6 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Department. DIALOGUE. No. II Description An account of the resource LADIES' DEPARTMENT. For the Liberator. <xsl-text></xsl-text>DIALOGUE. No. II. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Ella. <xsl-text></xsl-text>It would have reflected greater creditors Pennsylvania, if, instead of countenancing a bill introduced into the State Legislature, for the removal of free persons of color, a liberal appropriation had been made for procuring raw cotton, cultivated by freemen; and establishing a manufactory for that description of cotton, to the exclusion of all other;—also for the offering of premiums for free rice, sugar, &c.; this would have been going forward and foremost, as Pennsylvania always should. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Anna. <xsl-text></xsl-text>How patriotic! Surely the forests of Pennsylvania must be congenial to the growth of female lawgivers. As for the appropriation, men may settle that; I meddle not with legislation; but seriously, does Ella really think, that her self-denial will effect the emancipation of one slave? will cause less sugar to be made, less cotton and rice grown? I admit, that if the whole United States were to adopt the plan, some good might be done; but what beneficial effect can be produced by the efforts of a few in Philadelphia, in Chester County, and New-York, is I confess beyond my comprehension. <xsl-text></xsl-text>E. <xsl-text></xsl-text>I am in a mood too serious, Anna, to feel sarcasm, much less return it. Were I possessed of the positive knowledge that my abstinence would not cause the least diminution is the toil of the slave, nor hasten his liberation; that would not justify me in evil doing. If slavery in the abstract is wrong, (and that we none deny,) it is certainly wrong in any way to countenance, or support the system. Which of us would tell the drunkard that ardent spirits will debase his mind, and destroy his constitution, but his becoming temperate cannot cause the distillation of one gallon less of spirits, and therefore, unless the whole community would at once refrain from using it, he may as well indulge his love of strong drink; the one that would hold such language to a drunkard, may with impunity advance similar to an abolitionist:—every thing must have a commencement my dear Anna, look back only a few years when abstinence was counted a strange thing, when a proposition to have formed a 'Free Produce Society' would have been regarded as the fantasy of a disordered imagination. We do not know but that the little leaven hid in Philadelphia, may continue to increase, until public opinion be completely revolutionized, and not a defendant of the atrocious system be found in the Union. <xsl-text></xsl-text>A. <xsl-text></xsl-text>I should rejoice at the annihilation of slavery, provided the lives of the white inhabitants might not he endangered thereby—but if the slaves ever are emancipated it must be through legislative interference, and that should not concern us, as the enactment of laws belong only to men. I would not endeavor to dissuade my friend from attending to apprehended duty, but would have her guard against cherishing an enthusiastic zeal that may cause her to forget the sphere in which we move, is circumscribed, 'Or deviate from the course decreed, That woman should pursue.' <xsl-text></xsl-text>M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>On my brother's plantation I know the slaves are better off than the free colored population of this state. The life of a slave is not so wretched, his wants are provided for, and he is contented. <xsl-text></xsl-text>E. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Oh! Mary, say not so! tell me not that a man deprived of his liberty can be contented, can be other than miserably wretched. I doubt not but G----- uses his slaves more humanely than many Virginia planters, but while he refuses to restore to them their just rights, (excuse me Mary,) he stands on a level with W-----k the notorious dealer in live stock in a neighboring city. And while we contend for the manumission of the slave, we forget not that the free man of color is disfranchised of his right as an American citizen, without even the imputation of a fault. Thanks, Anna, for the caution,—far from me be fanaticism, but further still, a callous indifference to the misery that surrounds me, to scenes of woe, though distant, always near. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Elizabeth. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Though silent, I have not been inattentive to your conversation; it is therefore with reluctance that I interrupt by reminding you of the hour, perhaps I may have the pleasure of meeting you again. BERA. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.15.1832 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bera Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Strange Occurence Description An account of the resource The following communications are from a source upon which we place great confidence. If the statement be true, relative to the body found in the hogshead of molasses, speculation will be busy in deciding upon the mode and intent of its incarceration. A gentleman of this city informs us, that, in 1816, he saw a human head taken from a hogshead. of molasses on one of our wharves, probably belonging to a slave who had been murdered by his owner or overseer. While we resided in Baltimore, a lady found the finger of a colored person in her sugar dish, an engraving of which was made for the Genius of Universal Emancipation. What horrors cluster around the slave system! <xsl-text></xsl-text>For the Liberator<xsl-text></xsl-text>. A STRANGE OCCURRENCE. There was lately sold, by a merchant in this city, to a gentleman in Bristol, Ct. a hogshead of molasses, which, on opening, was found to contain <xsl-text></xsl-text>the <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>body of a colored man!! <xsl-text></xsl-text>— but how he got therein, no account is given. To our surprise, they are trying to keep it a secret in this city. We therefore leave you to make such comments on this singular affair as you may think proper; but, in our opinion, it is a murder most foul. We think that this will be a pertinent text for the advocates of Free Produce. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Hartford, July <xsl-text></xsl-text>21, 1831. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.30.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abstinence from Slave-Grown Produce Description An account of the resource ABSTINENCE FROM SLAVE-GROWN PRODUCE.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Adin Ballou, of Hopedale, thus handles the Free-Produce question, in the Practical Christian: In another column will be found a communication from Charles Cadwallader, calling our attention, and that of the Hopedale Community, to the question of duty in respect to the consumption of slave-grown productions. He refers us to our Declaration of acknowledged duties, and invites us to consider whether we are not aiding and abetting slavery and the slave-trade by purchasing for our use the various articles of slave production. It is very surprising to our Pennsylvania friends, and those generally who are scrupulously conscientious against the use of slave-grown produce, that so many of the New England Abolitionists remain comparatively indifferent, to this matter. It seems to them that we are partaking in the sin of slaveholding by purchasing and consuming the articles they iniquitously force their slaves to produce, and that we are strangely blind not to see it. On our part we sincerely respect their scruples of conscience, and above all their fidelity to those scruples, and yet have been unable to perceive, with our degree of intellectual and moral light, the forcible reasons, or to feel the moral convictions they do against using the produce in question. This may be owing to obtuseness of judgment, or obliquity of moral sentiment, and therefore we are admonished to examine the subject, and to search ourselves more thoroughly, that we may be sure of our duty in the matter. Nothing is more common than for men, in the main intelligent and conscientious, to overlook or disregard the nicer applications of their acknowledged moral obligations. It is astonishing how blind and mistaken good men sometimes are with respect to particular duties. Considering these things, we welcome friend Cadwallader's communication, and desire with open convictions to state our views of the subject he presents. We think we may venture to say that the members of the Hopedale Community would generally abandon the use of slave-grown produce, if they should be rationally convinced it was their duty. We are now sufficiently convinced that it would be sinful in us to unite with slaveholders religiously, politically, or socially; i. e. in <xsl-text></xsl-text>Church<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>State<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>community<xsl-text></xsl-text>, or in <xsl-text></xsl-text>marriage<xsl-text></xsl-text>. We are also convinced that it would be sinful in us to sell anything to them, or buy anything of them <xsl-text></xsl-text>peculiarly <xsl-text></xsl-text>belonging to the system or state of slavery as such; i. e. any article which would not be equally proper and useful in a state of freedom as in a state of slavery. We are furthermore fully convinced that it would be sinful in us to trade or hold any intercourse, however innocent in itself, with slaveholders, the express condition, or legitimate tendency of which, under the circumstances, should be to render us dumb on the subject of slavery, or to indispose us to testify against it. If we could not trade with slaveholders in articles suitable to a state of freedom, or could not preach, or teach school, or practice medicine, or publish books and papers for them without being <xsl-text></xsl-text>obliged <xsl-text></xsl-text>to be silent concerning the sin of Slavery, or to wink at the wickedness of it, we should be bound to keep utterly aloof from all such dealings and intercourse with them. This duty is founded on a principle of universal application—viz: that we are never to compromise with obvious evil doing. That there is a vast deal of mercantile and other intercourse with slaveholders which is maintained by a sacrifice of principle, for the sake of temporal advantage, is lamentably true. Men and women from the North every year seek their fortune at the South, consenting to be gagged for the time on the subject of Slavery, or insensibly yielding to the expediency of smoothing down their testimony against it. We can see that this is sinful—that it is even <xsl-text></xsl-text>basely <xsl-text></xsl-text>sinful. Now if it can be shown that the ordinary use of cotton, rice, molasses, sugar, wheat, flour, Indian corn, &c. by persons who on that account feel under no restraint, or temptation to refrain from a manly testimony against Slavery, is <xsl-text></xsl-text>also sinful <xsl-text></xsl-text>, we shall feel bound to abstain therefrom at once and forever.—These articles are all good in themselves. Nature originated them for the use of man. She shines upon and moistens, expands and matures them even when their planting and growth are attended by the lash-driven slave. Does the wrong inflicted on the slave, who aids their growth and preparation, so vitiate them that whatever consumes them necessarily becomes implicated in the sin of the slaveholder? We do not see this to be a rational conclusion. The consumers of whom we are now speaking had no participation in stealing the slave from his native land. They have no participation in holding him a slave—none in justifying the master—none in withholding rebuke for the wrong done by him. They use these articles of sustenance and comfort just as they would do, if they had been grown only by freemen —without the least consciousness of any occasion or temptation to favour slaveholding on account of what they thus eat and wear. How then do they sin? Certainly not in their <xsl-text></xsl-text>consciousness <xsl-text></xsl-text>of wrong, nor in their <xsl-text></xsl-text>intentions <xsl-text></xsl-text>. Wherein consists their <xsl-text></xsl-text>wrong? <xsl-text></xsl-text>It is said they are partakers of stolen goods, and are therefore as bad as the thief. Is God a partaker with the man-thief because he gives cotton-seed, earth, sunshine and rain, without which the slave would be of no use to him? And may we not consume what God helps wicked men produce, when the thing produced is in itself good? No, (say our brethren,) if you <xsl-text></xsl-text>do <xsl-text></xsl-text>you are joined in guilt with the man-stealer, the slave-trader, the slaveholder and the slave-driver. You <xsl-text></xsl-text>receive <xsl-text></xsl-text>and <xsl-text></xsl-text>reward <xsl-text></xsl-text>them <xsl-text></xsl-text>for <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods. But the goods are not <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods <xsl-text></xsl-text>, in the proper sense of terms. Is a bushel of wheat to be considered stolen goods because a man raised it by the help of a stolen horse? If so every article produced by instruments unjustly acquired or used becomes contaminated. If I purchase a stolen horse, knowing it to have been stolen, I am guilty with the original thief. But suppose the original thief uses that stolen horse to raise a field of corn, of which I buy five bushels for a laudable use in my family, am I then guilty? Or does the sin lie in trading with the thief at all? Or does it lie in affording him means of sustaining himself and family? If so, the principle carried out would forbid us to trade with a known sinner at all, even in a thing in itself innocent. Or is this the point—that knowing a man to be a horse thief, and to be a justifier of horse theft in general, and also to be raising produce with stolen horses only, I should certainly be an a better of his sin, if, in addition to a faithful rebuke, I did not refuse to make use of the articles raised by such means? It is narrowed down then to this,—that I could not buy and consume the productions of such a man without giving a moral sanction to his deliberate and systematic theft. If this be a correct view of the case, it would of course apply to the man-thief with inconceivably greater force. But if we may take this course with the slaveholder, ought we not to take it with all other sinners? Or can we fix such limits to it as to demonstrate that the <xsl-text></xsl-text>principle <xsl-text></xsl-text>is of just and rational application to easily conceived cases? We invite friend Cadwallader to write again and define the nature and extent of the principle involved in the duty he urges. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.7.1847 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Philadelphia Free Produce Association of Friends Description An account of the resource Selections.<xsl-text></xsl-text> THE PHILADELPHIA FREE PRODUCE ASSOCIATION OF FRIENDS. AT the meeting of this Association [which we copy from the <xsl-text></xsl-text>Friends’ Review<xsl-text></xsl-text>], held the 20th ult., the following report from the Board of Managers was read and approved. The Board of Managers of the Philadelphia Free Produce Association of Friends, report: That, during the past year, the members of the Board have frequently met and given their attention to the subjects connected with the design of their Association; but, in consequence of the arrangement with our friend George W. Taylor, which has existed for two or three years past, the principal labour, both in relation to the manufacture of cotton goods, and a supply of groceries, has devolved upon him. His report, herewith submitted, will furnish a view of the state of the concern in regard to supply and demand. And here we may remark, without any disposition to cast unkind reflections upon others who do not take the same view upon this subject, which we have been induced to embrace, that we cannot do otherwise than regret the want of an active and cordial support, on the part of many members of our Society, of the effort thus made to supply consumers with the products of tropical climates, unstained by oppression and cruelty. While Friends, wherever located, and however circumstanced, without exception profess, and no doubt profess with sincerity, an unwavering conviction of the injustice and iniquity of the whole system of Slavery; and while none can deny that the entire burden of this fabric of violence and wrong is supported by the market for the produce of servile toil, still we do not find the active and decided preference to the productions of free labour, which the nature of the case, and the declared opinions of Friends in general, would lead us to expect. If Friends in general could be induced to supply themselves, whenever it can be done, with the products of the free labour, to the exclusion of those which are extorted from the drudgery of slaves, we can readily perceive that the increased demand thus created, would greatly facilitate the supplying of free goods, and reduce their cost to the level of those of a servile origin. With equal advantages and facilities in regard to supply and demand, free-labour can readily compete with that of Slavery. But while the mass of consumers purchase, without distinction, whatever can be found in the market, irrespective of the medium through which it is received, some enhancement of price must attend the production and transit from the producer to the consumer of those articles which are untouched by servile hands. At the same time, we have unquestionable and sorrowful evidence that the advocates of Slavery have not, in any degree, relaxed their efforts to perpetuate, and to extend into regions hitherto free, the oppressive, impolitic, and demoralizing system of Slavery. The attempts, now making, to introduce the system into California—the recent legislation in some of the States in relation to the coloured race—the effort, during the present session of the Pennsylvania Legislature, to procure an enactment excluding them from settling in the State, calculated, as it evidently was, to facilitate the capture of real or suspected fugitives from labour—the actual repeal of one section of the law to prevent kidnapping, which was passed in 1847 with almost unprecedented unanimity—and the manner in which the support of an oppressive and disgraceful law has been interwoven into the question of the Presidential election, as well as the subserviency to a slaveholding influence which has been manifested by aspirants to political distinction, may well awaken the anxiety of those who believe that it is righteousness that exalteth a nation, and that sin is not only a disgrace, but a certain precursor of calamity to any people. These circumstances evidently call for the exertion of such influence as we possess, to stem the tide of corruption which Slavery is pouring upon us. We have, however, the consolation to believe that the attention of many of the philanthropists of Europe has been unceasingly directed to this branch of the subject—the encouragement of free-labour—and the supply of tropical products by means not dependant upon servile toil. The new settlements on the African coast seem likely to bring various articles of tropical growth, produced entirely by the industry of free men, into successful competition with the products of American Slavery. The experiments recently made upon flax, as a substitute for cotton, furnish ground for a reasonable hope, that the time is not very remote when the products of the North may rival those of the South, in furnishing a cheap and comfortable article of domestic economy. Although the efforts of this Association have not been productive of any very obvious results, we may take encouragement from the signs of the times, and a thorough conviction of the goodness of our cause, to entertain a humble, yet confiding, hope that they may compose one of those little rills which, widening and deepening with the progress of time, and joining with homogenial streamlets, will at length (probably after we shall all have been gathered to the house appointed for all living) compose a river which shall sweep away this mighty fabric, which now stands a frowning monument of the barbarism of ages that are past, and of the blindness and cupidity of the period in which we live. On behalf of the Managers, SAMUEL RHOADES, Secretary of the Board. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Philadelphia, Fourth month <xsl-text></xsl-text>20 <xsl-text></xsl-text>th <xsl-text></xsl-text>, 1852. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.3.1852 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Samuel Rhoades / Rhoads Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Goods. Description An account of the resource Communications.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Free Labour Goods. COLLINS, 10th-mo. 1846. It has long been the sentiment of my mind, that it is wrong for us willingly and knowingly, to aid in supporting any cause, the effects of which produce sin and misery. That Slavery is the cause of much, <xsl-text></xsl-text>very <xsl-text></xsl-text>much misery and distress, perhaps no one will pretend to deny; and that even <xsl-text></xsl-text>some <xsl-text></xsl-text>of the <xsl-text></xsl-text>Abolitionists <xsl-text></xsl-text>are supporting, this cause, by trafficking in, and consuming slave-earned goods. It seems inconsistent with reason, that we should pray for the of we are maintaining, by constantly dropping weights in the scale which we fain would raise. Let us withhold the weights, and the scales will soon come to an equilibrium, when a little would weigh down our scale. But as future events are hid from us, so that we cannot always determine the issue of any course which we may pursue, it is necessary that our reason be directed by unerring wisdom, and that all our actions proceed from pure motives. Then we need not fear the result; for whatever evil may come in by and bye, we may rest assured does not proceed from any act of ours, but had its origin in another source. Have we not a sufficient number of Abolitionists deeply interested in the cause, who will establish a free produce market? Will they not appropriate a portion of the money which they are using for other branches, in this cause, to assist in bringing about such a trade? I think this would be the most effectual step towards freeing the blacks, that has yet been taken, if it could be judiciously managed. Let such individuals be selected to manage and oversee the business as may be confided in; such as feel their interests bound together with the interests of all others. Let them go to the Southern planters, and in the spirit of meekness and love, say to them: “We wish for some of your cotton, sugar, and rice, but we are fully determined not to traffic in <xsl-text></xsl-text>slave-earned <xsl-text></xsl-text>goods; therefore, if you will set your slaves at liberty, and hire them, we will purchase the produce of their labour, and pay you an extra price for it.” This might encourage some one to try the experiment of employing men, instead of slaves, and perhaps others might follow the example, induced by the prospect of a more ready market; and as there are already some free plantations, there could soon be a sufficient quantity of goods obtained to make a beginning. Then these articles might be kept by themselves and fitted for market. It has often been urged that we should be likely to be imposed upon, by having slave-earned goods presented to us instead of free goods. But I think a remedy for this might be found, by having the price of free goods stationed a cent or two at least lower on a pound of sugar, or a yard of cloth, than the market price of slave goods of the same quality. Some may think this would be doing too much; but let us pause and view the subject a little. This would be bearing only a small share of the burden which we, ourselves have been heaping upon the slaves, by being accessory with their masters, by buying and consuming what they have compelled the slaves to raise. No matter how many hands the goods come through; the consumer is the one for whom they are intended. Were there no consumers of slave goods, there would be none handed forth, consequently no slaves wanted. So that the sin of Slavery does not wholly rest upon the slaveholders, but in part upon the purchaser and consumers of the goods; who, for the sake of gain to themselves, have as it were, agreed with the slaveholders to cheat the slaves out of their hard-earned wages. They have done it in deed if not in word, until it would seem as if nearly all classes of community had become coworkers with the slaveholder. How can Abolitionists continue in this? Will they not overthrow this iniquitous trade by introducing the free trade as here proposed? If they would reserve a share of the money now devoted to the Anti-Slavery cause, for the purpose of procuring free goods, and keep back the money designed for buying slave goods, and turn that into the free scale also, this might enable them to give a price for free goods sufficiently high to encourage the slaveholder to produce free goods by changing his slaves into free men and women. And let it be remembered that each weight thus kept back and put into the free scale counts two, or weighs down as much as two on any other consideration. And should we not be willing to sacrifice a little time and money to recompense the slaves for the wrongs we have done them; and how can we do this in a better or more safe way. This would give them an opportunity to stay with their old masters, or choose new ones just as they could agree; and they would not be compelled to leave their state, town, or neighbourhood, to find their liberty at the risk of their lives, not knowing where to find friends, or daring to return to those they left behind. There are some individuals who are doing nearly without cotton goods, and others who are purchasing very reluctantly; and would be willing to be at more trouble and expense to procure free goods. Such as those would willingly contribute a little towards supporting a trade in free goods. There is another class who seem all unconscious of its being any crime to use the products of slave labour, but feel compelled to buy goods where they can get them cheapest. Doubtless such would take free goods, so that the free market would soon increase, and continue to increase, until it gained the whole trade.—Slave goods would then soon grow dull in market, for no one would wish to purchase them, as long as they could get free goods at a lower price. If there could be a channel like this, ever so small, once put in operation, with good, faithful attendance, it would soon deepen and widen. The immediate effect of this would be the undoing of the heavy burdens to let the oppressed go free; and at the same time assisting the poor people who are now almost compelled to purchase what is worse than stolen goods, though many of them are innocent of it because of their ignorance. Thus, many would become supporters in the Anti-Slavery cause unawares. I ask again, will not Abolitionists withhold their money from buying slave goods, and introduce it into the free trade. Some people seem to think because there are some few articles of slave labour which we cannot consistently discard the use of, that they may be excused for using the whole. The article of paper, for instance, we must have; but I do not consider that we are supporting Slavery, in the use of it, for no one buys cloth for the sake of the rags. Not a vestige more is bought than would be if the rags were thrown away. However, I do not wish to discourage any, and all other means of assisting the slaves, which may be pursued consistent with truth and righteousness, but hope they will refrain from using the produce of their labour until it can be changed into free labour; wait a little longer for goods; do with a little less for the sake of the oppressed. Some think themselves entitled to the labour of the slave because they are labouring in the abolition cause. Let such consider that although they are working with good intent, how much faster they might progress by moving straight onwards, instead of taking two steps forwards and one backwards. Therefore, if we wish to progress in the cause, let us cease to support Slavery. I could freely purchase goods of any merchant having a quantity of slave goods on hand, if he had become sensible that in buying these goods he had been oppressing the slaves, and was firmly resolved no longer to partake in this trade; for I should consider such goods free. But I cannot feel justified in taking goods out of any store where, in all probability, they will draw upon the slave to fill the vacancy. I rejoice that there are several free produce associations already established in the country. With much respect for them, I wish them good success in their undertaking, but think they would progress faster in the cause if they would adopt this plan of buying and selling. True, it would take more capital to carry it on, but I presume there are many, not yet called Abolitionists who for the release of the slaves as we, and I trust many of these would come forward in this cause and cast their mite into the treasury to assist in carrying out this new plan. But while we are endeavouring to assist the slaves, let us not be unmindful of the pitiable condition of the slaveholders. They are bound with fetters stronger than iron. If <xsl-text></xsl-text>we <xsl-text></xsl-text>had a father, a brother, or a son, who was a slaveholder, how soon should we fly to him with entreaties for him to disengage himself from so vicious a calling. And let us not forget to plead earnestly with the master to release his slaves from bondage. AMY TAFT. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Amy Taft Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.22.1846 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slave Labor Produce. Description An account of the resource SLAVE LABOR PRODUCE. ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Providence, July 7 <xsl-text></xsl-text>, 1836. WM. LLOYD GARRISON: <xsl-text></xsl-text>Respected Friend <xsl-text></xsl-text>,—It is so important that every thing should be done that can be done, consistent with christian principles, for the liberation of the slaves, that it is very painful to witness an unwillingness to renounce, as much as possible, the use of articles of slave produce, and a disposition on the part of any, in the least degree, to discourage others from so laudable a course. Where the path of duty appears so plain, we might suppose that every <xsl-text></xsl-text>christian<xsl-text></xsl-text>, and every <xsl-text></xsl-text>abolitionist<xsl-text></xsl-text>, would be very careful to keep aloof, as much as possible from contamination: even if it subjected him to the <xsl-text></xsl-text>total <xsl-text></xsl-text>relinquishment of certain articles usually deemed important in the family, in short that nothing but the risk of health and of life should induce him to partake. But when we reflect that substitutes can generally be procured, and often of a quality and price as favourable; that Free Produce stores have been established in some of the larger cities, and that others would immediately be established if the patronage would authorise, there is no longer any reasonable excuse. I have been informed this day of a man in Burrillville, in this State, who refused to sign any paper to promote African emancipation, because he was apprehensive it would raise the price of molasses! He acted on the principle that it was better to perpetuate the bondage of two and a half millions of his fellow men, than that he should be subjected to the expense of a few cents extra on the gallon for the molasses he might want to use in his family! How far from this principle do those differ, who, rather than incur any additional expense and trouble for the articles they consume in their families, give all their patronage to those who traffic in the bodies and souls of men? I look upon this as a very important part of that system of means now happily in use for the attainment of your great object. I have been impressed with this sentiment for more than 15 years, and I am ashamed to say, and it should lead me to the deepest repentance, that during this long period, I have but occasionally and partially, lived up to that course which I knew to be right. When in N. York, in May, hearing the remarks made on the resolution to which allusion has been made by Judge Jay and Gerrit Smith, Esq., I resolved that with the Divine assistance, I would endeavor to avoid, as much as possible, the use of those articles, and in so doing up to this time, I can truly say I have had that satisfaction which the world does not afford, that satisfaction which the luxurious do not enjoy. I have copied with some slight variation for your examination, and insertion in the Liberator, if you think proper, the following from a monthly publication, published in Tennessee, in 1820, by Elihu Embree, of the Society of Friends, and which served to enlighten my mind in regard to this subject. With much respect, WM. DROWN. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 8.6.1836 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Wm. Drown Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource To the Editor of the Liberator. Description An account of the resource To the Editor of the Liberator. <xsl-text></xsl-text> SIR-I have noticed, in several of your papers, passages from which may be inferred that you approve of abstaining from the productions of slave labor. I hear various and opposite opinions expressed on this subject by persons, who yet are equally desirous of the abolition of slavery. It seems to me a question deserving very serious consideration and thorough investigation; for it is not a merely speculative question, in which error is comparatively unimportant, but one directly bearing upon a specific course of conduct. Would it not he advantageous to have the arguments on both sides fully and fairly presented in your paper? -There is no need to fear discussion of this or any other subject, for the arguments of truth must always be the strongest. It is only by convincing the understanding that you can hope to induce people to abstain from the productions of slave labor. Appeals to their humanity can be of no avail, till it has first been proved that the measure recommended is a measure of humanity. Sneering at the folly or fanaticism of those who adopt this measure proves nothing against it, nor does railing against the selfishness and heartless indifference of those who do not adopt it prove anything in its favor. I subjoin some questions relating to the subject, aid shall feel indebted to you or any of your correspondents to furnish satisfactory answers, as opportunity may offer. Some of the first being questions of opinion, require to be answered by arguments; the others are questions of fact, on which I an desirous of information, which may also be valuable to others. 1. What reasons are there for giving a preference to those articles which are produced by the labor of freeman in our own country, over articles of the same kind produced by the labor of slaves? 2. Are there equally strong reasons for giving up altogether the productions of slave labor? 3. In what manner might this measure be expected to operate? 4. How far is it practicable? 5. What objections are there to it? 6. Is cotton, sugar or rice raised by free labor in any part of the United States? And where? In what quantities? 7. How may they be procured, and what security would a purchaser have that they certainly were raised by free labor?  8. Is the supply of such of these articles as are raised by free labor, greater or less than the demand? If less, is there any advantaging increasing the demand? 9. What means and prospects are there of an increased supply? 10. Where any of these articles are raised by the labor, are the laborers black or white? 11. What varieties of cotton fabrics are manufactured from cotton produced by free labor? 12. Is there any manufactory, which is confined to cotton raised by free labor? <xsl-text></xsl-text>Feb. <xsl-text></xsl-text>12 <xsl-text></xsl-text>th, <xsl-text></xsl-text>1831. S.T.U. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.19.1831 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S.T.U. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The "Irrepressible Conflict." Description An account of the resource THE "IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT." We showed, some two weeks ago, by an extended quotation, that Henry Clay was the true author of the doctrine that an "irrepressible conflict" exists between Freedom and Slavery. Mr. Everett, in his Boston eulogy upon Mr. Webster, attributes the same idea to the "Great Expounder," but without stating when he announced it. The speech of Mr. Clay was made in 1829; and until Mr. Everett can show, from the writings or speeches of Mr. Webster, that he announced the idea as long ago as January, 1829, we shall cling to our statement that the honor belongs to the great Kentuckian. But whatever may be the result of the controversy as to the paternity of the doctrine, whether it was the "Great Embodiment of the Whig party," or the "Great Expounder of the Constitution," one thing is certain, that neither Mr. Seward, Mr. Lincoln, nor any other modern Republican, can pretend to set up a claim to its authorship. The following is Mr. Everett's statement: "He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed, and is witnessing, that the newly-acquired and newly-organized Territories of the Union would grow up into free States; but, <xsl-text></xsl-text>in common with all or nearly all the statesmen of the last generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country<xsl-text></xsl-text>. He thought he saw that, in the operation of the same causes which have produced this result in the Middle and Eastern States, it was visibly taking place in the States north of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor would eventually be found most productive, and would therefore be ultimately established." We learn that, although this paragraph was in the oration of Mr. Everett as he delivered it, and as it was published in the Boston papers with his corrections, he has, in his subsequent delivery or repetition of the eulogy, omitted it. This omission is in consequence of the legitimate use which has been made of the statement by the Republican press, and is characteristic of the moral weakness of Mr. Everett. But his testimony is before the public, and he cannot retract it, however much he would like to do so. He is responsible for the statement that Daniel Webster believed and maintained that Slavery and Freedom must wage perpetual war, until the latter is triumphant. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The National Era Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.20.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Half Slave, and Half Free Description An account of the resource During the Illinois canvass between Hon. A. Lincoln and Senator Douglas, when the former asserted the sentiment that "this government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free," it was thought monstrous by the Democratic journals generally, and Mr. Douglas in particular. The doctrine was said to be as now as it was dangerous, and with the ignorant, aided by sophistry, the little giant used it with tilling effect against his opponent. But now it seems that no new dogma was proclaimed by Mr. Lincoln, in littering that sentiment, and that he was but echoing the doctrines of the father of Democracy, Thomas Jefferson, when he said that "this government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free." More than eighty years ago he wrote and published the following language in relation to this subject: "Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations; the real distinctions which nature has made; and many other circumstances will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions, which will probably never end but in the extermination of one or the other race. Nothing is more clearly written in the book of destiny, than the emancipation of the blacks." Will not the Democracy of to-day take as good doctrine, coming, as it does, from its venerated and wise sire? The Hon. Abraham Lincoln has said nothing more pointed upon this subject than the foregoing. But this same doctrine of the eventual emancipation of the negro race has been entertained by many statesmen and philosophers. It is clearly set forth in De Tocqueville's admirable and philosophical work, "Democracy in America," first published in this country in 1838. And Edward Everett, in his late oration at the inauguration of the Statue of Daniel Webster, expressed the views of that great statesmean on the "conflict" between Free Labor and Slavery in this country, as follows: "He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed and is witnessing, that the newly acquired and newly organized territories of the Union would grow up into Free States; but, in common with ail, or nearly all the statesmen of the last generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country. He thought he saw that, in the operation of the same causes which have produced this result in the middle and Eastern States, it was visibly taking place in the States North of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there, also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor would eventually be found most productive, and would there be ultimately established." So we see that this annunciation of the belief of the final extinction of slavery is based upon no new philosophical principles, but simply the principles of human progress. To say that American slavery will exist always is to say that the hand of human progress shall be paralized in this fair land. To assert the fact that slavery will become extinct does not imply that any other than a peaceful solution to this problem shall obtain So far as the Republican party are concerned no other means are intended to be used to bring about this result but those naturally springing from the progress of civilization and Christianity. They will be potent enough and the result can be easily foreseen by those who are not blinded by selfish interests or partisan bigotry. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Vincennes Gazette Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.1.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor. Description An account of the resource Free Labor. --- The more we dwell upon the varied and extended significance of this term, and more truthfully and completely it seems to define and comprehend the ideas and sentiments embraced and represented in the anti-slavery movement. To chattelize man for his labor has been the great temptation and incentive to the wicked cupidity of his fellow. To obtain his toil without compensation is the motive which has rifled Africa to myriads of human beings, and perpetrated the horrors of the "middle passage," Were it not for this single object, slavery could not exist for a moment. To emancipate, to free labor, involves all that is embraced in the abolition of slavery. It expresses more than this to our mind. It puts forth a grand idea, intelligible to all the millions of the human race who earn their bread by the sweat of the brow. Labor-patient, persevering, self-rewarding, hopeful and true - is, we believe, one of the crown dignities of humanity. If it be true, that one of the elements of the air we breathe is so vital to our existence, that we could not live an hour should it be withdrawn or tainted, it is equally true that manual labor is as vital an element of the prosperity of any community. Slavery is the most unmitigated and degrading indignity that can be inflicted on labor. It is more than a wrong, more than a cruelty; for the victims of mere wrong and cruelty often command the honor and respect, as well as sympathy of mankind. But slavery degrades, abases labor to the condition of the brute beast of burden; hence, in the countries in which it exists, every occupation involving labor is smutched with a shade of shame; hence, those born in such countries to the necessity of labor, if they have any feeling of self-respect beating in their bosoms, are forced to flee beyond the limits of the curse. But if this eclipse be total over the land of bondage, it is partial everywhere. No one may say how the estimation in which labor was held in the freest country in the world has been affected by the existence of slavery. No one may say by how many or by how few links of association the most industrious and virtuous artisan in New England or Old England is connected with the condition of the slave in the rice fields of Carolina. No one may say how insidiously and widely the idea is working its way into the political and industrial economies of the freest nations, that the condition of slavery must, somehow, be accepted as the bass line, the point of departure of their operations; that, somehow, it must determine the compensation and the honor of labor. Hence, we hear on all sides a great deal about the introduction of Coolies, or Chinese, into the different slave States, as a substitute for the enslaved Africans. But what fits them for substitutes? Why, chiefly, their capacity to live on a pennyworth of rice per day; their willingness, perhaps, to work for sixpence from sun to sun. Put this and that together in the popular rationalities of this political economy, and they mean this; if ever free labor shall cultivate the cotton, rice, of corn-fields of the south, it shall be brought down as near to the lowest level of slavery as possible, in the matter of compensation. Is that all? No! it shall be brought down as near to the level of slavery in the quality of dignity as in that of compensation itself. Slavery is to measure and determine both. Slavery is to be the base line, on which the economist is to plan; one foot of his compass, and, with the other, step off a thin parallel, on which free men may work for sixpence a-day, and live on raw turnips or a handful of rice. We earnestly hope that the working men of every free country will awake to the importance of this subject; that they will see the bearing of slavery upon their own condition; then will they perceive the length and breadth of the meaning of Free Labor. Under this banner will they rally with sympathies and interests that beat and throb with all that is precious in their earthly hopes and well-being. - <xsl-text></xsl-text>Burritt's Bond of Brotherhood. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Provincial Freeman, reprinted from Burritt's Bond of Brotherhood Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.10.1855