1 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Poetry Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Rescue of Jerry Description An account of the resource From the Syracuse Journal. THE RESCUE OF JERRY. "Jerry," arrested under the Fugitive Slave Law, October 1st, 1852,--on which day the country Agricultural fair, and also an Anti-slavery convention, were hold at syracuse,--was on the same day reseed, and set at liberty by the people, it was as event not surely of level but of national importance, and will forever redound to the honor of our city and country. The following, from one who sometimes courts the favor of the Muses, is in commemoration of it: Beneath a bright October sun, Had come from far and wide The free and hardy sons of toil, Old Onondaga's pride. The ploughman from the fold was there, The thresher from his floor, Ceased for a time the hammer's stroke, Closed was the smithy door. From farm and factory, forge and fold, From valley and from hill, Where speeds the plow, or plies the Ioom, Or clacks the busy mill; From where upon her many hills The gives her rocky store, Or where from sunken shaft beneath Her briny treasures pour; From busy mart, where thriving trade Its generous profit yield, And from her rural hearths and homes, Whence labor drives afield, Came up to-day, in peaceful show, Strong for the Tree and Right, The people in their majesty, The people in their might. Free labor holds her festival, Where he is honored most, Who honors her in heart and homes— Of all this mighty heat. Free Laborholds her festival, Her gals day has come, And thanks from grateful hearts go up, With songs of harvest house. Abundance crowns a year of tail, And plenty, from her born, Has scattered wide her generous fruits, Her wine, and oil, and corn. But, hark! what sound is that which breaks Discordant on the car? why peals the tocsin bell to-day, This day of all the year? Can here, within this Northern had, This land which freedom gave, Be found a dastard wretch so mean, That he would hunt a slave? Take on his soul the damning curse, Unleash the yelping pack Of bloodhounds snuffing human prey To follow on the track? Too true, alas! for see, in chains A trembling captive stands, The fatters on his swollen limbs, The cords upon hi hands! Upon his face, in deepened lines, Is written wan despair, While heartfelt groans his heaving breast Sends out upon the air. The fear of Federal power prevails, The shameful bribe has won, The threat of Webster is fulfilled, The cruel deed is done! No! not yet done, not yet fulfilled, Not yet th' exultant yell Peals through the vaulted arch of Heaven, "The banner cry of Hell." No hunting-ground for slaves is this,— And murmurs deep and loud Denote the coming storm, which swells, As swells the gathering crowd; And as defiance marks each tone, Stout hearts and hands unite To help a brother in his need, 'Gainst Wrong to shield the Right. The blood-red and of power has l The terror it inspired, The People Liberty have crowned! With freedom they are fired! Till like the angry see, whose waves Break madly on the shore, They dash against his prison walls, Break down his prison door, Strike off the fetters from his limbs, The cords which bind his hands,— A MAN again—no more a <xsl-text></xsl-text>slave<xsl-text></xsl-text>— The rescued JERRY stands! Injustice for a while may flaunt, Wrong seem to hold its away, But Right shall fellow in their path, As follows night the day. God speed the Right! O baste the day When everywhere shall run The precepts of thy Truth and Love, The Gospel of thy Son; When every man in every man A brother he shall see, And all shall in the Royal Law Dwell as one family! Then the bright Sun, upon a world, Which Jesus died to save, "Shall rise upon no bondman, And shall set upon no slave." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator reprinted from The Syracuse Journal Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.12.1862 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Advertisements Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Produce Store in Boston Description An account of the resource Subscription papers are now open at the Anti-Slavery Office, 46, Washington-street, for the purpose of ascertaining whether such an enterprise can be sustained. It is hoped that every person in favor of the plan will call without delay or send in their names, for the probable amount they shall want per annum. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.2.1836 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource To the Abolitionists of Pennsylvania Description An account of the resource The Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society again presents to your notice, with much confidence, the subject of our annual sale of useful and fancy articles. The prompt liberality with which you have hitherto responded to our calls, and the zealous energy with which you have adopted this measure as your own, convince us that you perceive its utility, and need no argument from us on that point. It also assures us, that you are ready to join heartily with us, in similar, but more extensive labors, during the present year. The results of our last sale, which, at a time of great financial perplexity and embarrassment among all classes, was unusually successful, encourage us to enlarge the scale of our operations, and to depend, most confidently, upon you for aid in our preparations for the sale of 1843. All that is necessary for the accomplishment of our plans, is, that each should faithfully perform his or her part of the labor; and in deciding what that portion is, let each seriously consider how much those who know, by its enjoyment, what freedom is , owe to those who know it not. The fetter of the slave presses not less heavily, dear friends, because we have become partially inured to its contemplation. Shall not this year's efforts prove that we remember this fact? Respecting the manner of aiding us, you can no longer need information. The committee would merely suggest that it is highly desirable that the materials used in the preparation of all articles, should be the produce of free labor, that we may not be guilty of robbing the slave of the fruits of his toil, in order to procure means to effect his emancipation. The contributors to our last sale may be glad to learn that a portion of the avails of their labor have been devoted to the support of the National Anti-Slavery Standard —that potent instrument of good to the cause of Freedom. They who wish for further information respecting the appropriation of the proceeds, are referred to the last report of the treasurer of the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society. Let us begin our preparations immediately, and devote to the work as much time, labor, and money, as we should wish an enslaved brother or sister to devote to it, if our situations were reversed. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.14.1843 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Sugars Description An account of the resource AMERICAN SUGARS.--A report of the debate which took place in the House of Commons on the 5th ultimo on the Sugar question is published, from which we make the annexed extract relating to American sugars: "Mr. Thornley said: I wish to repeat the question which I put to the right honorable gentleman, the First Lord of the Treasury. I yesterday stated that a quantity of sugar had reached this country from the United States, which was notoriously the produce of slave labor. The question which I then put has become of more importance, because to-day I find that samples have arrived of cargoes of two or three shipments from New Orleans. The question I wish to put is this, whether this sugar, the produce of Louisiana, and therefore the produce of slave labor, will be admitted at the same rate of duty as sugar from China, Java, and Manilla, which is considered the produce of free labor? "Sir Robert Peel. There are certain countries--the United States being one of them--where sugar is produced by the labor of slaves. The United States and one or two other countries have concluded reciprocity treaties with this country, which treaties stipulate that the produce of such countries shall be admitted into this country on the footing of the most favored nations. That, I apprehend, is the state of the case. But up to this hour there has been no official information received by her Majesty's Government from the custom house with respect to the arrival of this shipment, nor has any communication been made to the Treasury Board upon the subject, nor any application for an Order in Council, which would be necessary before the sugar could be admitted. At present I apprehend that the sugar could not be admissible, for no Order in Council has been issued for its admission from the United States. At the same time I have no hesitation in saying that my construction of the treaty is, that sugar from the United States would, undr the reciprocity treaties, be admissible on the same terms and footing as sugar from Java, Manilla, and China. [Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.] "Mr. Thornley had heard the answer of the right honorable gentleman with great satisfaction. He begged simply to state that the produce of sugar in Louisiana was such as would give great profit on its exportation to this country, and that there was every reason to believe the new trade would be carried on a considerable extent. "Mr. Ewart said there was another question connected with this subject which he was anxious to have answered. He wished to know whether the right honorable baronet was aware that all the sugar coming from Louisiana was brown muscovado sugar, and therefore would come into this country at the duty of 23s and not at 28s? So that, in fact, this slave-grown sugar of the United States would be imported at a lower duty than the free-labor sugar of Java, Siam, and Manilla.  "Sir R. Peel declined entering into any argument upon the subject at present." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Alexandria Gazette 45:81, p.2 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.4.1845 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abstinence from Products of Slave Labor. Description An account of the resource Abstinence from Products of Slave Labor.  The question now arises, How far might we abstain from the products of slave-labor? The people of New England, were they united on it, could abstain from those products <xsl-text></xsl-text>totally<xsl-text></xsl-text>—and that to their own incalculable benefit, and to the slave's deliverance. Unlearned as we are in commercial science, we feel no danger in setting down this statement, <xsl-text></xsl-text>that the commerce between New England and the <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>slaveholding states, is in its aggregate, immensely to New <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>England's loss in property, health, life, and virtue <xsl-text></xsl-text>. In evidence of this, let us consider the principal articles of slave produce imported into our section of country, especially from the southern states, Begin with. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Tobacco<xsl-text></xsl-text>—With the smoke of which our land is clouded, and with the juice of which it flows. The vast amount of this article consumed in New England, is the product of slave-labor, principally from the southern states, and the rest mostly from Cuba, where slavery exists in its worst degree, it being common to “ work the slaves off” (to death) in ten years from their arrival from their home in Africa, upon that bloody island. All that our consumers pay for tobacco, is so much <xsl-text></xsl-text>clear loss<xsl-text></xsl-text>, pecuniarily, while the loss suffered in health and morals by this consumption, is beyond the computation of the arithmetician. The loss in mere <xsl-text></xsl-text>dollars<xsl-text></xsl-text>, by southern trade, in the particular of tobacco, might be expressed by millions, and by yet higher numbers; but the health, and the life, and the virtue destroyed by it, admits not of computation or measurement. Will not these losses by this single article of southern trade, go far to balance whatever profits may be realized in other articles imported from the southern states? Will they not overbalance all that may be gained, (we speak of consumers, by trade in any other article, or in all other articles of southern produce? <xsl-text></xsl-text>Cotton<xsl-text></xsl-text>. In view of the great amount of this article manufactured and consumed in New England, of the many persons its manufacture employs, and of the great amount of clothing it furnishes, it may, at first, seem that the advantages realized from the importation of this article of southern produce, the produce of the slave's toil, is great. It might, at first thought, seem that this branch of southern trade is indispensable. But is it really so? Time has been, when the people of New England subsisted without cotton factories. Have they gained, or have they lost by the change which has taken place? Are the people of New England, in the aggregate, in better circumstances than they would have been, had not one bale of cotton of southern production yet been manufactured among us? The full discussion of the question would be a theme for the occupancy of volumes. Of course we can only start the inquiry, and suggest a few hints. What if the former custom of household manufacture of clothing had been kept up, and the men, women and children, who have been employed in cotton factories, had been engaged in cultivating our own soil, rearing herds and flocks, operating the household wheels and looms—what if this had continued in New England until now? What have been the advantages of the change! Why, rich capitalists have become richer; many persons engaged in the factories, have become rich or fore handed, female operatives especially, have obtained large wages and laid up money; our population has been supplied with cloth at a price deemed much cheaper than that at which it could be manufactured in the household manner; villages have been built up; a ready market for the produce of our farmers has been opened in hundreds of places; and the sphere of business and trade has been greatly enlarged. Against these pecuniary benefits may be set down the pecuniary losses by the factory system, the manufacture of slave-produced cotton among us. We may safely calculate these losses to be large. The neglected cultivation of the soil, caused by the introduction of factories extensively in New England, is a very great loss to the real interests of the country. The cultivation of the soil is the grand productive source of the necessaries of life. In proportion to the neglect of this, is the essential wealth of the country diminished. The extensive manufacture of cotton produced by slave-labor, has diminished the cultivation of our soil far below what it would otherwise have been, and thus has detracted greatly from this true source of a people's wealth. From the same cause, domestic, household manufacture, has been greatly neglected. The substantial home-made fabrics, produced and wrought by families “ within themselves” have giver place to foreign articles, which, though purchased at a price seemingly below the expense of home-made, have in reality cost the consumers far more, in the process by which they are paid for by them. This will, upon examination, be found true of purchased articles that are really necessary in the absence of home-made; but add to this the immense superfluity and extravagance, in the matter of clothing especially, which is introduced by the substitution of foreign for homespun clothing, and by our thousands and ten thousands of young women leaving the distaff and the household wheel and loom for the cotton factories—and the absolute loss to the country, caused by this change, will be found to be immense. Might it not be found, could all the gains and losses, of a pecuniary kind connected with the manufacture of slave-produced cotton be accurately computed, that, to the people of New England generally, the losses would fully balance and over balance the gains? Has not the Author of all good so formed the economy of things, as to forbid a general and permanent prosperity, even pecuniarily, in participating the fruits of injustice? And it is beyond disputation, that the cotton for our factories is procured by the most gross injustice. It cries to God against the slave holder and all that are accessories in the enslavement and robbery of those whose labors produce it and who are the rightful proprietors of it. Is there not a curse upon this and all the products of extorted and unpaid labor, which will, generally, attach itself to all that share in them? But what amount of pecuniary advantages will balance against the expenditure of health, life, intellect, and virtue, which is made in manufacturing the cotton, “ drenched in the tears and blood of the slave.” The factories in New England, in which this ill-gotten material is wrought up, are so many sepulchres in which is entombed the health of the ten thousands of operatives, with few exceptions. In thousands of instances they prove speedily to those who enter them, the ante-chambers to death. Thousands and thousands of New England's daughters, in the flower of their life, have withered, and sunk prematurely to the tomb, by the life-destroying influences of the factory system, as it is conducted in this country. What amount of pecu. niary gain would compensate for these lives? Ask mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters, who have followed the stricken victims to their early graves. In the pallid countenances of the multitudes of factory operatives, on the premature graves of their thousands of victims already fallen, do we not read the curse fixed in the righteous laws of Nature upon the fruits of iniquity, to be shared by those who participate in such fruits? Righteous retribution is interwoven in all the natural, as well as the moral universe; and naturally, as well as judiciously, our “ sins do find us out,” even our sins of ignorance. The way of righteousness is the path of life; and the way of sin against God and of wrong against our fellow men, is the way of death. The cotton manufactured in New England is the price of the bodies, the lives and the souls of men, and a retributive curse follows it to the remotest transfer—except in the case of those who repay the <xsl-text></xsl-text>slave <xsl-text></xsl-text>for what they share of his labors. Add to the destruction in health and life, the effect this system has on the intellectual and moral character of thousands, and there is an amount of evil, for which, in our view, no pecuniary advantages can compensate. Not that extensive manufactories could not be carried on without these incomputable losses. No: we trust there will be a change, a reform: but if it ever comes, it will be effected by the same spirit of benevolence and righteousness that will set the slave free, and that will make the material for their fabrications to be the product of free compensated labor The spirit of emancipation is already aroused to a zealous effort for procuring supplies of cotton from other sources than slave labor; especial efforts are making for its growth in India. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Grains and Sugars.<xsl-text></xsl-text>—We have heard some of our people at the north argue, or rather alledge, that New England could not be supplied with bread stuffs without the corn and flour and rice bought of the south, and which are produced by slave-labor. If the labor and the money expended by the people of New England in the purchase of bread stuffs from the slave states were appropriated to the cultivation of our own New England soil, would it not furnish us more plentifully with bread, than it does by southern trade, and do far more to increase the actual wealth of the people? As to sugars, a far larger quantity is consumed than is compatible with the health and other interests of the people. And a necessary supply of sugar might be furnished from our maples, from the beet, and imported from the freed West India Islands and other places where it is produced by free labor. In making up the account of loss and gain by our commerce with slaveholders, the demoralizing influence of such commerce upon the people of the free states, should constitute a heavy item in the loss of the latter. Evil communications corrupt good manners. The trade of the north with the south has had much to do in working that extensive destruction of the genuine principles of freedom and the pro-slavery feeling and sentiment of the people of the north; an evil for which pecuniary gains cannot compensate. We would enlarge upon this topic, but for want of room. Let the reader enlarge for himself in the consideration of this important point. But however great the loss incurred by trade with slaveholders, in the aggregate or in particular commodities, and however practicable it would be for the people of New England to desist totally from that trade, were they all united in the object—they will not all unite in it, and it therefore remains for individuals, who, on the principle of David's abstinence, as quoted in the preceeding number, would not live upon the tears and blood of the slave and upon the price of his soul, to abstain from the products of his enslavement as far as possible, and in cases where, (from the participation in slavery in which the whole land is plunged by commercial intercourse so extensively carried on,) abstinence is impracticable, to see that he rerders an equivalent service for the slave. Many articles of slave produce that we have been accustomed to use, we can do without, or procure the same kind, produced by free labor By stern principle, care and pains-taking, with self-denial, we may, as individuals, come near to total abstinencefrom the fruits of slavery. As individuals we may preserve our souls pure from the price of blood, and bear the effictual testimony of this abstinence. And associations may be formed—a beginning is already commenced—they may be multiplied and extended, so as to greatly diminish the consumption of slave-labor produce, and to afford a powerful testimony. Let every individual friend of the slave, be faithful to the slave, to himself and to God in this matter. “ Keep thyself pure.”—<xsl-text></xsl-text>Morning Star <xsl-text></xsl-text>. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard, reprinted from Morning Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.3.1841 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Editorial Remarks. Description An account of the resource EDITORIAL REMARKS. We are somewhat surprised that our correspondent should cherish any doubts on this subject. 'All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.' Slavery is a system of robbery, practised upon million of our fellow beings—a war upon human rights, a cruel depredation upon the earnings of industrious labor. They who pursue it are guilty of crimes, which, if committed against white people, would bring them to the pillory, the prison, or the gallows. Now, the laws of a state cannot nullify the principles of equity, nor make wrong right. The abettors of crime are as guilty as the perpetrators. The assertions which have been made are true—that the consumers of the productions of slave labor contribute to a fund for supporting slavery with all its abominations—that they are the Alpha and the Omega of the business—that the slave-dealer, the slave-holder, and the slave-driver, are virtually the agents of the consumer, for by holding out the temptation, he is the original cause, the first mover in the horrid process—that we are called upon to refuse those articles of luxury, which are obtained at an absolute and lavish waste of the blood of our fellow men—and that a merchant, who loads his vessel with the proceeds of slavery, does nearly as much at helping forward the slave trade, as he that loads his vessel in Africa with slaves; they are both twisting the same rope at different ends. A few interrogations will suffice to illustrate this business. If a merchant patronise a pirate, who has plundered vessels on the high seas, and pay him liberally for so doing, is he not himself a pirate in principle? Is it true that 'the receiver is as had as the thief?' Is not the man who bribes his companion to stab a third person to the heart, the greater criminal of the two, though he shed no blood? There can be no difficulty here. Every body will answer in the affirmative. These are self-evident truths. Now for the application. Why are the slaves held in bondage? Certainly, not to fulfil any prophecy;—not on the ground of benevolence;—not because their liberation would be dangerous;—no such thing;— <xsl-text></xsl-text>but because they are profitable to their owners. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Who are the principal consumers of the products of slave labor? The free states. They furnish a good market for the South. They say to her, 'Raise all the cotton that you can, and we will manufacture the raw material. We will consume your rice, your tobacco, your sugar and molasses, and give you higher prices than you can obtain elsewhere.' What is this, but putting an immense bribe into the hands of the slaveholders to kidnap, steal and oppress? Were it not for our patronage, they would be compelled to liberate their slaves; <xsl-text></xsl-text>for as soon as slave labor becomes unprofitable, there is an end to the system. <xsl-text></xsl-text>The prophecy of Mr. Randolph will then be fulfilled: the slaves will not run away from their masters, but the masters from their slaves. We are, then, the warmest and most efficient supporters of slavery, and feel no compunctious visitings of conscience, in purchasing those things which are stolen, and which have been moistened with the tears and blood of the slave. Remember the questions which were propounded, and the verdict of 'Guilty,' which was given. If 'the receiver is as bad as the thief," surely he is more criminal who gives <xsl-text></xsl-text>a yearly salary to the robber. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Is there any flaw in the argument? Are not the cases parallel? As to the 'arguments' which 'A.O.' adduces against abstaining from the products of slavery, they are not worth a straw. Suppose the slavites should 'send their goods to Europe, and retaliate on us, by refusing to purchase our articles'—what then? Better, far better, that our intercourse cease, than that we should uphold the bloody system of slavery by our patronage. Shall we purchase stolen goods to win the good-will of a thief? Are our consciences to be sacrificed to our interests? What kind of morality is this? But our example would be lost, and our abstinence like taking a drop from the ocean—the people would continue to eat, and the poor slaves obtain no relief! Suppose we grant it—are we to live in sin because others choose thus to live? Are we never to reform ourselves because we cannot reform others? A good example is never lost; and if it be, it should nevertheless be given as unshrinkingly as if it were destined to reclaim the universe. We are not conscious that our own articles in the Liberator have 'manifested an unchristian spirit.' Slaveholders, as men, are entitled to equal consideration with others; but, as tyrants and men-stealers, they deserve no courtesy. Positive assertions and strong denunciations are warranted by the examples of Christ, and the apostles, and the prophets. We are not among the number who cry— 'Pray, spare the <xsl-text></xsl-text>person, <xsl-text></xsl-text>but expose the <xsl-text></xsl-text>vice.' <xsl-text></xsl-text>But we exclaim— 'How! not expose the <xsl-text></xsl-text>sharper, <xsl-text></xsl-text>but the <xsl-text></xsl-text>dice!'<xsl-text></xsl-text> Not only did our revolutionary fathers hurl. 'bitter denunciations upon their oppressors,' but they slew them by thousands;—the same thing has been done in Hayti, South America, and France—and is now doing in Poland. Do you approve of these proceedings 'A.O.'? Or are you not one of the world's patriots? In concluding our remarks at this time, we may quote the following pertinent article from the Genius of Universal Emancipation: A late description, by a respectable eye-witness, of the cruelties practised at the present time on the Sugar plantations in the West Indian Islands, concludes with the following impressive words: 'If you dare to do it, after what you have just read, take another spoonful of sugar to your cup of tea, and it is a hundred to one if there is not a tear of anguish and horror blended along with it. Indeed, I would venture to assert, at any stake, (if it were possible to ascertain,) that there is not a hogshead of Sugar ever leaves the island, without having many of them in it.' Will our readers 'choose Sugar in their tea?' Will they indulge their palates with a blood-bought sweetness—a luxury of which it may be truly said, when we consider all the wickedness and the misery which its culture has produced,—that the awful price is immortal souls! We reply in the language used by a writer in the 'Negro's Forget Me Not:' No, dear Lady, none for me! Though squeamish some may think it, West Indian Sugar spoils my tea, I cannot, dare not, drink it. The simple produce of the cane Excites no strong objections, But with it comes a ghastly train Of dreadful recollections. True, the plant was freely given, Kindly given to man to rear it; Freely fall the dews of heaven, Freely shine the rays that cheer it. But what suffering and what guilt Attend its cultivation— What groans arise, what blood is spilt, What bitter lamentation! And can I taste a single grain, Produced by such oppression; The fruit of so much grief and pain, The Negro's sad possession? Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.23.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miss Sarah M. Grimke, of Charleston, S.C. Subject The topic of the resource Sarah Grimke encourages use of free labor products Description An account of the resource MISS SARAH M. GRIMKE, OF CHARLESTON, S.C. On going out of the city to our residence, on Fast day eve, who should we meet, but wife, daughter and domestics, full of life and animation, all clamorously asking, are not you going to hear Miss Grimke lecture on the rights of women to-night? We calmly replied, certainly not. Well, say they, we must hear her. So we made a virtue of necessity, turned around and readily made our way to the ODEON. Being rather early, we succeeded in getting seats for our whole party. We would inform our distant readers that the Odeon is the old Federal street Theatre, fitted up by a musical society. The seats, bottoms and backs conveniently cushioned. It is occupied for the purpose of giving Oratorios and Musical Concerts. It is also used on the Sabbath by an orthodox church, for public worship, and week evenings, frequently, for scientific and other lectures. It has a tremendous organ. Sometime before 7 o'clock, P.M. the vast building was filled to a perfect jam;—far back of the speaker, filling the space formerly occupied by the orchestra, and for scenic exhibitions, with the first, second, and third galleries—3 or 4000 people at least, were present. Vast numbers were compelled to go away. Three ladies, for some time, had occupied the speaker's seat. At last, the organ with a thundering and deafening sound struck up some popular air. When it had done, the wife, we believe, of Mr. Henry Chapman, arose, and with an excellent voice and grace, read the 1st chapter of the prophecy of Isaiah. Then arose Miss Grimke, and held forth; there is nothing prepossessing in her appearance. To our surprise, instead of lecturing on the rights of her sex, she took up the old stale subject of slavery; she evidently showed considerable powers of mind, and is rather a good orator and declaimer. She failed to give a single new argument in favor of emancipation; we think her discourse highly prejudicial to that object, and calculated to produce other than christian feelings between the parties concerned. She endorsed all that Mr. Garrison and others have said of the severity of masters to the slave. She recommended to the people of the north to attack the business and character of slave owners, not to trade with the south in articles, the products of slave labor, never to admit a southern minister to our pulpit, nor a member of their churches to the Lord's table; and told the ladies as soon to marry a horse-thief, as a southern gentleman if he have slaves. In fine, a large part of her discourse was made up of low vituperation, such as we have detailed. And, alas, we felt to sigh for the poor slave, if left to the tender mercy of such rash and ill-advised friends. As we are connected with the pulpit and the press, we readily forgive her the blacking she severally gave to each. We think, after this, it is rather doubtful whether any of the South Carolina lords of creation will ever seek the heart and hand of their great orator in marriage. In sober truth, we can most religiously say, that we think the course pursued by this lady and her advisers, is any thing but calculated to ameliorate the man of color, enslaved or free; and least of all does it promote the healthy morality of the Bible. If the south are wrong in the institution of domestic slavery, what sane man, much less christian or philanthropist, believes that the chivalrous inhabitants of the south will be convinced by a merciless attack on their character and all their means of existence? To such a code of morality we cannot subscribe. The foregoing <xsl-text></xsl-text>decent <xsl-text></xsl-text>and very <xsl-text></xsl-text>cogent <xsl-text></xsl-text>article is from the pen of the editor of a paper in this city, misnamed the 'Olive Branch.' It is a fair specimen of the accuracy, good sense and piety which characterise the lucubrations of him who advertises that he is 'connected with the pulpit (!!) and the press.' It was Angelina E. not Sarah M. Grimke, who spoke on the occasion alluded to. It was not Mrs. Chapman, but the President of the Boston Female A.S. Society, who read a portion of the scriptures. The lecture was duly advertised in the city papers to be on the subject of slavery; yet—vastly to the 'surprise' of the <xsl-text></xsl-text>Reverend <xsl-text></xsl-text>critic—'instead of lecturing on the rights of her sex, she took up the <xsl-text></xsl-text>old stale subject <xsl-text></xsl-text>of slavery'—all which was inexplicable, amazing and unpardonable conduct, to be sure! 'The old stale subject of slavery'—that sounds feelingly, as if he who utters the brutal sneer 'remembers those in bonds as bound with them'! 'Stale'—while millions are pining in hopeless bondage, and are daily robbed of their earnings in order to supply 'the means of existence' to the 'chivalrous inhabitants of the south'! 'Stale'—while the lash is falling upon woman's flesh, and chains are forging for human limbs, and the trade in slaves and souls of men is pursued to an extent that causes the foreign traffic to dwindle in comparison!—Now, doff that sacerdotal garb, thou recreant priest! Quit thy profession, thou scandal upon the press, and rare monster of a reformer—for reformer thou aspirest to be! Play the ruffian openly. In thy ears the cries of the needy and perishing, the shrieks of violated innocence, and the supplications of heart-broken, sundered parents and children, have become 'stale'!! He who is destitute of humanity, must also be lacking in veracity. Hence, the assertion, that 'a large part of the discourse was made up of low vituperation,' is a low and gross falsehood. 'There is nothing prepossessing in her appearance'—'it is rather doubtful whether any of the South Carolina lords of creation will ever seek the heart and hand of their great orator in marriage.' This—which is obviously intended as something smart and witty—is personal rudeness and vulgar slang, in keeping with that 'code of morality' to which a heartless assailant can and does subscribe. 'We felt to sigh for the poor slave.' Did you? What for? Why, that a woman should plead for his deliverance from bondage! Truly, a natural cause for unhappiness to one who makes it his profession and business to get all the fleece from the flock that he can! We have been the more severe in these strictures, in consequence of the truckling policy which has long been pursued on the subject of slavery by the editor of the 'Olive Branch.' Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.20.1838 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Poetry Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Poetry Description An account of the resource Poetry. For the National Anti-Slavery Standard. J. Oswald Murray's Poem, condemning the ministers of the Free Church of Scotland for accepting the contributions of slaveholders, altered for the candid consideration of all persons who approve of the same, while they purchase and use the products of slave labor. BY HENRY GREW. “So ye will take the vile accursed” thing, “The price of human wrongs and human tears, And then with canting sophistry,” ye sing No “treachery” in “our ears.” “And will ye stretch the hand to Southern lords, Lords of the whip and fetter, and of man;” And give the tempting gold, more choice than words, To soothe them, “if ye can.” “Ye, who so lately struck for Freedom's sake,” And vowed eternal fealty to the cause; Ye are the men who of vile gains partake, “All for a little dross.” “Even Pharisaic hypocrites of old Cast from the Temple's sacred treasury The price of blood, the stained, ill-gotten gold, The cursed Judas fee.” “But ye, the” men “of better, clearer times,” Men “of a church that <xsl-text></xsl-text>calls <xsl-text></xsl-text>itself the Free,” Receive the bloody fruits of “distant climes To share with Slavery.” “Have ye forgot the deep, condign disgrace” Yourselves “have heaped upon the” “oppressor's” “name,” “That ye so willingly assume his place And rush to share his shame?” Forget ye not “the Hero who declared” “Unto the least of these it is to me?” To pay the oppressor for his spoils, ye “dared:” Is this no “treachery?” Now do ye heap on Scotia's priests “disgrace,” Because they took the Southron's impious “gold;” Go then with them and take your <xsl-text></xsl-text>honored <xsl-text></xsl-text>place, Ye bought the spoils he sold. “Lo! in the” garments of your wardrobes, “men Will see the slave's blood with the” cotton “mixed:” On even plate of sweetened luxury “then Shall gory stains be fixed.” “And in the pauses of each” luscious round “The music of his groans shall greet your ears;” And, mingled with your offered thanks, shall sound The “dropping of his tears.” Oh! see thy brother trodden down in wo; Hear “women's shrieks” still quiver Slavery's air; Then tremble, <xsl-text></xsl-text>for the profit you bestow, Is that which keeps them there<xsl-text></xsl-text>. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.10.1845 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Department: Constitution of the Female Anti-Slavery Society of Philadelphia. Description An account of the resource LADIES' DEPARTMENT. (For the Liberator.) CONSTITUTION OF THE FEMALE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF PHILADELPHIA. ADOPTED 12th mo. 14th, 1833. Whereas more than two millions of our fellow creatures of these United States are held in abject bondage; and whereas we believe slavery, and the prejudice against color, are contrary to the laws of God, and to the principles of our far famed Declaration of Independence; and recognizing the right of the slave to immediate emancipation:—We deem it our duty, as professing <xsl-text></xsl-text>Christians<xsl-text></xsl-text>, to manifest our abhorrence of the flagrant injustice and deep sin of slavery, by united and vigorous exertions for its speedy removal, and for the restoration of the people of color, to their inalienable rights. For this purpose, we, the undersigned, agree to associate ourselves, under the name of 'The Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society,' to be governed by the following rules: ARTICLE 1. The object of the Society shall be to collect and disseminate correct information of the character of slavery, the actual condition of the slaves and of the free people of color; for the purpose of inducing the community generally, and our sisters particularly, to unite in removing this foul stain from our boasted land of liberty, and to adopt such measures as may be in our power, to dispel the prejudice against the people of color, to improve their condition, and to bring about the speedy abolition of Slavery. ART. 2. Any female uniting in these views, and contributing to the funds, shall be a member of the Society. ART. 3. The management of the concerns of the Society, and the disposition of the funds, shall be entrusted to a Presiding Officer, a Recording Secretary, a Corresponding Secretary a Treasurer, and Librarian, who, together with six other members, shall constitute a Board of Managers, whose duty it shall be, to consider and adopt the means best calculated to promote the objects in view, and report the same to the Society at each stated meeting. They shall have power to fill any vacancy that may occur in their board until the next stated meeting. ART. 4. The Recording Secretary shall keep a record of the transactions of the Society, and notify all meetings of the Society, and of the Board of Managers. ART. 5. The Corresponding Secretary shall keep all communications directed to the Society, and manage all the correspondence with any other bodies or individuals, according to the directions of the Society, or of the Managers. ART. 6. The Treasurer shall collect the subscriptions and grants to the Society, make payments according to its directions and those of the Managers, and present an accurate account of the funds at each annual meeting. ART. 7. The Librarian shall take charge of all books and pamphlets, belonging to the Society, and conform to the rules and regulations, prescribed by the Society for the management of the Library. ART. 8. The Managers shall meet once a month, or oftener if necessary, on a day fixed by themselves, and stated meetings of the Society shall be held quarterly on the 2d day in the 1st, 4th, 7th, and 10th months. The officers shall be elected annually in the 1st month. ART. 9. It is especially recommended, that the members of this Society should at all times, and on all occasions, give the preference to free produce to that of slaves—believing, that the refusal to purchase and use the products of slave-labor is one of the most efficient means of abolishing slavery. OFFICERS FOR THE ENSUING YEAR. ESTHER MOORE, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Presiding Officer<xsl-text></xsl-text>, LUCRETIA MOTT, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Corresponding Secretary<xsl-text></xsl-text>. MARGARET FORTEN, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Recording Sec.<xsl-text></xsl-text> ANN BUNTING, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Treasurer<xsl-text></xsl-text>. LYDIA WHITE, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Librarian<xsl-text></xsl-text>. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.19.1834 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource We are very glad to hear again from our correspondent 'S.B.' Description An account of the resource We are very glad to hear again from our correspondent 'S.B.' The story which he relates, may be also found in the Worcester Magazine copied from the Farmer's Letters, written, if we rightly remember, by a Mr. Dickinson, who in the same volume gives a curious description of the island and the inhabitants of Nantucket. We hope he will furnish us an essay on the gross inconsistency of those persons, who are conscientiously opposed to slavery, and yet consume the products of slave labor. What would be thought of the officers of justice, who should most rigorously punish thieves, and at the same time purchase their goods, knowing them to be stolen? What would be thought of the conduct of the Governor of New Zealand, if he should say that he did all he could to put a stop to the horrid murders committed by the natives, and should at the same time be in the habit of paying a high price for every human head, which they should bring in properly prepared and tattooed? It is a correct maxim in law 'the receiver is as bad as the thief,' the accomplice as the robber, and nothing is more evident than that slavery is sustained and perpetuated by the citizens of the free States. and by those very persons, who profess to be vehemently opposed to slavery but who are unwittingly tearing down with one hand what they are building up with the other. 'Touch not, taste not, handle not' should be written on every article known to be the productions of slave labor. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator 2: 23, p. 91