6 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Free Labor Movement (Article) Description An account of the resource FREDERICK DOUGLASS' ESTEEMED FRIENDS: I have been giving thy address at Corinthian Hall, another reading. I value it for the view it takes of the great field of anti-slavery, and that taken from the "standpoint" occupied by the Liberty party. I am at a loss to understand how any strict abolitionists can object to its principles, as defined in that address, especially if " it makes a clean sweep of slavery EVERYWHERE." The "Free Labor people" are also spoken of in that address. I felt really thankful that they were obtaining a little more attention, for the sake of their principles. Allowing the Liberty Party to e the right hand of anti-slavery, the Free Labor movement, will put in a claim to be considered one of its fingers, and, peradventure, may some day be invited to a place " up higher ." The "Free Labor people" are understood to reassert the doctrine, that slavery cannot be legalized anywhere neither in Congress nor out of Congress neither in the cotton-field nor out of the cotton-field neither in the cotton-mill nor on the counter of the store -keeper nor in anti-slavery bazaars nor on the tables nor backs of those who cry aloud, and "spare not," when they are denouncing slavery in all its ramifications. Free labor people claim the right to prefer the "higher law," that says, 'the laborer is worthy of his hire" to the "lower law," that says, "price must be consulted before principle." Accordingly, when a slaveholder offers them a bale of cotton he has whipped out of the labor of some "Uncle Tom," they say, to sell or buy, that cotton, cannot be legalized without the owner's consent that that cotton has been obtained through fraud and cruelty of the deepest tint we cannot buy it or use it without acknowledging the legality of the transaction or acting the part that is down below any respectful attention. "The hire of the laborer that has been kept back by fraud, crieth" out of that bale of cotton, and all the eloquence or arguments that expediency can use, cannot stifle that heart sickening moan! Under these impressions, they cannot go to the slaveholder with a protest against his unholy calling, or to the slave, and affect sympathy for him, and then turn round and falsify it all by becoming accomplices it the guilt. They are willing to hope that their "society is quietly doing its work;" but a part of the work it undertakes, is by no means agreeable, however necessary it may be; it is not agreeable to attempt to show, that to go before the world, with well written addresses, setting forth what some honest, thorough-going anti-slavery people did some years ago, at great personal sacrifice, and trying to make anti-slavery capital out of it, while the speakers are, at the same time, justifying themselves in purchasing stolen cotton, to run their mills upon, or fill up their stores , or ornament their person with, is mere twaddle, and can no more aid in the abolition of slavery, than the beating the wind with a fan, can drive back the tempest. They have long been converts to the doctrine so well expressed in thy paper of the 30th, ult., viz.: "Christianity does not modify or regulate iniquity. It seeks to abolish it. It is a gross reflection upon its purity, to even insinuate that it tampers, it the least degree, with any species of iniquity." Hence, they believe it to be the duty of the church to take this anti-slavery business in hand, and to see if the members of each of its branches are acting up to the principles it has after mature deliberation adopted, regardless of the plea set up by custom or convenience. Being willing to be tested themselves in this way, they see no impropriety in testing the anti-slavery of the day in the same manner, wherever it proclaims itself. We frequently meet with persons who, when we endeavor to set before them the claims of the Free Labor movement, reply, of the correctness of your principles, there can be non doubt. I admit it fully; and if you will come and open a Free Labor store in this place, I will give you my patronage; and I have no doubt you would be well sustained, if you could sell your goods as low as other goods are selling; there are a great many anti-slavery people in this place. So said the people to Robert Fulton, when he made his first attempt with his "tiny bark" on the Hudson. There can be no doubt but it would be a great accommodation to the public to travel in that way. We shall keep an eye upon you, and if you succeed, you may rely upon our patronage. But, sys Fulton, no thanks to you for such patronage; the patronage that will be useful to me is what I can feel the benefit of at the present time! Free Labor people wish to avoid censoriousness in themselves, and take no comfort in seeing it indulged by others. They intend to use great plainness of speech, without being uncourteous. They aim at calling the attention of anti-slavery people to a few facts they deem worthy of more notice than they have hitherto obtained. Cotton growing, by slave labor, and slave breeding, have grown up side by side of each other, and are believed to be ultimately connected. There is no necessity in going to slaveholders for our supply of cotton; it is believed there were nearly 100,000 bales of that a commodity raised last year, in the Southern States, by non-slaveholding planters . This cotton might have been selected, (a portion of its was,) purchased t the current price of other cotton, manufactured and sol to ultra abolitionists; and through this means the non-slaveholding planter might be made to understand that they, too, had sympathizers in the free States. There is no necessity in mixing the free grown with the slave-grown cotton, in the process of manufacturing. There is a cotton-mill now in operation near Philadelphia, under the care of respectable, trustworthy men, G.W. Taylor and others, where the free grown cotton alone is used, and where fabrics suitable for domestic use are now in the process of manufacture. With these facts before them, Free Labor people feel warranted in asking everyone pledged o the side of freedom Will the moral law sustain you in giving the preference to slave-grown cotton? In concluding my long letter, (I have not room to speak of the premiums for free -grown cotton, that will probably be paid this year by the friends of this movement,) allow me to express my desire, that all our anti-slavery organizations may be brought back to first principles. Let us have a new organization (if needful) with " no political , ecclesiastical, nor commercial union with slaveholding," for our motto ! Very restfully, thy friend, HENRY MILES, Cor. Sec'y of Free Produce Association of Western Vermont. MOUKTON, April 5, 1855. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.20.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Free Labor Movement (Article) Description An account of the resource This feature of the anti-slavery enterprise appears to be gaining friends where it is thoroughly investigated. Like all other departments of philanthropy it is beset with difficulties, real and imaginary, and those of the latter class are believed to be far the most numerous. It is presumed that no earnest friend of the immediate and peaceful abolition of American Slavery doubts the necessity of making his practice and his profession agree in all practicable cases, if he would have his remonstrances produce the effects he desires. He must perceive the depreciating effect upon the force of his argument addressed to the actual holder of slaves which a voluntary participancy with him in the convenience of slaveholding would unavoidably produce . He does not need to be informed that the money patronage which the slaveholder receive in return for the produce of the labor of his slaves greatly outweighs in many cases the verbal arguments directed against this system. The abolitionist that reflects upon the subject in this manner sees the necessity of going to the slaveholder with hands as clean as he can possibly make them. And wherever a slaveholder, yielding to the pressure of those arguments or to independent reflection, resolves to step across the line that divides Slavery from Freedom, the abolitionists feels bound to recognize the change to extend the hand of friendship to him, not only ecclesiastically and politically, but also commercially by giving him the preference before his neighbor who persist in the opposite course. A glance at the history of slave-breeding and cotton growing in the United States shows him they have been closely connected that the money patronage the slaveholder received in one year (1853) amounted for the article of cotton alone to near $120,000,000. A little further investigation, and the necessity of contributing to his patronage under which he has believed himself laboring in some particulars, entirely disappears . He learns that nearly 100,000 bales of cotton have been of late annually produced by free labor in America, of this 800 bales were sent into the market last year by German planters in Texas. That from the all the accounts from these non-slaveholding planters, we learn, that they are watching with much interest the demonstration of sympathy for them in the preference that may be given to the production of their labor, and they are holding themselves ready to respond to the demand that would follow that preference. One hundred thousand bales of free labor cotton would give one hundred millions of yards of cotton fabrics of various qualities, sufficient, it is supposed, for an ample supply to every abolitionist that has an Anti-Slavery Backbone. Then we have one cotton mill in operation in Ohio, and another in Pennsylvania under the charge of trustworthy men, in which nothing but free grown cotton is to be used; and with ordinary management, and the support which abolitionists can give them, the necessity for wearing a slave grown cotton shirt will be reduced to half a cent per yard, or two cents per shirt. Next we have the efforts that are being made for procuring flax from the hitherto unvalued flax-straw, produced in growing flaxseed, and the noble contribution to the stock of free labor productions brought into the market by the Fall River Linen Co. With these things before us, we regard the necessity for using Slave-grown cotton as simply imaginary. The coming Anti-Slavery Convention, it is hoped, will not pass over without some attention to his subject.* For the argument in favor of this moment and other particulars see Burrett's Citizens of the World , published by G.W. Taylor of Philadelphia. HENRY MILES, Cor. Sec't Free Produce Ass. Of Western Vermont. * It will be seen by the following resolutions that the convention did give attention to his important subject. Whereas , the Non-slaveholding planters of the South deserve the sympathies of abolitionist; and, whereas, these sympathies can, in many cases be most effectually extended through the medium of commerce; therefore, Resolved , That it is desirable to manifest our sympathies for such planters, by encouraging the culture of free labor productions, in preference to those produced by the labor of slaves. That we regard the German Settlers in Texas, and elsewhere, who are cultivating the soil by their own free labor, as especially deserving our approbation; and the eight hundred bales of cotton produced in Texas, last year, as an indisputable argument for free labor in the South. That we look with interest upon all well-directed efforts, in the non-slaveholding states, for raising products that may successfully compete with slave-products, and we regard it as particularly desirable that the culture and manufacture of flax, by free men should, if possible, be brought into successful competition with slave-grown cotton. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.21.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource New York; 6.1.1853 (Meeting) Description An account of the resource From the N.Y. Tribune. Free Produce. MEETING OF THE "FREE PRODUCE ASSOCIATION OF FRIENDS OF NEW YORK, YEARLY MEETING." To the Editor of the N.Y. Tribune This association wes its existence to a belief entertained by its members in the doctrine: "Who gives the motive makes his brother's sin his own"; and under this belief they feel bound to withold the money patronage that operates as such a powerful motive to the slaveholder to retain his hold upon the slave, regardless of the remonstrances so frequently addressed to him. They believe that it is equally correct to say "the demand is parent of the supply," when applied to the commercial intercourse existing between the slave holder and the consumers of slave-grown productions as in the most familiar illustration of that maxim--"that Cotton growing and Slavery are cause and effect, and that the growth of the latter has been coincident with the consumption of the former." And in these resolutions they are strengthened by a part of the discipline of their own religious body, viz: "Friends are advised to avoid any act by which the right of Slavery is acknowledged." Under these convictions they are seeking for opportunities to supply themselves with such dry-goods and groceries, the produce of free labor, that are generally the result of slave labor. They do not flatter themselves that the few hundred dollars they are employing in this way will do much toward overturning the gigantic institution they desire to see abolished, but if by these means they can enable some others as well as themselves to dissolve the guilty partnership existing between the producrs and consumers of slave-grown productions, their labor will note be in vain. The meeting was held at the Friends meeting-house, Orchard-st. on the evening of the 1st. inst., and attended by Lewis Tappan of this City and Samuel Rhoades of Philadelphia, both of whom addressed the meeting and furnished information of a highly interesting character, confirming the statements, in The Tribune of the 30th. and other papers, relative to the favorable views entertained by Prof. and Mrs. Stowe, of this place, of carrying out the resolution to have "No union with slaveholders." The members of the Association are no friends to coercive measures, but they claim the right of refusing to purchase the mutton of stolen sheep, and of exercising the same privilege when the blood-stained cotton of Slavery is offered to them, and of supplying their wardrobe and their tables with the cotton, sugar, or rice, the result of paid labor. In their humble effort to make their practices agree with their protestations against Slavery, they are cheered by the favorable reception the plan is receiving in England and in many parts of the United States. The annual report of the Association contains some interesting details, which the limits of a newspaper will probably exclude. If the friends of the slave is in earnest in his resolution to have "No union with slaveholders," let him touch not, taste not, handle not the productions of slave labor. H. Miles Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Anti-Slavery Bugle 8:39, p. 1 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.18.1853 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Produce (Article) Description An account of the resource FREE LABOR PRODUCE Monkton, Vermont, 9th mo. 2d, 1853 ESTEEMED FRIEND:--I have been a member of the Free Produce Association of Friends of N.Y. Yearly Meeting for some years, but regret we have to report, year after year, of the existence of so much apathy amongst those that it is reasonable to expect would manifest the opposite--that is, interest. It is now gratifying to observe others are taking the subject in hand. The "Wesleyan" is discussing it, the "Burlington Courier" admits an article occasionally in support of the doctrine of abstinence; and thinking people hereaway are beginning to inquire if there is not some other way by which they can procure cotton than by going to the slaveholder for it? The "Non-Slaveholder" is curculated here, and is doing good; may be it will be enlarged some day, so as to do more good. Some of the friends of the free labor movement are desirous of carrying their views more thoroughly into practice than they can by individual action alone. They are beginning to think the "outsiders" might have a free labor association. I have written to Gerrit Smith on the subject, and he has returned me a favorable answer, and has sent my letter to F. Douglass's Paper. The proposition is to form an American Free Produce Association, admitting all that are willing to conform to the conditions of membership, to raise a little capital for investment in free labor goods, cotton especially, and have it manufactured, so as, if possible, to offer it at the price of that from slave labor cotton. I am induced to make this application to three, believing the Pennsylvania Freeman has heretofore advocated this plan of antislavery action, for information in relation to it, viz: Is the "American Free Produce Association," that has held its meeting in Philadelphia, still in being? Is it aiming at extending its influence into ts or other regions? If it has suspended its operations, would it be desirable to reorganize upon a plan that would admit all those friendly to it, &c.? Its constitution and such other statistics as thee thinks would be acceptable to us here, will be thankfully received. Allow me to inquire, also, do not the labors of our transatlantic friends in this department increase the inducement for exertion on this side the ocean? And do not the plans developed in the "Cotton Plant" against us give an additional inducement? The best apology I have at hand for this communication, is a desire to co-operate in my feeble way with those laboring for the abolition of slavery. I remain, respectfully, thy friend. HENRY MILES Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Pennsylvania Freeman X/IX: 42, p. 166 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.20.1853 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter from an English Gentleman to Gerrit Smith, Esq. Description An account of the resource Letter from an English Gentleman to Gerrit Smith, Esq. --- GERRIT SMITH: RESPECTED FRIEND: - I feel persuaded that a lengthened apology will not be required of me for this communication. I still feel anxious to observe proper courtesy, while I introduce myself (I hope not for notoriety) and my subject to thy attention. Although not American by birth, I have been long enough in this country, with a large family of children, to believe I am very much American by adoption, though now exclusively so, or I still think I can, without committing an act of treason against my adopted country, entertain the sentiment. "England, with all thy faults, I love thee still," I have for many years believed that my Anti-Slavery principles require me to desist from expending what little patronage I have to bestow upon dealers in slave grown produce, and have labored, in my feeble way, to spread "Free Labor" doctrine. I never supposed myself alone in this sentiment. I now find individuals here and there that have the same views; among these, I reckon my highly esteemed friend, Lewis Tappan, and others. I paid a visit to my friends in England in 1850. When their, I attended several meetings, and took a little part in some, at which Dr. Pennington of New York, was the principal speaker in favor of the free labor movement. I was delighted to find the movement so well approved by many that I conversed with, Joseph Sturge amongst them. Thou knows, probably better than I do, to what extent it is received at the present time in that a country, and the extent of the preparations now making to facilitate its more full development. I learn from good authority that there is ca considerable amount of free grown cotton produced in this country; there certainly is, in this country, too, an increasing demand for it when manufactured, and it seems folly to send it to Manchester to have it converted into clothes, while we have the ills suitable to the work here. I am much inclined to the belief that could the scattered friends of this movement be brought under proper organization, and concentration of their efforts and friends, a large amount of free labor cotton could be procured and the demand increased. Thou knows that individuals, as such, can do but little; that to effect anything of moment, we must have the organization and concentration of our peaceful forces, which may be done, I apprehend, without opening our influence, politically or ecclesiastically. I have been invited to address my neighbors on this subject, which I purpose doing, as soon as I can get the statistical information I am in search of. I can avail myself of the assistance of the "Non-slaveholder," and occasional hints in other newspapers. I am glad to find the "Wesleyan,' is taking up the subject. Fact sand arguments weigh most with some people; with others, the authority of a name is more regarded. J. Wesley Loguen, from Syracuse, has been in this neighborhood, collecting funds of the underground railroad. He informs me that the slaves friend, Gerrit Smith, is a consistent advocate of the Anti-Slavery- enterprise, and assured me I could get his, the approval of our movements, as well as some statistical information of value to us and advised me to write thee, as I now doing. I have seen rice and cotton growing by the aid of free abolitionist in the south eastern counties of Virginia; and, as Napoleon Bonaparte said he could march an army where two men could walk abreast, I cannot see why the little cannot be converted into much, by proper management. Allow me to press upon thy consideration the propriety of our organizing as "The American Free Produce Association;" of holding a Convention during the fall or winter, at some convenient locality. Let us have a demonstration that there is dome "resolution in our resolves," to have no Union with slaveholders, politically, ecclesiastically or commercially. It thou would counsel me in relation to this, I shall esteem in a great favor; and I trust that however feebly I may use it, it will to be productive of harm to any one engaged in a lawful occupation. Waiting thy reply, I am, with high regard, thy friend, HENRY MILES. MONKTON, Vermont, 9th month, 12th, 1853. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.30.1853 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Come and Look Through My Telescope (Article) Description An account of the resource "COME AND LOOK THROUGH MY TELESCOPE." Galileo . Frederick Douglass' Paper of the 19th, has in it, to me, the usual amount of articles of interest and instruction the editorial of W.J. Watkins not the least among the number. I have borrowed his figure, and am willing to look through Galileo's telescope. The first thing I see is a party of warmhearted abolitionists of Great Britain that have contributed funds for the benefit of free colored persons of the United States; of this fund, after passing through the hands of a distinguished friend of that proscribed class, a part is placed in the hands of a Philadelphian, very much their friend too (Samuel Rhodes) better known to some of the contributors to that fund that to G.T. Downing, and who has till now been regarded as devoted to their best interests. Now some one steps up and puts a piece of smoky glass before the telescope, and now everything looks deformed. I turn it towards Miss Miner and her school; she looks like a full blooded colonizationist, her scholars grown up and gone to preach the Gospel in Africa or elsewhere and S.R. Giving her countenance in all this. (Afflicting sight.) I turn it upon G.T. D., and he looks very unfriendly upon Oliver Johnson, William L. Garrison, and some others of the same school, and they all look forbidding then away with your smoky glass your "jaundice eye." Now with clearer field glass, I turn it towards the South there is Legree laughing in his sleeve as he gathers up a pile of money from his table. Why that sarcastic smile upon his countenance? He has just finished reading Wendell Phillip's lecture on Slavery, and is saying to himself that Phillips is more than half right those Northern abolitionists have, for these twenty-five years been trying to touch off their Quaker gun with one hand, and for twenty-five years, with the other have they been adding to this pile of money I reckon they believe us mighty stupid to pay more regard to their counsel than to their cash . By turning the telescope a little further up it reveals the channel through which that pile of money has reached him it has come from that ultra abolition State Massachusetts the land where "No Union with Slaveholders" was born that is not political or ecclesiastical union but where Commercial Union with them, the most precious of all to them, is maintained with almost religious exactness. Turn it a little further, and there is brought into view a long train of anti-slavery cotton spinners and store-keepers doing their part towards completing the connection between Legree and his remote customers, and pocketing their share of the spoils. I now turn it toward Rochester , Syracuse, and some other places where anti-slavery zeal glows the warmest, and what do I find? Some of the sources from which has spring that mighty river of patronage so indispensable to the Slaveholder and now annually worth near 140 millions of dollars. I listen to the eloquence of the one lecturer to the pathos of another to the tale of woe more strange than fiction then take up my telescope and see the bloodstained cotton upon their backs. I see the throngs of listeners, melted down with pity for the down-trodden victim of oppression weeping away the tear of sympathy, and yet, to all appearance, unconcernedly, partaking of tropical productions that have been wrung from the trembling limbs of the very objects of their compassion. But my telescope reveals bright spots as well as dark ones it shows me the free laborer of the South, willing to supply the abolitionists of the North with free grown productions, and able to do it (including cotton) far beyond the present demand for articles of that character. I can see the business channel, under the care of prudent, conscientious men, through which this anti -slavery cotton can reach anti - slavery people. I can see the Free Produce warehouse in Philadelphia, and the free cotton manufactory not far away form that city the thousands of earnest philanthropists scattered over the country who are able to do much toward turning the tide of patronage from the slaveholder into a more legitimate channel, and last but not least, I can see the conviction deepening in the minds of those philanthropists, that what they do with clean hands is doubly, nay, trebly done. Now, if G.T.D. would like to make use of my telescope to peep at S.R. with, or to know upon what principles it is constructed, I would recommend to him the reading of the Citizen of the World, edited by Elihu Burritt, and which succeeds the periodical to which R.R. alludes. "Come and look through my telescope," says Consistency. HENRY MILLS. MOUKTON, Vt., 1 mo. 29, 1855. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Mills Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.9.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource MESSRS EDITORS Description An account of the resource From the Genius of Temperance. MESSRS EDITORS, There are thousands upon thousands who are inquiring at the present time, what can be done to overthrow slavery. They are anxious to do something, but what to do they find not. I will therefore propose a measure which, if adopted by all who wish to see slavery done away, will produce the desired effect—a measure which could be very easily adopted—which would cost neither blood nor treasure—and which surely will be adopted, if people care one half for the subject which they seem to do. The measure is this:—to practice 'total abstinence' from slave productions. Let free labor stores be established, and let the opposers of slavery patronize them, rather than others. In order to this, let Anti-Slavery Societies be organized, after the manner of Temperance Societies, and thus let the friends of the cause act in concert. Let there be Anti-Slavery Agents employed to scour the free states, and rouse up the people to the great measure of 'total abstinence' from the productions above mentioned. And it is self-evident, that if the market for slave productions should cease, slavery itself must cease. Now, Messrs. Editors, there must be a beginning somewhere in this movement; and where in all this country, could it begin better than here, in this commercial metropolis? I do therefore propose, that an Anti-Slavery meeting be called forthwith, for the purpose of adopting such measures as in their opinion will tend to overthrow slavery. And who can tell but such a meeting would be the commencement of a movement that would result in the accomplishment of this great object? Let us at least 'TRY.' HUMANITAS. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource HUMANITAS Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.26.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Products Description An account of the resource MR. EDITOR:—It is under a most solemn sense of duty and the love of God, that one, who has passed through great personal and family trials, for pleading the cause of the slave, and who may have still greater ones in store , now addresses you, earnestly desiring to strike one blow more, (may God make it effectual!) to subserve the all-important cause of crushed and bleeding humanity. For your serious and prayerful consideration, I shall make the following inquiries or suggestions. 1. If sugar, molasses, rice, cotton, and tobacco were produced by free or compensated labor alone in these United States, (or, if you choose, to estimate throughout the world,) what would be now, or have been, for the last 10, 20, or 50 years in these New-England States, the prices in market for these commodities? 2. As it has been, and is now, in point of fact, for a specified time, what is and has been the cost of the productions to New Englanders, on an average? 3. Will not the result show conclusively, how much, if any, we are actually in debt to the slave who have used these articles made cheaper by tears and blood, than they would otherwise have been? 4. If we have bought these articles, because we thought it more convenient than to obtain them by compensated labor, or to dispense with them entirely—however unintentional or unconscious of it, we may have been—are we not justly chargeable with the most direct and gross injustice to the slave, (in so far,)—and does it not become us most solemnly to confess, especially to God and the slaveholder, this our error and our sin, and henceforth to lay out or lay by, or let upon usury for the slave all the profits of slavery that we are conscious of now or hereafter possessing; praying the slaveholder to go and do likewise—not only rendering the slave himself, but his stolen goods, the property of his own acquiring. The foregoing was written some weeks since with the expectation of sending it then to the editor of the Liberator; but, since that time, I have read several accounts of attempts being made to establish a free labor system among the anti-slavery ranks from the National Anti-Slavery Standard. I am one of those who desire to purchase or use only the products of free labor, so far as I can know or obtain them hereafter; and, at the present, I am not quite sure that slave produce can be obtained at a less price than free labor produce, under the same or similar circumstances. Perhaps these items may be worth reviewing, though the reader may discover nothing new or striking to his own mind; and he is at liberty to use them as he sees fit. Yours for universal liberty, J.C.C. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource J.C.C. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator 11:19, p. 2 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.7.1841 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Productions. Description An account of the resource In our advertising department, our readers will find the card of our friends Hoag & Wood, 377 Pearl street, New York. Having recently had the pleasure of looking over their large assortment of excellent goods, we feel more than willing to recommend them to all who would prefer to encourage free rather than slave labor. To decided advocates of universal freedom, it would seem scarcely necessary to speak of the propriety of a discrimination of this nature. Were all the professed friends of Freedom in the United States to unite in refusing to consume or traffic in the productions of slave labor, it can scarcely be doubted that such a refusal would directly affect the market value of these fruits of toil unrequited. The effect of the refusal of the Society of Friends and others in Great Britain to consume slave-grown sugars in hastening the abolition of the slave trade and slavery, itself is matter of history. The personal example, moreover, has a moral power, which is by no means to be overlooked. The Diary of the late excellent William Allen, the friend and coadjutor of Clarkson and Wilberforce, contains the following entry, made when its author was but nineteen years of age, and to which he steadfastly adhered for forty-five years, until the complete abolition of British colonial slavery: "When I reflect upon the tyranny and oppression exercised by my countrymen towards the poor Africans, and the many thousands yearly murdered in the disgraceful slave trade, I can but be a zealous opposer of slavery; and, indeed, I have been so for a long time, as far as lay in my power; yet one step further may be taken by me, which is wanting to COMPLETE my testimony in this respect, and which, if universally adopted, would inevitably put a stop to this enormous evil--and that is, disusing those commodities procured by the labor of slaves. And as sugar is, undoubtedly, one of the chief, I resolve, through Divine assistance, to persevere in the disuse of it until the slave trade shall be abolished." A pleasing instance of the influence of this testimony on the part of William Allen is given by the editors of his "Life and Correspondence." "When George W. Alexander visited Holland in 1844, to promote the abolition of slavery by the Dutch Government, P. Elout, a judge, and person of high consideration at the Hague, in conversation on the subject of slavery, said 'It is to William Allen I attribute all I have felt and done for the cause of the slave. When he was at the Hague, many years since, I was invited, together with a number of serious individuals, to take tea with him. I was then quite a youth. He took no sugar with his tea, which surprised me. I was more surprised by the reason he gave for this. He told the company that he had long abstained from the use of it, because he could not, wth peace of mind, partake of that as a gratification, for which thousands of innocent people were compelled to labor in cruel and hopeless bondage. I was struck with this example of self-denial, by so great a man as I thought him to be, in a thing so seemingly small in itself, and I was led to consider how great must be the evil of a system which could make so deep and so religious an impression upon his feelings. From that period my own sentiments have been engaged in the cause of the negro, and my efforts given to procure their emancipation in the colonies of Holland.'" It gives use pleasure to learn that efficient measures are in train to ascertain the amount of cotton, sugar, rice, &c., now cultivated in the United States by free or paid labor, and to procure, as far as may be, a supply of such products, to meet the growing demand for them. The non-slaveholders of the South--the poor white laborers--who have hitherto found it difficult to compete with their slaveholding neighbors, will not fail to see the advantage of this movement to themselves. The editors of the "Non-Slaveholder," in a recent article on this subject, state, as the result of actual investigation, that a large amount of free-grown cotton is already produced in the Southern States. "Let it," they say, "be selected to the exclusion of the slave-grown, by the friends of the slave, at a slightly advanced cost, if necessary, and the energies of the millions of non-slaveholder who are now degraded and oppressed by a small slaveholding oligarchy, will be aroused and stimulated to exertions which, directly and indirectly operating on the interests and the conscience of the slaveholders, and combined with foreign action and a similar course in respect to the other staple productions of slave labor, will unquestionably put an end to slavery and the slave trade." J.G.W. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Era 2:65, p. 49 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.30.1848 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource J.G.W. (John Greenleaf Whittier) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Poetry Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Farmer (A Song) Description An account of the resource A farmer's life is the life for me, I own I love it dearly; And every season, full of glee, I take its labors cheerly - To plough or sow, To reap or mow, Or in the barn to thrash, sir, All's one to me, I plainly see 'Twill bring me health and cash, sir. The lawyer leads a harass'd life, Much like that of a hunted otter, And 'tween his own and others' strife, He's always in hot water - For foe or friend, A cause defend, However wrong, must he, sir - In reason's spite, Maintain 'tis right, And dearly earn his fee, sir. The doctor's styled a gentleman, But this I hold but humming; For; like a tavern waiting man, To every call "he's coming" - Now here, now there, Must he repair, Or starve, sir, by denying - Like death himself, Unhappy elf, He lives by others' dying. A farmer's life, then, let me live, Obtaining while I lead it, Enough for self, and some to give To such poor souls as need it. I'll drain and fence, Nor grudge expense, To give my land good dressing - I'll plough and sow, Or drill in row, And hope from heaven a blessing. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource J.J. Barker; Sung at a meeting of the Agricultural Society at New Brunswick Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Colored American Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1839.08.31