavery throughout the world. If it did not the first year drive the produce of slave-labor from the markets of Europe, it would diminish the demand for it by a ratio of reduction which would be fatal to slavery.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It would draw immediately a moral line of demarcation between the products of the slave's toil and those of free sinews and free soil. It would stimulate the productions of the latter in all parts of the world by an earnest and constantly increasing demand. If that line were drawn to-day, probably more than one half of the sugar, coffee, and rice in the markets of Europe would fall on the free labor side; and that proportion would be augmented by the product of each suceeding year. There is scarcely a difficulty in reference to these important articles. They can be found in almost every town and village. The great article of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;cotton&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;would present the greatest obstacle, but this would soon be overcome before the pressure of public opinion which the measure would create. Already, powerful commerical bodies are endeavouring to increase its production by free labour, in every region of the world in which it can be grown. There is, at the present moment, an effort to form a great organization for the navigation of the shallow rivers of India by flat-bottomed boats propelled by steam, in order to collect and convey to the sea, the cotton produced in the countries they intersect. The manufacturers of Lancashire are looking, with an eager eye of business, toward Africa, Australia, the East and West Indies, for a supply of this important staple of the manufactures of Great Britain. An irresistible energy would be given to the efforts to stimulate its production in these countries, if such a movement were set on foot as we have described. Thus, in a very few years, the institution of slavery would bleed to death at every vein.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Then it should be remembered that this movement would not be a&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;substitute&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;for any other anti-slavery effort; it would not displace or weaken any other agency directed against slavery. It would be in addition to them all; giving them a new power and energy. It is a measure in which every man, woman, and child, in any country in Europe, may take part, and&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;do&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;something at every meal; thus associating every repast with a remembrance of the slave in his bonds--a remembrance that shall fall upon his fetters like a dew, eating them asunder by its quality of corrosion.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;6:20, p. 315</text>
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                <text>1.29.1853</text>
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                <text>We rejoice to hear</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;From the South Shields (Eng.) Gazette.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;We rejoice to hear that a movement is making in North Shields on behalf of the Slave. The&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;opprobrium&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;of this civilized age, and of our Anglo-Saxon race, is, that slavery still exists in any land owning that race as masters. The foulest disgrace that ever hung over the sacred names of Christianity and Freedom has been indicted by the fact, that in lands where men pretend most to value their names, the degradation and pollution of a legalized bondage continues to be cherished and defended. British freemen have already done something to deliver themselves from the sin and shame of this system. They have subscribed large sums, and have entered into solemn treaties with slave countries having in view the mitigation and ultimate abolition of slavery; but, in spite of all, the horrors of the slave-trade never were more dreadful than at the present moment, and the cruelties perpetrated among slave-owners never more disgraceful. Free trade, which, as a general good, we have always advocated, has proved a source of grievous oppression to the slave. The demand which has sprung up in consequence, for the productions of many countries tilled by slaves, has caused their proportional oppression. The lash of the taskmaster has been plied more severely, and additional ships have been chartered for the slave-trade to a surprising extent, to supply the waste of human life thus occasioned. We are unwilling to do anything to infringe on the principles of free-trade; but can we do nothing to show our abhorrence of this system of wrong - of wholesale robbery and murder. It may be thought of a whole country into one channel by the force of a movement originating in mere benevolence; and yet we think nothing were more noble as a spectacle than the sight which Britain might present, were her households generally to refuse to partake of any commodities that had been the fruit of slave-labour. Self-denial is a Christian virtue; and if it should cause some slight curtailment of the luxuries of the table, or even a trifle of additional expense, true lovers of liberty would be more than compensated by the satisfaction that they had thus contributed to prepare for the final emancipation of the negro race. We are glad to learn, however, that the virtue of the British public need not encounter even such a test as this. Measures are talking to secure an ample supply of free-labour produce, which may be obtained by our tradesmen from London and Liverpool. Let our townsmen invariably apply for free-labor&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;cottons of their drapers, and for free-labor sugars of their grocers - let them urge the necessity of procuring them as a matter of principle, and make known their determination to have them, and there is no doubt that means will be found to satisfy their reasonable demands. The plan we have now hinted at "is enough," says Elihu Burritt, "to abolish all the human slavery in existence. The way is easy and effective. It is the straight high-road of consistency, from which the sincere and honest abolitionist may not turn to the right, left, or backward. If every man, woman and child; who denounces slavery, should walk in that way, the fetters of the slave would burst from his limbs like singed strings of tow. The fires of the forge, whereat his manacles were fashioned, would go out. The many-thonged scourge would be hung up to the abhorrence of the world, with the old relics of man's inhumanity to man. Dragons and beasts of the wilderness would lair by day in the baracoons of the slave-trappers on the African coast; and all the prowling kidnappers in the world would confess their occupation gone." "Several merchants and manufacturers, and a large number of shopkeepers, are now co-operating in the plan for dealing a blow at slavery, by substituting Free for Slave-grown articles." It is not long since we were called to record the transmission of largely signed petitions to parliament on the subject of the Slave-trade from the Northern Borough, and now, we understand, the ladies of North and South Shields are getting up a spirited memorial to the Queen, which, we doubt not, will meet with universal support.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&lt;/em&gt; reprinted from&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;South Shields Gazette&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>7.20.1849</text>
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                <text>We are very glad to hear again from our correspondent 'S.B.'</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;We are very glad to hear again from our correspondent 'S.B.' The story which he relates, may be also found in the Worcester Magazine copied from the Farmer's Letters, written, if we rightly remember, by a Mr. Dickinson, who in the same volume gives a curious description of the island and the inhabitants of Nantucket. We hope he will furnish us an essay on the gross inconsistency of those persons, who are conscientiously opposed to slavery, and yet consume the products of slave labor&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;. What would be thought of the officers of justice, who should most rigorously punish thieves, and at the same time purchase their goods, knowing them to be stolen? What would be thought of the conduct of the Governor of New Zealand, if he should say that he did all he could to put a stop to the horrid murders committed by the natives, and should at the same time be in the habit of paying a high price for every human head, which they should bring in properly prepared and tattooed? It is a correct maxim in law 'the receiver is as bad as the thief,' the accomplice as the robber, and nothing is more evident than that slavery is sustained and perpetuated by the citizens of the free States. and by those very persons, who profess to be vehemently opposed to slavery but who are unwittingly tearing down with one hand what they are building up with the other. 'Touch not, taste not, handle not' should be written on every article known to be the productions of slave labor.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;2: 23, p. 91</text>
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                <text>Wanted for the Fair</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="center" style="text-align: left;"&gt;WANTED FOR THE FAIR:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Butter, eggs, sugar, flour and poultry. Will some flour merchant in the city be so kind as to send us a barrel of flour? the quantity already promised us is not quite sufficient. And will some benevolent grocer give us a keg of free sugar? it will be gratefully received as a most valuable donation. Our supply of poultry last year was less than usual; this year we hope it will be abundant. Several pairs of&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;chickens&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;will be needed, a few days before the Fair to make&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;salads&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;. Will our Friends in the country see to it that we have then in time? Butter and eggs also, if sent several days before the Fair, can be most profitably used in furnishing the Refreshment Table. They will be much needed for that purpose; and the surplus, which we hope will be large, will command a high price in the market.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>12.7.1848</text>
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                <text>Voice of Warning.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;VOICE OF WARNING.--Mr. Bingham, a democratic representative of Michigan, in the House of Representatives, made a speech in Congress on the 4th ult., in which, alluding to the defeat of the Democratic party in 1848, he said:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;"Mr. Chairman, others may speculate as to the causes of that defeat. I have no hesitation in ascribing it to that fatal Nicholson letter, the doctrines of which were received by the people with such perfect loathing, the loss of the north, while the slaveholders of the south preferred to vote for the owner of a sugar&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;plantation, with three hundred negroes. This was a mortifying defeat, but it may well be borne, if it inculcates this useful lesson that in this noon of the nineteenth century, when the down-trodden nations of Europe are bursting the fetters of tyranny which bound them to the earth for ages - when every breeze which crosses the Atlantic, wafts with it the cry of Liberty and the inalienable rights of man, from the uprising masses - the Northern statesman, to be successful, must prove true to the interests of free labor, which he represents, instead of being an accessary, to the cupidity of the southern slaveholder, who would doom his fellow man to perpetual bondage." -&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Aman. &amp;amp; Repub.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;reprinted from&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Aman. &amp;amp; Repub.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>7.18.1850</text>
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