8 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Products of Slave Labor Description An account of the resource FRIEND GARRISON: I perceive among other interesting matters in the Liberator of the 10th, a communication freom Lea. H. Gause, of Pennsylvania, solisting your views and opinions isn regard to the products of slave-labor by yourself and other advocates of the anti-slavery cause. Seeing no reply in the last number, as intimated, and anpposing it to be crowded out by other matters, and having given the subject considerable reflection myself, without being able to arrive at any given point to which conscience would say, 'Thus far shaft thou coine,' (with safety,) 'and no further—and being desirous of more light, as well as others, on the subject, I should be glad if you or some others would freely express your views. Friend Gause says—'To me, there has been no anti-slavery duty more clear, than that of abstaining' (from the produce of slave labor)—and signifies that he has practically adopted the motto of 'No Union with Slaveholders'—meaning to be understood, no doubt, as giving no voluntary aid to the system of slavery whatever. Whether the writer keeps clear from any participation, and in any way from contributing to the support of slavery, because in more favorable circumstances, than many others who do not entirely obtain—or form fixed principles to abide the consequences, cost what it may—is a very different thing, in my opinion. But as that 'duty is clear' to the writer of the communication, I hope its rays will shine into the minds of all the haters of slavery. I think there are few persons, if any, in this section of the country, who have suffered more for the slave then myself; and I am yet suffering, in some degree, pressing onward to the extent of my ability in behalf of the down-trodden; and if there is any thing more that I can do, than what I am doing, to benefits the cause, I am anxious to be made acquainted with it. I have, for a long time, made use of free labor produce, when it came in competition with slave labor produce; and I often pay higher prices for the former. But, as slave produce and taxation for slavery comes in so many forms, I think it is very difficult for me to avoid participating in it altogether. For instance—I have, for the last year and a half, spent more than three-fourths of my time lecturing on the subject of slavery, in different sections of this country. Much of the food placed before me, I have reason to believe, is mixed with the products of slave labor. If I ask whether it is free or slave labor, I get no satisfactory answer. At night, the only had can sleep in is mostly compesed of the produce of slave labor. Most of the means by which I sustain myself and family, are the little profits I derive ferom the sale of anti-slavery publications, pristed on slave-grown cotton. I have a family to clothe and feed, with my limited means, which compels me to procure the cheaped articles, to meet their necessaties as well as I can and it is mixed with the products of unpaid labor. I subscribe for an anti-slavery, or say other reformatory periodical. It comes to me through a post office, managed by a slaveholder, printed on slave-grown cotton paper. I write a letter to my wife, or to you, friend Garrison I and what do I write on, but paper manufactured from cotton raised by slave labor! And it reaches its destination by the directions of a slaverholder—&c. &c. Again, if we try to evade the use of these slave grown articles, and substitute imported articless in their place, we are paying a tax to support a slaveholding government, all steeped in innocent blood, and now carrying on a disbelical war against a freeble government, for the sake of establishing parmanently the traffis in helpless men, women and children on its soil, where it had been abolished by a half civilised people. Yours, for the annihilation of slavery and war by all right means, JONATHAN WALKER. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.5.1847 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jonathan Walker Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource ORIGINAL: Slave-Grown Produce. Description An account of the resource The golden rule of our Divine Law, giver, is, "Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." Were this precept carried out practically, justice and mercy would be observed towards every human being, and a strict regard to the rights, physical, mental and religious, of every intelligent creature, irrespective of sect, sex, color, or clime. To this truth we sometimes yield a ready assent, and we liberally censure those who, through the influence of a misguided education, assume the title of ownership in man, who would reduce to chattles, created intelligencies formed like ourselves to glorify the Creator, subjecting their fellow beings to cruelties and indignities and legalized injustice at which humanity shudders, and revoltes. and mourns for the degeneracy of her race. The system of American Slavery is justly styled by the pious Wesley, the sum of all villainies, the fruitful source of innumerable vices and crimes, a system that would blight every thing lovely in the moral world, that tramples under foot God's holy law of love, and threatens to destroy our country with its pestilential, withering influence. How shall this enormous evil be met? Shall we arry physical force against it? By no means, says the disciple of the Prince of Peace, this would only be adding sin to iniquity. Let moral suasion, let the potency of Truth, be our most efficient weapons in the moral warfare, seeking for ability and strength from Him, who is mighty to direct our energies and talents in the way most consonant with His will, for its overthrow--slavery is sinful because opposed to the attributes of love and mercy. If it be a truism that what we do by another we do ourselves" are not the slave owner, the [?] of the southern plantation, virtually employed by the consumer of slave grown produce to furnish a supply of sugar, rice, cotton and tobacco? and commissioned in our stead to inflict the scorugings, extort the overtasks requisite to produce what we eat or wear of the unrequitted toil of our fellow beings. Let us imagine those who toil beneath the scorching rays of a southern sun to produce those luxuries or comforts to be bone fo our bone, flesh of our flesh. Then think ye we could unhesitatingly partake of or indulge in the consumption of articles purchased by the sighs and tears of our kindred? No, far from it, every feeling would revolt at the bare idea of the fact. To illustrate, a colored woman residing in Cincinnati, who had herself been a slave on a cotton plantation, in a conversation with a devoted and consistent Abolitionist, said, "I would never put on another speck of cotton if I could help it. Dont think I am proud Honey, it aint because I want to dress in silk, but I know how my poor sisters were whipped to make them do their tasts. They whipped my Mother to death, and my little sister they beat and pounded her head till they made her right foolish. Often have I wished that every white person who wore a speck of cotton that was stained with my blood, would drop down dead. I now know it was wicked, but many is the time I've had this wish." This woman's neck and shoulders bore the marks of the IRON COLLAR and the WHIP. And yet in this enlightened period of Anti-slavery agitation, is it not surprising to see what apathy, what indifference pervade even professed Abolitionists to the subject of abstinence from slave-grown produce? Are we not by such consumption furnishing the means for perpetuating a complicated system of inquity? Yes, a system that subjects woman, not only to cruel stripes, (but to what is infinitely more revolting to the pure spirit) to the gross indignities, to the irresponsible will of the sensual and unprincipled? Can we, in view of these dreadful realities, these undeniable truths that force themselves on us? Can we, dear friends, guiltlessly partake of their unpaid labor? Can we longer stifle the conviction of truth and justice in the secret of our suls, in relation to our poor oppressed fellow creatures? Can we consistently ask or expect the slave-owner to emancipate his slaves, in whom, perhaps the greater part of his wealth or possessions consist without any renumerations? Can we ask of him this pecuniary sacrifice, when we abolitionists, are so unwilling to make, even a trifling sacrifice in a pecuniary way, in procuring articles of paid labor? By uniformly purchasing free labor commodities, we are advancing the principles of love, justice, and mercy, and wash our hands in innocency from a participation in sustaining this unrighteous trafic. A system we are professedly associated to abolish. Let us not then occupy the absurd position of attempting to pull down with one hand, while with the other we supply all the master asks, viz. pecuniary aid to sustain and extend to an interminable period, this system of attrocities. Well may the slaveholder exclaim, "I care not for your idle denunciations so long as you furnish a market for my commodities" and laugh to scorn the hollow profession, of anti-slavery allegiance. Is it not time we should awake from our lethargy and examine the bearing this question has, not only on human rights but human life itself, and see that we are not involved in blood-guiltiness in relation to the vast expenditure of human life as is set forth by the following authentic report exhibited in a letter of David Lee Child, a distinguished Lawyer of Mssachusetts, to wit: "In 1831 the Secretary of the Treasury made a report to the House of Representatives, embracing the statements of a great number of sugar plantations of Louisiana, and other states concerning the expenses and profits of their business. There was a statement by the contral committee of the sugar-planters of Louisiana, one by a committee of the parish county of Plaquemine, containing an immense table of the expenditures and products of 20 plantations in that parish; one from the Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge; several from individuals, including the Hon. J.S. Johnson then a Senator from Louisiana in the Congress of the United States. All these with the exception of Baton Rouge society, set down the annual loss of slave property on the sugar plantations at 5 per cent. That society says 2 1/2 per cent.; but this answer in form relates to "slave property" in general, and is not confined to sugar estates. On the other hand, I have been informed that some sugar planters have admitted that they "use up" seven per cent. of their hands every year. The loss to which I refer is placed in the Secretary's report and in the communications from Louisiana, under the head of risks, decreased value, death and deterioration. The chasms thus made, are to be filled up with new cargoes and coffles from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Kentucky and Tennessee. In order to apreciate and apply these admissions of the adversary, it is necessary to consider that the annual increase of the population of the United States is about 4 per cent. in other words, the vacancies caused by death, are supplied and 4 per cent. nett gain is added, therefore on the sugar plantations of the South, a positive loss of 5 per cent. must be added to the negative loss of 7, making an outright waste of human life, or downright massacre of nine slaves to every hundred every year! The amount on the sugar plantations of Louisiana, to pass over those of Florida, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, is 3150 per annum. These are just as much murdered as if they were shot or massacred, and indeed more inhumanly, inasmuch as death by torture is more terrible." Issued by direction of the Green Plain Anti-slavery Society, 12th mo. 28th 1842. JOSEPH A. DUGDALE, Cor. Sec. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joseph A. Dugdale Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived A Philanthropist 7:21, p. 1 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.18.1843 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Advertisements Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Joseph H. Beale (Advertisement) Description An account of the resource FREE LABOR STORE. Wholesale and Retail--No. 376 Pearl Street THE subscriber informs his anti-slavery friends, that he has now for sale, a good supply of Calicoes, yard wide, and of common width, Muslins, unbleached, bleached and colored; Canton Flannel; Table Diaper; Handkerchiefs; Checks; Knitting Cotton; Twist and Filling; Batts; Candlewick; Irish Linen; India Muslins; East India and Brown Sugar in bags;--Also single and double Refined in lumps and loaves; with the different sorts of Coffee, Tea, &c. Umbrellas of different sizes, covered with free labor Muslin; Letter, Post, and Cap paper, made of linen rags. JOSEPH H. BEALE New-York, 8th mo. 25.  Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joseph H. Beale Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.4.1834 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce (Article) Description An account of the resource It is evidently wrong to pay the slaveholder for his plunder, either personally or through a series of agents, except where it is expedient, to avoid considerable loss or injury, while yet abstinents are so few as not to affect the market, for in dealing with so extreme an evil as Slavery, the expediency principle is not to be wholly rejected. But his does not apply where several can join in sending to a Free Produce depot. Our moral power depends upon our consistency. Extensive abstinence from slave-sugar inaugurated that phase of Anti-Slavery in England which proved successful. The willing consumers of Slave Produce are responsible for Slavery, and such are all who would refuse to sign the following Pledge: We pledge ourselves to promote the Free Produce Movement by all reasonable means, especially by contributions in the way of premiums, &c.; to stimulate the supply of free cotton and substitutes; and we pledge ourselves that when a number of families, suppose two millions, at home and abroad, sufficient to materially affect the slaveholders and their patrons, the manufacturers and merchants, shall have signed this pledge, we will league together in first appealing to those classes to move at once for Abolition or lose our custom; then if unheeded, in at least making an earnest trial to abstain totally and inflexibility from the staple products of Slavery. How much more noble this than to propose a "compensation" (horrid misnomer) to the slaveholder for emancipation! This, I think, would be more effectual than all other peaceable measures, though I am for carrying onward all together. L. CLOUGH. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource L. Clough Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.20.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Salem Anti-Slavery Fair Description An account of the resource The manner in which the Fair is to be conducted in Salem, as advertised below, will commend it to the approbation and patronage of all classes. May the sale of the articles be in proportion to the claims of that cause to which the proceeds are to be applied!—Then not a single article will remain unsold. <sec-title>SALEM ANTI-SLAVERY FAIR.</sec-title> The Salem Female Anti-Slavery Society respectfully give notice that their annual sale will be held at the Masonic Hall in Washington Street, (very near the eastern rail road depot,) to commence on Christmas afternoon, at 2 o'clock, and continue through the succeeding day and evening. The friends of emancipation, generally, are cordially invited to be present. No labor or sacrifice will be spared to render this sale rich, elegant, and in every way worthy of patronage. An extensive variety of useful articles will be offered, embracing almost every small article of gentlemen's, ladies', and children's wear and use. Anti-Slavery books, shells, flowers, and dolls, very splendid, some in fashionable, and others in rich, friendly attire. Rug work. Among the great variety of ornamental articles, will be found many ingenious exhibitions of slavery, in its most unkindly and touching aspects. Anti-Slavery devices and mottos of every description, in velvet embroidery, silk, bead and rug work—some articles very splendid. The refreshment stand will be found to contain every article of common, and many of rich and rare, fruit and confectionary; (free labor.) As the Society proposes to hold this fair annually, until emancipation, diligent care will be taken to secure the favorable notice of the community. The useful articles will be thoroughly made,—indifferent needle-work being suppressed. The lavishness and extravagant usages which have been practised and encouraged in some instances in fairs for benevolent purposes, will be strictly avoided. The articles will never exceed, and in some cases will fall much below the usual cost. Change will be accurately returned. The funds will be promptly appropriated to the Anti-slavery cause. In what specific manner, has not yet been considered. In behalf of the Committee, L.L. DODGE, Secretary. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.21.1838 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource L.L. Dodge Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Ladies' Fair Description An account of the resource The proposed Anti-Slavery Fair was held on Thursday, the 22d of December. The choice of that day was accidental; but it was a pleasant and appropriate manner of celebrating the Anniversary of the Pilgrims. The convenient and well-lighted hall called the Artist's Gallery, was duly prepared for our reception, and we had not the slightest reason to complain of reluctance or want of courtesy on the part of the proprietor. The Hall was filled with visitors at an early hour, and continued full until late in the evening. Very many of these were not abolitionists, but belonged to a large and increasing class of the community, who have been strongly abolitionized by Anti-Slavery efforts. Not a few of the wives and daughters of 'gentlemen of property and standing' were among the purchasers. A piece of the old oak of the Constitution was offered for sale; and we regretted that we had not placed beside it the relics of the Anti-Slavery Sign, destroyed by a Patrician Mob in 1834. Around the Hall was placed in large letters the motto: 'On this day did our FATHERS land on the ROCK OF FREEDOM; let us stand firmly on this Rock.' The cake-table was loaded with varieties of cake, made of sugar not manufactured by slaves, and near it was placed the motto, FREE LABOR, One of our friends sent a jar of deliciously fresh Grapes, and a dozen Pomegranites, accompanied by a very pleasant note, expressing the hope that 'the enslaved children of Africa might soon be enabled to sit under their own vine and fig-tree, with none to molest or make them afraid.' There was great variety in the articles, and many of them were very handsome and tasteful. The ladies have ever regarded the pecuniary benefit derived from these sales as but one of several reasons in their favor. The main object is to keep the subject before the public eye, and by every innocent expedient to promote perpetual discussion. We wish to bring Truth and Falsehood in continual juxtaposition, for we know full well that 'truth never came off the worse in a fair and open encounter.' To promote this favorite object, various mottoes and devices were stamped upon the articles offered for sale. Bunches of quills bore the label, 'Twenty-five Weapons for Abolitionists.' On the wafer-boxes was written, 'The doom of Slavery is sealed.' On one side of the pen-wipers was inscribed, 'Wipe out the blot of Slavery;' on the other, 'Plead the cause with thy Pen.' On some needle-books was printed, 'May the use of our needles prick the consciences of slaveholders;' others were made in the form of small shoes, and on the soles was written, 'Trample not on the Oppressed.' Some watch-cases bore the inscription, 'The political economist counts time by years, the suffering slave reckons it by minutes;' on others was written, 'The greatest friend of Truth is Time, her greatest enemy is Prejudice.' Small silken bags of perfume, for bureau drawers, bore the motto, 'The kingdom of heaven is like unto leaven, which a woman hid in three measures of meal, until the whole was leavened.' The iron-holders were marked, 'Anti-Slave-Holders.' Small hearts cut from a knot of white oak were called, 'Hearts of Oak for Abolitionists.' A cradle-quilt was made of patch-work in small stars; and on the central star was written with indelible ink; 'Mother! when around your child You clasp your arms in love, And when with grateful joy you raise Your eyes to God above— Think of the negro-mother, When her child is torn away— Sold for a little slave— oh, then, For that poor mother pray!' Ornamental stands for alumets, to light candles, bore the motto, 'LIGHT, whether material or moral, is the best of all Reformers.' Book-marks of various colored ribbons were printed with sentences similar to the following: 'Speak the Truth in Love;' 'Remember those in Bonds.' There were some very handsome Contribution-boxes, of bronzed copper: they were surmounted by a kneeling slave; on one side was the open Bible, and the rays that emanated from it were melting the links of a chain; on the other side was inscribed the motto, 'God loveth a cheerful giver.' The candy, and various other articles of confectionary for children, were wrapped in paper, on which were printed the following verses: Come, little ones! for the sweets ye see, Were made by the labor of the FREE; And freely to-day ye may partake, Even for the toil-worn bondman's sake! For the price you pay perchance may save From the cruel scourge some tortured slave:— (Your friends will explain how a single cent May cause the steeled heart to relent.) And year after year, as Christmas comes, With its papers of pleasant sugar-plums, Ever be careful to enquire Respecting the fact of the LABORER'S HIRE. Work-bags were manufactured in commemoration of little Med's case, decided by Judge Shaw, in a manner so honorable to himself and his country. On one side was the representation of a Slave kneeling before the figure of Justice; underneath, these sentences were printed in golden letters: 'Slavery was abolished in Massachusetts, by the adoption of the Bill of Rights as a part of the Constitution, A.D. 1780.' Slavery says of this law, 'Lo, 'tis cold and dead, and will not harm me.' Anti-Slavery replies, 'But with my breath I can revive it!' Then follows, 'The adjudication on the case of a slave brought into Massachusetts from another State, fifty-six years afterward, Aug. 26, A.D. 1836.' On the other side of the bag, the Arms of Massachusetts surmount the following lines: 'Old Massachusetts yet Retains her earlier fires! Still on our hills are set The altars of our sires! Our 'fierce democracies' Have yet their strength unshorn! And giant power shall see Its Gaza-gates uptorn.' August 26, A.D. 1836, There was a small 'Thermometer of the Heart,' fastened upon a pillar of white sugar. The glass tube was filled with rose-colored spirits of wine, which rose with the warmth of the hand. The scale from freezing point upward was thus graduated: The ladies wish to return their warm acknowledgments to friends in neighboring towns, and to several gentlemen for their kind donations and active assistance. Among these gentlemen we would gratefully remember John E. Fuller, Orra Goss, and John C. Smith. DONATIONS— East Bradford, $23,75; Lynn, $50; Amesbury, $5; Bedford, $37; Hingham, $6; Andover, $13; Haverhill, $20; Reading, in money, $5; 2 Ladies from Washington, D.C., $2; South Weymouth, $7,08; Weymouth, 6,28; Juvenile Anti-Slavery Sewing Circle, $25,61; Cambridge-port, $38. The amount of money received was $550;* and the next morning the ladies paid all that remained of their pledge of one thousand dollars to the Massachusetts Society! L.M.C Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.2.1837 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource L.M.C. (Lydia Maria Child) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Products of Free Labor Description An account of the resource THE PRODUCTS OF SLAVE LABOR. BART. Lancaster Co. Pa. 3d mo. 1847. A review of the sentiments of W.L. Garrison, on the products of slave labor, as published in the Liberator, March 5th, 1847. I have read with much interest thy arguments on this (in my opinion) important question; but instead of being shaken or convinced thereby, I have been more confirmed in my opinions in relation thereto. It appears that our first convictions were the same; mine continue unchanged. Thee says thee 'was soon satisfied' thee 'erred in judgment,' in relation to persons being directly involved in the support of the system of slavery,' who used the produce. How thee discovered that error, to me, is a perfect riddle. Thee considers 'slave-holders, slave-traders and slave-drivers are to be placed on the same level of infamy, and in the same fiendish category, as kidnappers and men-stealers'; and I would add to the list, SLAVE PRODUCE CONSUMERS, and ask no other justifications for so doing than they sentiments as published in the Liberator of 1832:--'I hold this truth to be self-evident--that no transfer, or inheritance, or sale of stolen property, can convert it into just possession, or destroy the claim of the original owner: the maxim being universally conceded to be just, that the receiver is as bad as the thief.' 'Truth' cannot change; man may, but it cannot; it is as eternal as the hills. All our ideas of justice in relation to other things confirm these statements. The non-abstainers, such as 'the Jacksons, the Phillipses, the Quincys, the Fosters, &c. need no certificate from any person, that they are as willing to bear heavy burdens in the anti-slavery cause,' &c. That is truly commendable, and worthy of imitation; but does that circumstance prove them perfect? Certainly not. There may be duties not yet seen in the light in which they ought to be seen; and I am not withoutvidence, that this is one of those duties. It has been announced, in a Clarkson anti-slavery meeting, and that, too, by a leading abolitionist, that A.K. Foster acknowledged, in his presence, that her doctrine in relation to this subject would not bear the strict scrutiny of conscience. It has been admitted by many persons, that she hindered the cause for a time; but the people, in their sober second thought, returned to their first principles. I do not wish any one to think she intended to produce that effect. She held that all ought to abstain but those who labored, like herself, for the slave, and used his labor with his consent. The idea of having the slave's consent to be murdered, to be robbed of every right, to be bought and sold, to be 'Driven like a senseless brute from day to day.' to me is perfectly horrible. The consent of the slave ought to mean the consent of justice. Wendell Phillips acknowledged (I think) the principles of abstinence, in his excellent speech delivered in Faneuil Hall, Dec. 20th, 1846. 'After all, the proud southerner is but the overseer of the plantations for the merchants of the North. Our banks discount for him, our capital sustains him, our wharves receive the ships laden with his cotton. It is Liverpool that fixes the price; his plantations are mortgaged to Northern men. He works for us; he is our slave. When they tell you to go to the South to preach on slavery, they tell you to go to the slaves; for white and black are slaves to this moneyed-eyed aristocracy,' &c. They remarks with regard to the free produce agitation, being confined almost exclusively to the Society of Friends,' seems to be unfortunate. It is well known that, before emancipation took place in England, thousands then abstained from the use of slave grown productions. But, suppose it was entirely confined at present to that Society--that circumstance would not prove it right or wrong. I think at one time, that Society stood alone in the advocacy of peace principles, and thee will not say that that fact proved it in error. I have nothing to say in favor of any church organization; I believe their creeds only serve to distract mankind, and hinder the progress of truth. 'If whatever is raised by slave cultivation, or is tainted with fraud or oppression, is to be rejected for that reason, then there is scarcely any thing in the world that it is allowable to use as pertaining to money, food and clothing.' The extensiveness of crime does not diminish its criminality; if it did, the principle of war in this country has nearly lost its criminality. When you held your enthusiastic meetings to oppose the war now waging--to pass resolutions condemning it as wicked, murderous, &c.--also to adopt a pledge, stating therein, that you would not voluntarily support the war, &c.; why did thee not, if thee wishes to be consistent, use the same language then, that thee has to us in relation to this quesiton? i.e. that it is a subject of 'comparatively small importance'--that it is wasting time upon what no man could strictly reduce to practice'--that it is so mixed up with the commerce, manufactures, currency, governments, &c. &c. 'that it would be impossible to make any vital issues' in the manner the pledge laid down? I do not approve of voluntarily aiding the war; but it seems to me, the cases are analogous. I think the currency of the country, to a great extent, is free. The fact that a slave's value has been represented by a given amount of money, no more taints the money, than it does the figures which told the sum. But all money that the slave's labor has brought into use is tainted. But suppose I admit the currency is all tainted, (which I do not,) does that prove me more inconsistent if I use it, than you are in relation to the war? You will not directly aid it, but indirectly you aid it in a thousand ways, perhaps. All I ask of you is, to set the abstinence question on the same ground. You exclaim, 'Every attribute of justice is opposed to the war,' and the same is admitted with regard to slavery; but your action is unequal. You will not, if you can avoid it, give your money to buy munitions of war; but you will buy cotton, sugar, coffee, rice, tobacco, &c. which are stained with the blood of the slave, and wet with female tears, directly from the South. The cry of 'return the blood-stained money' has been sounded through all Scotland; but some of your have said, the crime was, in not bearing a testimony against slaveholding. Why did you not rest there in regard to the war? Why did you add to your good theory, the practice? i.e. we will not buy cannon, muskets, swords, &c. for you to slaughter human beings with? In that case, you carried out your principles. I call upon you to refuse, from henceforth, to directly support slavery by purchasing the slave's labor, when you can avoid it. Send Douglass and others through this country, as you have through England, with the message--'Return the goods--they are the price of blood!' We have been told, again and again, that we are not consistent. Is consistency all we are aiming at? A man may be a perfect devil, and yet act out his profession: this is what is called consistency. I agree that we ought to be consistent with correct principles; but I see no greater obligations resting upon us, in this case, than in any other of equal importance to be so. But thee acknowledges the principle, when thee says, the proceeds of slave labor can be 'innocently used by no other person' but those who are laboring for the slave. I will leave the renders of thy paper to judge, whether they who labor for the slave, can be justified in consuming his labor for their support. But it appears to me, it would be about equal, in point of consistency, to a man justifying himself in holding slaves, because he preached faithfully against the practice. LEA. W. GAUSE Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lea W. Gause Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Liberator 17:15, p. 59 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.9.1847 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Communications. Who Does Not Pity the Slave? Description An account of the resource Communications. <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>WHO DOES NOT PITY THE SLAVE?<xsl-text></xsl-text> Who is the slave, that we should pity him? The slave! Knowest thou not, kind reader, that a slave is a man, and at the same time a chattel, a thing—the presumed property of his fellow-man—subject, like other property to be bought and sold—subject to be separated from all that is considered near and dear in life—not by death only—but by the caprice or discretion of his fellow-man. Who, then, does not pity the slave? I would that the question could be answered, “that person cannot be found.” That the poor slave is pitied—truly, and sincerely pitied, but by a very few, is painfully evident. Perhaps that person cannot be found who will say that he does <xsl-text></xsl-text>not <xsl-text></xsl-text>pity him. But where's the evidence? Certainly, it is not in saying so, and then showing no evidence in conduct. It is not in calling the war with Mexico unholy, and unjust, and instigated by the dark, demoniac spirit of Slavery, and then joining an army for the overthrow of the Mexicans, and the extension of slave territory. It is not in calling those laws cruel, and oppressive, which in their operation, imprison a Torrey, or brand a Walker, and then make no sacrifice, or <xsl-text></xsl-text>do <xsl-text></xsl-text>nothing for their families. It is not in calling slaveholders man-stealers, and then aid them to the highest official rank in our nation. It is not in professing to be an Abolitionist, and giving no other evidence of being one than pointing out the imperfections of those engaged in the Anti-Slavery cause. And I am unable to discover satisfactory evidence of any very great devotion to the cause of bleeding, suffering humanity, or genuine pity for the slave, in him, or her, who will preach, pray, vote, sing, talk, and write against Slavery, with a stolen shirt upon his back, or stolen dress upon her person, and stolen rice, sugar, or coffee, in his or her stomach. STOLEN, did I say? Yes. Worse than stolen. For, is not the paying the slaveholder for the products of slave-labor, doing more to <xsl-text></xsl-text>perpetuate <xsl-text></xsl-text>this nefarious system, than the stealing such products would? Most certainly. Charge me not with being unreasonably severe in the accusation which I have brought against those who justify this abominable iniquity. What is it that sustains Slavery; feeds it, supports it, keeps it alive? The money which thou and the multitude pay for the avails of Slavery. We read, from tolerable good authority, I think, “Go not with the multitude to do evil.” Hast thou not done so in the matter under consideration? Think of it; and “Go and sin no more.” Suppose I am the slave-owner, and my father gave me thy wife—a title to her, I mean, as my property. I have a cotton plantation, and this wife of thine labors upon this plantation—grows the cotton which is afterwards converted into shirts. A man comes to me, and says I most give up that woman, that she may go to her husband.—The fact comes to my knowledge that this agent, and the man represented to be her husband, have upon their backs the identical cotton which this woman has helped raise. What is the natural answer? “<xsl-text></xsl-text>Why, what will you do for shirts? <xsl-text></xsl-text>” More anon. LORENZO MABBETT. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lorenzo Mabbett Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.30.1846 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Fair. Description An account of the resource THE FAIR. This endeavor of the women of Boston, to replenish the treasury of the cause, has been more successful than any former one of a similar nature. The fair of 1834 produced $300; of 1835, $350; of 1836, $600; and the present one of 1837, $850. This regular increase is an index of the progress of the principles. As the movement within goes on, the <xsl-text></xsl-text>hands <xsl-text></xsl-text>are moved with it. These fairs are beneficial in another view than a financial one. They increase the interest of abolitionists themselves in a cause, which, because its principles are of universal application, cannot be <xsl-text></xsl-text>too much loved; <xsl-text></xsl-text>and they excite an interest where none before existed, in the minds of the surrounding community. Many as individual, who would never have read an Anti-Slavery publication, or entered a lecture room, has been induced by curiosity, or the demands of the Christmas or New Year's holiday, to visit this annual scene of abolition business; and has left it with a juster appreciation of the motives, and a clearer comprehension of the measures, of those whom misrepresentation has led him to misunderstand. The fair, this year, was a scene of quiet animation. It was an obedience of the triform injunction:—'Be diligent in business, fervent in spirit, serving the Lord.' In one part of the spacious vestry of the Marlborough chapel, (put in readiness for the occasion by the active kindness of Mr. Sears, to whom the fair is much indebted,) might be heard an animated discussion over the book and print table, as to the tendency of 'pictorial representations' of slavery. In another, by the table of refreshments, might be observed an equally spirited one, touching the effect of abstaining from the products of slave labor. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Here <xsl-text></xsl-text>might be seen a group of youthful faces, never before seen in Anti-Slavery regions, examining the antique modelled monumental vases, inscribed to the memory of LOVEJOY; and listening with a 'keener rush of blood' to the tale of his devotedness: and <xsl-text></xsl-text>there <xsl-text></xsl-text>, amid the confusion of gay toys, and the chat of the crowd, might be seen older and graver brows, thought-struck by the noble verses of Bulwer and Whittier, used as mottoes and inscriptions. There was a reticule with this inscription: A NEW-ENGLAND MOTHER. When Mrs. Lovejoy heard of the death of her son, she replied, 'Tis well! I would rather my son had fallen a martyr to his cause, than that he had proved recreant to his principles.'— A touching illustration of the 'appropriate sphere' of Woman. The reverse bore- ELIJAH P. LOVEJOY, a member of the ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, who was murdered defending the freedom of the Press at Altos, Illinois, November 7, 1837. 'In the evil days before us, And the trials yet to come— In the shadows of the prison, And the cruel martyrdom— We will think of thee, O brother! And thy sainted name shall be In the blessing of the captive, And the anthem of the free.' Other articles bore the beautiful prose Hymn of Mrs. Barbauld, 'Thou who sittest pining in captivity, weeping over thy sick child! though no one seeth thee, God seeth thee!'—to which so many owe it that they have, from childhood, been abolitionists in the abstract, and that they were ready to move with the grand movement to abolish it. Most of the <xsl-text></xsl-text>little <xsl-text></xsl-text>implements of housewifery were covered with appropriate mottoes and devices. When pincushions are periodicals, and needle-books are tracts, discussion can hardly be stifled, or slavery perpetuated. Some cradle quilts and other articles from friends is Reading, were finished with drawings and mottoes in indelible ink. A <xsl-text></xsl-text>pungent article <xsl-text></xsl-text>from friends in Ashburnham, demands notice for the felicitous inscription on the bag:—'The kingdom of heaven is like unto a grain of mustard-seed, which a man planted,' &c. &c. A little pair of infant's socks were marked, 'the widow's two mites.' Will those who have <xsl-text></xsl-text>but <xsl-text></xsl-text>two mites to give, recollect that the price for which these sold will circulate information and argument, whose returns of influence and effort for the slave <xsl-text></xsl-text>may <xsl-text></xsl-text>be more than all the large sums thrown into the treasury? Most of the articles met a ready sale, particularly the beautiful ones from Manchester, by Geo. Thompson; from Darlington, by A.E. Grimke; and from Glasgow, by Jane Smeal. These were a great attraction. The balance of the pledge of $1000, made by the Boston Female to the Massachusetts Society, amounting to $592, was next day paid over. Grateful acknowledgments are due to the same generous friends of the slave, who furnished refreshments and superintended the arrangements of the last year's fair—Mr. R. Goss and Mr. J.E. Fuller. The fair is also under obligations to Mr. Whipple of Newburyport, for a donation of books, and to two ladies of Boston for a well-timed and plentiful supply of raisins, cake and confectionary. The throng of purchasers during the whole two days, the constant and unconstrained decorum on the part of both buyers and sellers, the complete success of the sale, and the disregard of the degrading prejudice against color, showed by the absence of complexional distinctions, all unite to render this a most satisfactory and interesting occasion, and one which it is hoped will annually occur. M.W.C. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource M.W.C. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator 2:8, p. 6 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.12.1838 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lockport, May 13, 1855 (Letter to the Editor) Subject The topic of the resource An letter to Frederick Douglass' Paper asking for support for a free labor store in Rochester. Description An account of the resource FREDERICK DOUGLASS, ESQ.: DEAR SIR: - We have organized, in this village, a Free Labor Produce Association, and have ninety-eight names pledged to support a Free Labor Produce Store. Those names have all been obtained in this village, and but few of whom are residents in our towns of our County, where little or non effort has been made to obtain signatures to our Constitution; and if I could make the necessary effort, I have no doubt several hundred signatures could be obtained to our Constitution, who would stand pledged to support a free labor store. And now, what we want most, is some trustworthy person of sufficient capital to establish a dry goods and grocery free labor store; and I would thank you to confer with your anti-slavery friends in Rochester or elsewhere, on the subject of coming here and opening such a store, which, I think, would be well sustained. I find many who approve of the principle of giving preference to the use of free labor produce, that decline pledging themselves to abstain altogether form the use of slaver labor produce. They want to see the goods on the shelves and behind the counter, before they sign a pledge. I presume you are aware that cotton goods, manufactured form free labor raised cotton, can be obtained in Philadelphia, also from England, through George W. Taylor, of Philadelphia, who is a manufacturer of free labor cotton in Philadelphia who sent me samples of goods manufactured in England, form free labor cotton sent there by friends Taylor. These samples compare well in price and quality, with the like style of goods in the store here. I am, respectfully yours, MARCUS STICKNEY. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Marcus Stickney Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.18.1855