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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;COMMUNICATIONS.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;INTERESTING EXTRACTS.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Editor of the Liberator.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;RESPECTED FRIEND—While different religious societies are taking up the subject of slavery, it may interest thee to learn how far the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;meetings&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;of Friends are interesting themselves in what has heretofore been only an individual concern. The last Yearly Meeting of Philadelphia says, in its epistle to its members,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'The situation of many of the slaves in the southern States is peculiarly afflicting; the laws of their taskmasters are cruelly-at variance with the principles of the Lord Jesus, whose holy religion they profess. Thus, in some places, it is made a penal offence to instruct slaves in reading and writing; by which they are debarred from a participation in the benefits of reading the scriptures, although some of their oppressors consider a knowledge thereof&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;essential to salvation.'&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;The treatment of free colored persons, in some of the States, is most unjust and degrading; as by iniquitous laws they are liable to be banished from their native soil on account of their color. Among the means proposed for the correction of this enormous evil, none has appeared better calculated, in the view of many Friends, for the attainment of that object, than refraining from the use of articles which are produced by slave labor.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Epistle from the Yearly Meeting of Friends in New-York, contains the following paragraph:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'The long protracted oppression of our brethren of the African race calls for our continued sympathy; and since some of their faithful advocates have been recently removed from works to rewards, it becomes in interesting question, whether our testimony on their behalf shall decline or rise with renewed energy. The public mind is, we trust, awakening to a sense of the rights of this people; and it is deemed worthy of inquiry, whether we could not more generally, by abstaining as way might open the use of the products of slave labor powerfully plead their cause.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Hudson, N.Y.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>4.9.1831</text>
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                <text>Communications. Who Does Not Pity the Slave?</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="center" style="text-align: left;"&gt;Communications.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;WHO DOES NOT PITY THE SLAVE?&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Who is the slave, that we should pity him? The slave! Knowest thou not, kind reader, that a slave is a man, and at the same time a chattel, a thing—the presumed property of his fellow-man—subject, like other property to be bought and sold—subject to be separated from all that is considered near and dear in life—not by death only—but by the caprice or discretion of his fellow-man. Who, then, does not pity the slave? I would that the question could be answered, “that person cannot be found.”&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;That the poor slave is pitied—truly, and sincerely pitied, but by a very few, is painfully evident. Perhaps that person cannot be found who will say that he does&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;not&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;pity him. But where's the evidence? Certainly, it is not in saying so, and then showing no evidence in conduct. It is not in calling the war with Mexico unholy, and unjust, and instigated by the dark, demoniac spirit of Slavery, and then joining an army for the overthrow of the Mexicans, and the extension of slave territory. It is not in calling those laws cruel, and oppressive, which in their operation, imprison a Torrey, or brand a Walker, and then make no sacrifice, or&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;do&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;nothing for their families. It is not in calling slaveholders man-stealers, and then aid them to the highest official rank in our nation.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;It is not in professing to be an Abolitionist, and giving no other evidence of being one than pointing out the imperfections of those engaged in the Anti-Slavery cause. And I am unable to discover satisfactory evidence of any very great devotion to the cause of bleeding, suffering humanity, or genuine pity for the slave, in him, or her, who will preach, pray, vote, sing, talk, and write against Slavery, with a stolen shirt upon his back, or stolen dress upon her person, and stolen rice, sugar, or coffee, in his or her stomach. STOLEN, did I say? Yes. Worse than stolen. For, is not the paying the slaveholder for the products of slave-labor, doing more to&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;perpetuate&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;this nefarious system, than the stealing such products would? Most certainly. Charge me not with being unreasonably severe in the accusation which I have brought against those who justify this abominable iniquity. What is it that sustains Slavery; feeds it, supports it, keeps it alive? The money which thou and the multitude pay for the avails of Slavery. We read, from tolerable good authority, I think, “Go not with the multitude to do evil.”&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Hast thou not done so in the matter under consideration? Think of it; and “Go and sin no more.” Suppose I am the slave-owner, and my father gave me thy wife—a title to her, I mean, as my property. I have a cotton plantation, and this wife of thine labors upon this plantation—grows the cotton which is afterwards converted into shirts. A man comes to me, and says I most give up that woman, that she may go to her husband.—The fact comes to my knowledge that this agent, and the man represented to be her husband, have upon their backs the identical cotton which this woman has helped raise. What is the natural answer? “&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Why, what will you do for shirts?&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;” More anon.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;LORENZO MABBETT.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>7.30.1846</text>
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                <text>CONFECTIONARY--REMOVAL.--Leatitia Bullock informs her friends and the public that she has removed to No. 152 North Sixth street, below Race, opposite the old stand, where she is prepared to furnish ice creams, water ices, jellies, cakes, candies, &amp;amp;c., of every description and of the best materials, all the produce of free labor, and warranted to give entire satisfaction. Parties and families furnished at shortest notice. Orders sent to any part of the city.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>6.30.1860</text>
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                <text>Constitution of the Free Produce Association of Western Vermont</text>
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                <text>Believing that slaveholding is opposed to the sprit and tenor of the Christian religion, and mainly supported by the purchase of the productions of slave labor, were regard it our duty to abstain, as far as practicable, from the sue of such productions. With these views, and to increase the facilities in procuring goods produced by free labor, we unite in an Association under the title of the Free Produce Association of Western Vermont, and adopt for its Government with the following rules:&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 1. This Association shall consist of such persons as concur in the above sentiments, and sign the Constitution.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 2. The objects of this Association shall be not to substitute this for other modes of Anti-Slavery actions, but to take up the Anti-Slavery enterprise where the church and ballot box heave it - to carry frequent Anti-Slavery action into the family circle of each of its members, to the counter of the store-keeper, to the factory of the exchange, as unreservedly as we would make it an affair of the church, or the business or legislative bodies - to stimulate ourselves in such practical Anti-Slavery efforts as a constant recurrence ft our leading principles would induce - to adopt means for obtaining a supply of articles the production of free labor, that cannot be other wise and impolicy of slave labor, the demolition of domestic comfort, of social and religious privileges, and the destruction of human life which it occasions, and the duty of withstanding from it our support.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 3. The Association shall meet annually, and at such other times as the Board of Managers shall direct.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 4. The officers of the Association shall be a President, two Vice Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and a Board of Managers, to be appointed at the Annual Meeting, and continue in office till others are appointed.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 5. The duties of the officers of the Association shall be similar to those in other associations , (defined in the by-laws) and they shall submit a report of their proceedings forth past year at the Annual Meeting.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 6. the Association shall correspond, as occasion may require, with such similar associations as may be established in promoting its objects.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 7. This Constitution may be altered or amended at any Annual Meeting of the Association , by a vote of two-thirds of the members present.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
S. HUMPHREY, President, pro-term .&#13;
HENRY MILES, Corresponding Secretary.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Frederick Douglass' Paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>6.9.1854</text>
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                <text>Contents of the Memorial to the Queen (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>Discussion of event in England with mention of encouraging free labor</text>
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                <text>The following Memorial, which we have just received from a friend in England, will show that an important movement is now going forward in that country, for the suppression of the African slave-trade. It is highly gratifying to observe that anti-slavery feeling or England does not slumber, and that it has again opposed itself in a tangible form to the horrid traffic in human flesh, which finds no greater protection anywhere than under the American flag.&#13;
&#13;
Contents of the Memorial to the Queen.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
The Memorialists respectfully call Her Majesty's attention to the enormities of the African Slave-Trade, which they describe as in a state of great activity, notwithstanding the efforts of this Country for its suppression.&#13;
They submit that this arises -&#13;
1st, From the absence of good faith on the part of the Spanish and Brazilian Governments, which are under solemn engagements to relinquish the traffic.&#13;
2nd, From the increased consumption of slave-produce in this Country.&#13;
With a view to remedy this evil, the Memoralists pray -&#13;
That Her Majesty's Government shall use every legitimate and peaceful means for enforcing on Brazil and Spain the fulfilment of their Treaties with this Country -&#13;
1st, By the immediate abolition of the Slave Trade; and&#13;
2nd, By the emancipation of all Negroes unlawfully introduced.&#13;
The Memoralists propose an individual and wide-spread abstinence from the productions of Brazil and Cuba, and pray Her Majesty:&#13;
To exclude the same from the Royal Household.&#13;
They further entreat her Majesty:&#13;
To encourage the growth and manufacture of free -lacor Cotton, in order that it may more speedily supplant the Slave-grown Cotton of the United States.&#13;
In conclusion, the Memorialists desire that Her Majesty's reign may be signalised by the annihilation of this stupendous crime, and that the blessings of the emancipated may mingle with the congratulations of her devoted female subjects.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>6.29.1849</text>
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                <text>Convention of American Women</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;CONVENTION OF AMERICAN WOMEN.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PUTNEY, (Vt.) April 27th, 1838.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;MR. GARRISON:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Permit me, sir, through the medium of the Liberator, to address a few words to my fair country-women, who are soon to convene at Philadelphia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Though far remote in the country, I am permitted to read and hear all the movements that are making to elevate the condition of my own sex, in various ways, though more especially those who are now suffering under southern slaveholders.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;What I have to say, has been suggested to me by noticing the efforts that are making to promote the use of free labor, and by witnessing the great want of employment that is now experienced by a large class of females in this section of the country.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For several years past, the braiding of palm-leaf for men's hats, has given employment to a prodigious number of female hands; and it is almost incredible the amount that was earned, and the alacrity with which this opportunity was seized, to supply themselves not only with the necessaries of life, but with many of its comforts and superfluities. Of course, the market is now overstocked, and they are compelled, as it were, comparatively, to stand 'all the day idle.' I would therefore throw in my petition, and ask whether something cannot be done, by encouraging the working of palm-leaf into ladies' hats or bonnets? They can be wrought with great fineness and precision, and into any shape or fashion. Of the money that would thus be earned, there can be no doubt but some part of it would find its way into the treasury of the Lord, as it would enable many who would gladly cast in their mite, but now find it quite impossible.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I am well aware, however, that no movement in our favor can in reality better our condition, while the present rage for dress and devotion to fashion continues-to have its sway over us; There is a slavery and a mischief in this thing not much inferior, in its effects, to the slave trade, and as much calls for benevolent exertion. And is it not some object to remove the great guilt that now separates the rich and the poor? Can the war of God be done upon earth, as it is done in heaven, till we feel that we have 'all one Father,' and the rich and the poor meet together'?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To encourage industry in the lower classes of society, and at the same time to give your example and influence to simplicity of dress, by using our own, as much as possible, instead of foreign fabrics, must be an object worthy the attention of your Convention.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Though I shall not be present on this occasion, my spirit will be with you, and I shall look to it with great interest, as indicating the approach of the latter day glory' and as preparatory to the fulfilment of the promise which has never yet received its full accomplishment—The seed of the woman shall bruise the serpent's head.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;P. NOYES.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>5.4.1838</text>
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                <text>CORRESPONDENCE Between the Buckingham Female A.S. Society, and the Female A.S. Society of Philadelphia</text>
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                <text>CORRESPONDENCE&lt;br /&gt;Between the Buckingham Female A.S. Society, and the Female A.S. Society of Philadelphia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Buckingham. 4th of 8th mo.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;1837.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;RESPECTED FRIENDS:&lt;br /&gt;At a late meeting of the Female Anti-Slavery Society of Buckingham, a renewed interest was manifested respecting the use of free produce; and after much animated discussion on this important subject, it was unanimously agreed to address some inquiries to your Society, in relation to this concern.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We are not apprised to what extent the use of articles procured by free labor has attained; but, judging from the high price, and indifferent quality, of many kinds that we have seen, it appears very evident to us, that the demand for them must be very limited. And yet if the members of Anti-Slavery Societies are true to their principles, we should be led to suppose that there could be few who do not abstain from the product of slave labor, in many articles in daily use.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We believe that the practice of abstaining from such articles, and encouraging those which are the result of compensated labor, is not only among the imperious duties of every abolitionist, but that a neglect of it will justly subject abolitionists to the charge of inconsistency, and disqualify them for efficiently promulgating their principles. These positions, we believe, are so clear, that they require no illustration nor confirmation. We also entertain a belief that such a practice as the one alluded to, would be among the most available and powerful means of promoting the great cause of emancipation. A recurrence to the progress of this reformation will show that there are not about 1100 Anti-Slavery Societies in the United States, embracing at least 100,000 members; now if these Societies would individually, as well as collectively, use their influence to encourage the labor of free men, to the exclusion of that of slaves, can any one doubt that such influence would have a most salutary effect in promoting a market for free produce, and of course increase the supply to an indefinite extent? We wish to confer with you on this point, and inquire whether, in your opinion, more effectual means should not be employed to draw the attention of abolitionists to this subject? We the more readily solicit information, having understood that several of your members were, in years past, practically concerned in promoting this particular branch of your labors. We are aware that the results of your efforts were embodied in your reports, but these were made at a time when little attention was given to the cause in which you were engaged. We think such an exposition might satisfy many doubts relative to the practicability of obtaining free articles. I will, therefore, on behalf of our Society propound a few interrogatories.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1st. From what parts of the world are free groceries obtained? The same question in relation to the raw materials of which cotton fabrics are manufactured. And how may satisfactory information be obtained in regard to the sources from which the articles are respectively obtained?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2nd. If any Anti-Slavery Society should be a free produce association, would not such encouragement give an impulse to the market for free goods, that would eventually, if followed up, insure a triumph to free labor?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3rd. Would it not be advisable for abolitionists to patronize associations formed for the purpose of encouraging the importation and manufacture of free products?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Answers to all or any one of the above questions, would be thankfully received.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On behalf of our Association,&lt;br /&gt;MARY JOHNSON.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;REPLY&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Philadelphia, September&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;12&lt;em&gt;th&lt;/em&gt;, 1827.&lt;br /&gt;RESPECTED FRIENDS:&lt;br /&gt;Absence from home during the last few weeks, has occasioned my delay in answering your letter of August 4th. Its subject is one of importance, and should interest far more deeply than it does, abolitionists generally. We rejoice that you are considering it seriously, and trust that the influence of your example will be extensively felt. Surely they who declare it to be a heinous crime to drive the slave to his unwilling and unremunerated toil, and are rebuking in thunder tones the perpetrators of such sin, should take heed that they, in&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;deed&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;as well as in word, "despise the gain of oppression," and see to it that their tables are not spread "by unrighteousness," and their bodies clothed "by wrong." Yet it is a lamentable fact that many abolitionists will purchase the products of the slave's unrequited labor, thus&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;hiring&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;the oppressor to continue in the commission of sin, from which they are, at the same time, solemnly warning him to desist. Such inconsistency the slaveholder easily detects, and in reply to our arguments and reproofs, eagerly and triumphantly asks: "Are you not fed and clothed by the labor of slaves?" Well will it be for the cause of freedom, when our one hundred thousand abolitionists can answer, NO. We agree with you respecting the importance of calling the attention of Anti-Slavery Societies to this subject, and perhaps we cannot speak more loudly and effectually than by our example.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A Free Produce Society has existed in this city for many years, which has imported large quantities of free cotton from St. Domingo and the Southern States. It is, however, a distinct organization from our Anti-Slavery Society.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In reply to your inquiries we can inform you, that free groceries are imported from the islands of Antigua, Bermuda, and St. Domingo, from Siam, Batavia, Java, Canton, and perhaps other parts of East India. Indigo may be obtained from Bengal, Mexico, and St. Domingo,--figs from Turkey,--oranges, lemons, and other foreign fruits from the Mediterranean. Most of the free cotton used in this country, is probably imported from St. Domingo, which is able to supply a larger than the present demand. It may also be ob-from the East Indies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Respecting satisfactory information in regard to the sources from which particular articles are obtained, it is necessary to confide, in some measure, in the testimony of the merchants who import them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In reply to your second inquiry, "If any Anti-Slavery Society should be a free produce association," would it not "give an impulse to the market for free goods, that would eventually, if followed up, insure a triumph to free labor?" No doubt a large demand for the produce of free labor, whether from an Anti-Slavery Society, or any other source, would increase the supply; and when such demand becomes greater than that for slave produce, free labor will triumph. But probably before that time can arrive slavery will be abolished by other and more powerful means, and while we would carefully abstain from the use of slave produce, such abstinence should, perhaps, be regarded as a simple duty, which consistency with our principles requires, and as an evidence of our sincerity, rather than as a weapon wielded for the overthrow of oppression. If it may be, we would that this warfare should have entirely a moral aspect, and we would rather win the slaveholder with arguments addressed to his heart, and his conscience, than by appeals to his pecuniary interests. If he understands that our reason for abstaining from his fruits of the plantation, is simply because we cannot conscientiously use them, he will respect our consistency; the slight self-denial will afford him some evidence of our sincerity, and he may be thus inclined to listen with candor to arguments, from which he would angrily turn away, if he supposed that we were attempting to&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;compel&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;him to emancipate his slaves, by making their labor unprofitable.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In reply to your third inquiry;--we think it&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;is&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;"advisable for abolitionists to patronize associations formed for the purpose of encouraging the importation and manufacture of free produce." Better than to resolve themselves into such associations, which would seem to be making that an end and aim, which is only a collateral and incidental duty.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We shall be happy at any time to receive communications from you, respecting this or any other subject relevant to our work, and wish you abundant prosperity in every department of your labor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In behalf of the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;MARY GREW,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Cor. Sec.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Mary Johnson, Mary Grew</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Genius of Universal Emancipation&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;1:2, p. 91</text>
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                <text>10.1837</text>
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                <text>Debate on the Sugar Duty</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;The following remarks were made in the House of Representatives on the 5th inst.:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Mr. Taylor, of Louisiana, regretted that the House was called upon to decide upon the dangerous questions involved in this bill in a manner far too hasty for safety. He referred to the past legislation of Congress upon the subject of the tariff, and showed that the greatest increase in the production of sugar had taken place in Louisiana and Cuba, and that its greatest increase of consumption was in Great Britain and the United States. Gentlemen had said that the production of sugar In the country was not equal to his consumption; but it was his opinion that if they were well acquainted with its cultivation they would think that it was just as likely to meet the demand as any branch of manufacture.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Mr. Colfax, of Indiana, spoke in favor of free sugar; and while thanking the Majority of the Ways and Means Committee for allowing him argue for the sugar consumers before them while preparing their tariff, and for the reduction they propose to t-n percent., urged that the change should not be a partial, but an entire one. He intended that the sugar duly was not needed for revenue purposes, the treasury being already overflowing; mid that as a practical experiment, having been tried for sixty years, it had utterly failed, the crop having virtually run out. He argued that one eighth of the whole tariff receipts last year were collected from sugar and molasses, making twenty five millions of consumers pay a lax as needless as oppressive; that the total horns product was not one-sixth of the consumption; that New Orleans itself imported twenty-five million pounds of foreign sugar last year, and Baltimore forty-three millions; that the whole crop of the country was insufficient to supply the farmers of the Mississippi Valley alone, leaving the remainder of the whole country to draw their supply from abroad; that more duty had been paid on imported sugar last year than the whole amount raised in this country would have cost at Havana, and that it would therefore have been a saving to have repealed the tax and given the whole amount as a bounty to the sugar planters to consent to the repeal, that if the Chinese sugar cane recently introduced proved half as valuable as is claimed for it, sugar would not need protection any more than corn or cord wood. He expressed th opinion that if the question of free sugar was submitted to the voters of every Congressional district in the Union, not twenty out of 234 would vote no.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Weekly Vincennes Gazette&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>2.18.1857</text>
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                <text>Died. Lorenzo Mabbett</text>
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                <text>In Concord, Erie Co., N.Y., on the 5th inst., LORENZO MABBETT, an active Abolitionist and Reformer, aged 40 years. He was particularly interested in promoting abstinence from the use of the productions of slave labor, and left directions that no article of that kind should go into his coffin. He died in calmness and peace.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;20:26, p. 3</text>
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                <text>6.28.1850</text>
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                <text>DUTY OF AVOIDING SLAVE PRODUCE . - "IF the friends of freedom would abstain entirely from the use of slavegrown cotton, it would have a tendency to diminish this horrible traffic. Encourage the free -laboring farmers of the South, and decline the products of sweat and toil, and it may exert a moral influence over the slave-holder, while it will gain the good will of the poor white citizens of the South to the cause of human freedom.&#13;
&#13;
"Whatever may be the difference of opinion as to the moral right to purchase slave labor products, all anti-slavery men ought to feel the obligation to encourage the free laborer, rather than the master of slaves. And even should we pay a cent or two more on the pound or yard, we should feel that the interests of humanity demand it, and therefore do it cheerfully."&#13;
&#13;
(The above is extracted from The Crisis , a paper published at Cincinnati, and edited by an individual who was long a citizen of a Slave State.)</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>9.5.1850</text>
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