5 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Means of Abolishing Slavery. Description An account of the resource BELCNERTOWN, July 19th, 1847. DEAR SIR: Permit me, although a stranger, and only a private in the army of reformers, of which you are one of the chief captains, to offer, for your consideration, my ideas respecting the means of abolishing slavery. Without saying more by way of preamble, I will present the main points. You are aware, I presume, that cotton was formerly much higher than it is now. At the close of the hot war with Great Britain, it was worth about 33 cents per pound: and the other products of slave labor, such as rice, sugar, molasses, tobacco, &c. were high, compared with present prices, in nearly the same proportion. Slavery was very profitable then. Slaves were worth from 1200 to 1800 dollars was. But the products of slave labor declined gradually. Cotton fell to 30 cents, afterwards to 25, still later to 20, 18, 15, and now it is worth only 12 or 13 cents per pound. Sugar, rice, tobacco, &c. have fallen in about the same ration. From temporary causes, there has, occasionally, been a rise in these articles, but their general tendency has been downward; and they will probably continue to decline. As a natural consequence, the price of slaves has fallen. From having been worth from 1200 to 1800 dollars, they are down to 400 and 600. If cotton continues to fall until it goes as low as 3 or 4 cents, and the other products of slave labor decline in the same promotion, (and I see no reason why they should not the price of slaves must also come down too, until, finally, they will be valueless. Slave labor is more expensive than free labor; and manufactures generally have now greatly the advantage of slaveholders. While the latter are obliged to purchase their laborers, feed and clothe them, take care of them in sickness, and support them in old age,—the former manage to obtain the services of their operatives for the mere pittance of a comfortable, decent support, so long as steady employment lasts. But very few of these operatives accumulate property. Their wages return, through various channels, to their employers; and when, from any cause, they are out of work, they are left in a state of destitution. This is true as a general rule, to which, however, there are many honorable exceptions. But it is a well-established principle, that those who live by the labor of their own hands only, cannot become rich. If southern planters had half the sagacity of our Northern manufacturers, they would hire free negroes, build tenements for their accommodation, and open stores in their vicinity, for the sale of such goods a they may need or fancy. By pursuing such a course, they would find that nearly all the money paid for work would return to their own coffers. Cotton cannot be raised at 4 or 4cents per pound by slave labor; and soon after slavery ceases to pay, it will cease to exist. This is a question, after all, of dollars and cent —of profit and loss. Mammon is the god of the civilized world—the principal object of worship—and he rules with despotic away. In the West India islands, as well as in our southern States, the same principle has long been undermining slavery. It has generally been supposed that slavery was abolished in the West Indies from motives of justice and humanity, and it cannot be denied that these had something to do with the case; but, after all, we have good reason to believe that it was rather a question of finance than of morals. The head had more to do with it than the heart. Giving British statesmen credit for great sagacity and penetration, I suppose they saw that a crisis was coming—that West India produce would continue to decline, until slavery would become a burden, and that, as a natural consequence, the planters would be ruined; and therefore, to make a merit of necessary, and save their character, they concluded to buy all the slaves, and abolish slavery, while they could do so with a good grace. If this view of the case is correct, whatever has a tendency to raise the price of southern staples, tends also to perpetuate slavery. War, by increasing the demand for food and clothing, and by drawing off laborers from their customary employments, has this effect; so does the extension of commerce, by opening new marts for the sale of cotton, rice, sugar, &c.; and every advance in luxury and dissipation, by adding to the number of artificial wants, enables the owners of slaves to hold on to their property in human flesh with a firmer grasp. This bloody war with unhappy. Mexico, we have good reason to believe, was contrived, 'with malice aforethought,' for the same diabolical purpose. I need not add, that the opposite of all this will have a contrary tendency. The opposition to slavery is so strong in the northern States, that it may lead to a dissolution of the Union, and perhaps to war; but, in any case, it with not necessarily abolish slavery, though it may have a tendency to hasten that event. The Anti-Slavery and Liberty parties, and the Colonization Society, like contending tempests on the bosom of the ocean, may ruffle the political surface of our country; but there is an under current, strong and deep, unaffected by these winds of doctrine, and mostly unnoticed and unknown, which is bearing slavery onward to the gulf of oblivion, where it will shortly arrive thenceforth to be known no more on earth, except as found recorded on the pages of history. Very respectfully yours, GEORGE FILER. We shall be glad to receive other communications from our Belehertown correspondent.] — <xsl-text></xsl-text>Ed.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.16.1847 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource George Filer Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Circular Description An account of the resource It is more than 14 years since the undersigned engaged in the business of providing for the friends of free labor, supplies of both Dry Goods and Groceries, produced without the aid of slave labor. Believing that he was thus promoting a consistent testimony against slavery, and acting the part of a true friend of his country, whose sure prosperity is manifestly linked inseparably with the maintenance throughout the land of honest, compensated labor, and encouraged by true-hearted patrons in all the free States and several of the slave States, he has persevered through many difficulties and discouragements: with what success, as to furnishing a variety of articles of constant consumption, is known to those whosestandard of right prompted them to apply for goods of that character. It may not, perhaps, be improper in this connection to express the sentiment held by the writer, in common, he trusts, with his fellow abstinents from the products of slave labor; that, had even a majority of the people in this an other countries, who think they are opposed to slavery, or who profess antagonism to it, maintained the principle of non-participation during the above mentioned period, not only would our beloved country not have been afflicted with its present trouble, but slavery itself, if at all in existence, would have been too weak and too unimportant as an instrument of power, to claim at this day any consideration. The object mainly of this circular is not to give utterance to sentiments, whether of the writer, or, as he supposes, of his patrons, but to call their attention to the present situation and condition of the free labor movement, and of the free labor supplies.  From causes known to all, we cannot at present obtain free labor cotton from our usual sources, and though efforts, some time ago begun, to obtain this important article from other places, may bring sufficient supplies for the free labor demand, it is not known how long we may have to wait. It therefore becomes my duty to advertise my customers that they will do well to secure without delay from the various stock on hand, such goods as they may need for many months to come; for, the advancing prices will facilitate the early disposal of the present stock to transient buyers; and the interest of the establishment will be best promoted by speedy sales. Those who wish to aid in the concern will kindly bear this needful matter in mind; not only as regards cotton gods and goods of which cotton is a part, but as regards Tea, Coffee, Spices, and a variety of articles, the sale of which is required to sustain the store; and without such patronage the store could not long be continued. With a view to an increase of demand for these auxiliary articles, a pretty good stock of Tea and Coffee has been secured in anticipation of further advance in prices, which will be gladly sold now to the friends of the store before any further advance takes place. From causes which, it is hoped, are only temporary, and not resulting from the troubles of the country, there is at present a very limited stock of free labor raw sugars in the country. In consequence, the stock of refined sugars has been exhausted, which it is hoped may be soon renewed. Patience, as well as self-denial, needs to be practiced by the friends of the slave. Respectfully, GEO. W. TAYLOR, N.W. cor. of 5th and Cherry St. 9th mo. 9th, 1861.   Philadelphia Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Friends' Intelligencer 18:27, p. 430 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.14.1861 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource George Taylor Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Advertisements Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Warehouse Description An account of the resource Free Labor Associations, Dealers in Free Labor goods, and individuals wishing to obtain for their own consumption the products of free labor, are hereby informed that there is now in stock, a large and increasing variety of cotton fabrics, such as Prints, Ginghams, Lawns, Colored Cambrics, Paper Muslins, Shirting and Sheetings of different grades, bleached and unbleached, Drillings and Canton Flannels, brown, bleached and colored, both light and heavy, Extra Drills for bagging and wagon covers, Summer Pant Stuffs, Hosiery, fine and heavy, Knitting Cotton, in variety, Sewing Cotton, white and colored, Table Oil Cloths, new and beautiful styles, &c., &c. Damask Table Cloths will shorty be in store. A number of articles in flax, as Shirting Linen, Long Lawns, Table Cloths, Toweling, Crash, Thread, Tapes, &c., &c. Of Cotton and Wool mixed; Satinets, Tiogas, Kentucky Jeans, Flannels, &c. Cashmerettes in course of preparation. For sale low, by the piece, a lot of very neat Printed Linen Cambrics; also, in great variety, a lot of Printed Poplins. The usual variety of GROCERIES, viz., Crushed and Pulverised Sugars, Muscovados of good quality, Syrup, Coffee, Chocolate, including a very superior Caracas, Cocoa, Rice, &c. TEAS, well selected and fine; Spices, Confectionery, &c. Patterns and Samples sent to order. GEO. W. TAYLOR N.W. cor. of 5th and Cherry sts. Address Letters to Box 2170 Philadelphia Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal 9:21, p. 331 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.2.1856 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource George W. Taylor Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource PETERBORO', June 24, 1836 Subject The topic of the resource Letter from Gerrit Smith Description An account of the resource PETERBORO', June 24, 1836. MR. GARRISON: I this day saw in the Liberator of 18th inst. a communication from Judge Jay. I wish to say a few words for the purpose of showing, that it was not a measure of my own to get an expression of the American Anti-Slavery Society on the subject of using the products of slave labor. Whilst in New York last month, I attended several of the meetings of the Anti-Slavery delegates. I witnessed a part of the debate on a Resolution offered by, I know not whom, declaring the ordinary use of such products to be wrong. I took no part in the debate: but seeing, that not a few of the delegates would be dissatisfied with its passage, and being desirous of preserving harmony amongst them, I wrote and presented, as a substitute, the far milder Resolution, on which Judge Jay comments. The substitute was adopted and carried, with but one dissenting voice—that of Charles Stuart, a man, who never consents to sacrifice a hair's breadth of moral principle. 'O si sic omnes.' As I was a new member of the Society, and had found not a little fault with it, I felt that my fellow members might lack, and justly too, perfect confidence in the soundness and maturity of my <xsl-text></xsl-text>abolitionism. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Having this feeling, I was more willing to listen to others in these meetings, than to present my own views and schemes. The Resolution, which passed in one of these Meetings, respecting 'the present struggle in Texas,' was written by another person, and handed to me to move. Nor should I have taken a part in the proceedings of the late Anniversary of the Society, had not the Committee of arrangements insisted on my doing so. These remarks, whilst they will acquit me, in the mind of my excellent friend, of the origination of the movement, so exceptionable in his view, will also account to him for the peculiar style and phraseology of the Resolution in question. It never occurred to me, before reading Judge Jay's communication, that it was less proper for the Delegates in their meetings held <xsl-text></xsl-text>after, <xsl-text></xsl-text>than in those held <xsl-text></xsl-text>before <xsl-text></xsl-text>the Anniversary 'to assume to pronounce in the name of the American Anti-Slavery Society:'—and I do not now see that it was. I am much pleased with the general rules and principles laid down in Judge Jay's communication. They are just and important; and I hope, that the members of the Anti-Slavery Society will not trespass upon them. But I am far from admitting their applicability to the case under consideration. If a portion of our abolitionists think, that the consumption of slave-labor products—especially by abolitionists—stands in the way of the abolition of slavery, is it 'a violation of good faith,' and a violation of the Constitution of the Society for them to say so in the meetings of the Society? For one I have long thought, that there is no single thing, which abolitionists could do, that would contribute so far to the abolition of slavery, as their abstinence from the products of slave labor. Let one hundred thousand men and women in this nation avow, and adhere to their noble determination never to pollute their lips or their persons with that, which is wet with the tears and stained with the blood of 'the innocents'; and I believe, that the testimony of such self-denial would carry more conviction to the minds of slave-holders of the truth and power of anti-slavery doctrines and of the sincerity with which they are held, than all the testimony of types and pens. Judge Jay and I both have written and spoken somewhat for Temperance. But our advocacy of the cause would have been ineffectual, if we had coupled with it the drinking of ardent spirit. Now, I do not say, that the argument against using slave sugar, is as extensive and as conclusive, as that against drinking ardent spirit:—but I do say, that a part of the argument which we are accustomed to employ against the one, may as properly be employed against the other. One object we have in view, in inducing good men to abstain from whiskey, is that, in consequence of their abstinence, the owner of the whiskey-distillery will have such a troubled conscience and will withal become so odious, that he will consent to abandon a business, which destroys his peace and respectability. We hope for a similar effect from abstinence from the products of slave labor. Indeed, were no more than the Ministers of the Gospel in the Southern States to determine to 'touch not, taste not, handle not' these blood-bought things, the inconceivably wicked system, which produces them, would quickly fall before the irresistible power of their example. And here, Mr. Editor, allow me to make a suggestion for your own benefit. I acknowledge, with pleasure, that I am more indebted to your writings than to those of any other man for my abhorrence of slavery. Nor is the pupil in this case any the less grateful, because the master has occasionally boxed his ears. But, I want you to increase the power and efficacy of your writings and of your uncompromising integrity and fearless vindication of the truth, by your thorough espousal of the doctrine of abstinence from the products of slave labor. It is strange, that you should lack the spirit, which moved your Revolutionary ancestors to seal up their lips against tea. Rely on it, that the Garrisons of that day were not tea drinking men. It is strange, that any of the Garrisons of this day should be eaters of slave sugar. I did not take up my pen to say a word in favor of abstinence from the products of slave labor. Of this, however, I am fully convinced, that, whenever Judge Jay shall see this abstinence to be one of the means for effectuating the abolition of slavery, he will then see nothing in the Constitution of the Anti-Slavery Society, to forbid his urging it, in the capacity of a Member of that Society. Until he take this view, he will consistently regard the action of the Society on this subject, as impertinent. Judge Jay will, of course, perceive, that the Constitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society, under his strict interpretation of it, gave no liberty to pass a large share of the Resolutions, which were passed along with the Resolution in question. I cannot believe, however, that he construes this instrument so rigidly, as it might be inferred he does, from the sentence in his communication beginning with the words: 'Now on examining.' Judge Jay's communication has manifestly proceeded from his misapprehension, that the Delegates undertook to direct the attention of the Society to an object other than its single Constitutional object:—whereas, in point of fact, they were but considering another means of promoting this one single Constitutional object. I readily admit, however, that the peculiar language of the Resolution in question, and his ignorance of the circumstances under which it was offered, go far to account for and to excuse his misapprehension. GERRIT SMITH. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.2.1836 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Gerrit Smith Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Communications, TROIT, June 29, 1848. Description An account of the resource <ul> <li style="list-style-type: none;"> <ul style="text-align: left;"></ul> </li> </ul> Communications. TROIT, June 29, 1848. FREDERICK DOUGLASS: My dear Sir,--I am on my return from a visit to my brother-in-law, James G. Birney. His health has been much impaired for several years, and it was not probable that I should ever see him, unless I should visit him. I found him residing at Lower Saginau. It is now in the heart of a wilderness; but in a dozen years it will be a town of no little importance. The commerce of the noble Saginau and of its partially navigable tributaries, will make it such. These streams drain a country of very great fertility, and abounding in good pine timber. Many lumbermen in the State of New York, have purchased land of me. They would have done far better, had they made their lumbering establishments at Lower Saginau. But I take up my pen to testify, in a few words, to the good character of the colored people of this city. They number one thousand, and are as a class, industrious, frugal, temperate, upright and intelligent. I have spent a Sabbath with them. In the morning, I attended their Methodist, and in the afternoon, their Baptist church. Mr. Gardner is the pastor of the former, and Mr. Davis of the latter. Mr. Davis is a neat, beautiful, and able writer. He formerly lived in Buffalo. He is a native of Maine. I find several acquaintances among the colored people of this city - namely, Robert Banks, George R. Symes, Lewis Haydon, and Henry Bibb and his wife. Banks and Symes were members of the colored school, which was sustained for several years in my little village. They are very worthy men. Mr. Bibb is preparing to go to England this Fall. His special employment there will be to advocate the disuse of the products of slave labor. His worthy wife will probably accompany him. Among the most estimable colored men of this city is Mr. George Baptist. I owe him much for his kind and useful attention to me. The colored people of this city justify themselves for congregating here, instead of scattering in the interior, on the ground that they can thereby better protect themselves from men-stealers, and can thereby better protect from men-stealers the almost daily arriving fugitives from the Southern prison-house. A large share of the colored people of this city are fugitive slaves. What a land is this, in which the poor and the weak are obliged to congregate themselves together in order to keep at bay the rich and the strong, who would steal them! You will perhaps say, "What a constitution cursed this land!" I would rather say, "What a people cursed this land!" Such a people, even though their Constitution had been dropped down from Heaven, would interpret it in behalf of justifying the oppression and devouring the poor. They have already in the Bible a Heaven-sent Constitution; and thus wickedly and blasphemously do they interpret it. With great regard, Your friend and brother, GERRIT SMITH. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Gerrit Smith Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The North Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.7.1848 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Use of Free Produce Description An account of the resource For the Genius of Universal Emancipation. THE USE OF FREE PRODUCE. "No, dear lady, none for me? Though squeamish some may think it, West India sugar spoils my tea; I cannot, dare not, drink it." New-Orleans sugar possesses the same properties. It is to our taste, and we hope to that of many of our readers, undrinkable; for there are associations connected with it, which its sweetness cannot cover. Yet we, will confess, that it requires, at times, some firmness, and is not a little unpleasant to the feelings, to pronounce decisively the rejecting negative. In a company of strangers, you would gladly escape the kindly meant importunity, which obliges you, though conscious of being, at the moment, a subject of general remark, for those who will consider your opinions affected or singular, to assign a reason for your repeated refusal to partake of anything which is imbued with "the spirit of the cause." And it is still more painful to feel yourself compelled to disappoint the active kindness which, unaware of your scruples, has exerted itself to provide some delicacy for your gratification, or tasked ingenuity to spread before you a board, covered with what, to you, are forbidden viands. Then is the strongest temptation to break through your resolution. You know that so much pains have been taken, solely on your account, you fear that your reasons will not be understood, or felt, and, gratified as you are by the motive which has induced the offering, you cannot bear to think of the look of mortification, and hurt or offended feeling, which you are conscious will meet your meditated refusal. Yet should you weakly yield, and suffer your good nature to induce you to violate your principles, what will you have gained? An exemption from a temporary uneasiness, at the expense of an approving conscience, a consistent example, and probably of the ability to remain firm on a future occasion. While, by persisting in your determination, though you reasons, at first, may not appear satisfactory, or well understood, you will have an opportunity of fairly explaining your sentiments, of engaging in a useful discussion, and, perhaps, bringing light and conviction to some who have never before thought upon the subject. Yet if there be some disagreeable passages occasionally attendant upon this system of abstinence; it has also its redeeming hours, when such trivial embarassment are far more than overpaid. They come in the low-whispered commendation of a satisfied conscience;--in the approbation of those whom you esteem; and in the heartfelt joy of having won over some one whom you love to mingle in the delight of such a moment; you rejoice, not that you have made a convert, but that the slave has gained a friend. While even the slight alloy  of selfish affection, that blends with your pleasure, renders it only the dearer. But in more trifling things than these, there is often a sweet gush of happiness. It comes, though not unmingled, to be sure, in even the tone of regret with which some less scrupulous friend laments the stern rule which dooms the delicacies before you to remain untasted, and your tea to be swallowed sugarless. And still dearer is the kindness, which, bending to your principles, exerts itself to procure you a share of the good things of the festal board, unsullied by the crime for which you reject them. A half formed sigh may mingle with the wish that the table before you was always so spread, but it cannot dispel the pleasure with which you meet the affectionate smile of the eye and lip that bids you partake without fear of the proffered cake, and drink your tea, sweetened as it is, unscrupulously. We have some such remembrances around us now, and we know they will compensate for many an unpalatable meal;--try it for yourself, gentle reader, and prove whether the system of abstinence is a harsh one. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Gertrude Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 1:10, p. 155 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.1831 https://productsoffreelabor.com/files/original/1483756e17c6301a875f997433ba9509.jpeg 0df67170ab1685f7175704f2eb632d6e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Books Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Anti-Slavery Alphabet Description An account of the resource A popular alphabet book published in 1846 to be sold at Anti-Slavery Fair organized by the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society (PFASS). Each illustrated letter corresponds to an aspect of abolition or a critique of slavery, promoting both literacy and an abolitionist education among children. The book tells its young readers that they have a part to play in the struggle as well. The opening verses, titled "To Our Little Readers" states, "You are very young, 'tis true,/But there's much that you can do./Even you can plead with men'That they buy not slaves again,/[....]And you can refuse to take/Candy, sweetmeat, pie or cake,/Saying 'no'--unless 'tis free--/'The slave shall not work for me.'" Several of these letters discuss topics such as the complicit merchant (M is the Merchant of the north,/Who buys what slaves produce--/So they are stolen, whippd and worked,/For his, and for our use), the boycott of sugar (S is the Sugar, that the slave/Is toiling hard to make,/To put into your pie and tea,/Your candy, and your cake.) and the violence of the cotton industry (C is the Cotton-field). Full text available <a href="http://online.fliphtml5.com/xohe/qlfg/#p=4">here</a>. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hannah and Mary Townsend Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Printed for the Anti-Slavery Fair by Merrihew & Thompson, Printers Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1846 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "Calling him out," and he Comes. (Article) Subject The topic of the resource Henry Highland Garnet on support for free produce Description An account of the resource MR. DOUGLASS: - In the last number of the North Star, you offer me an opportunity, to speak for myself, through the same medium through which you have slandered and traduced me. I thank you for it, and at the same time I assure you, that whenever you lay aside low and vulgar personalities, and call me out as a gentleman, I will answer, and not otherwise. I had two reasons for not resorting to your paper in order to make a reply. First, because I addressed a letter to you last winter for publication, expressive of my gratitude to some of anti-slavery friends in Penn Yan, and you did not suffer it to see the light, because it contained some views which were unpalatable to you. And in the second place, because I thought it unlikely that after having wilfully misrepresented me, you could not even "for a pretence" show so much liberality. You heard that my friends, and the friends of universal freedom in England, had invited me to visit that country, and immediately you became very much alarmed, and your friends also. The reason for this trouble of mind on your part I have not been able to determine, unless it is, that you have the spirit of the Old Roman, and believe that "the world was made for Caesar." You did not even want to know whether I was going to that country, before you labored like a Hurcules to blacken my character in the eyes of a people who may never see me. I knew sir, that in your hot pursuit after a worthless, and a transient fame, you would sometimes stop to mean things, but I never dreamed that you would ever sink so low, that you would have to reach up, standing on tip-toe, to find that level of meanness where common knaves are inclined to pause. Ah, sir, the green-eyed monster has made you mad. Pardon me, when I tell you that you never imbibed a spirit so narrow from any dark son of our native Maryland, living or dead. But why should I marvel? When did you ever manifest friendship to any colored man who differed with you in sentiment? You deign not to mention the name of the noble Alexander Crummell; you have stabbed at J.W.C. Pennington; you have tried to ruin that eloquent fugitive Henry Bibb; and you have vainly attempted to crush that intellectual giant Samuel R. Ward. But you are at home in the company of Thomas Van Rensselaer, editor of the Ram's Horn, whom you have accused of falsehood. What think, you of the old adage, Show me a man's company, and I will tell you what he is? In your assassin-like article, which you desired to take effect in England, you say that I am a man, and may stand among my brethren. - Why was all that necessary? Why raise a mortal to the sky? You talk of my race - pray sir, how many races of men are there? Certainly if you do not belong to my race , you must belong to that of Haman. You make four charges against me, every one if which is generally and particularly false; and you knew them to be such when you made them. 1. You say I go to England to advocate a cause abroad which I have not espoused at home - the Free Produce cause. This is untrue in two particulars. I go not for that purpose alone - I am requested to advocate the cause of freedom generally. I am a friend of Free Produce , and have humbly commenced practicing it. 2. You publish that I have no faith in the use of moral means for the extinction of American Slavery. I believe with all my heart in such means - and I believe that political power ought to be used for that end, and that when rightly used, it is strictly moral . I also believe that the slave has a moral right to use his physical power to obtain his liberty - my motto is, give me liberty, or give me death. Dare you, Frederick Douglass, say otherwise? Speak plainly - I am "calling you out." 3. You accuse me of being your enemy. I am not. I stand in that relation to no man. You hate me because I tell you the truth. May you seek speedy repentance. 4. You, and the Anti-Slavery Bugle, say that I will misrepresent you in England. My theme in that land will be of better men, and better principles than you, or those which you possess. Will the Bugle please publish this letter, and send me the paper, and I will send him a years subscription. Some two months ago or more, Mr. Douglass challenged me, in connexion with Ward, and Bibb, to discuss the matter upon which we differed in New York in May last. I accepted, but you became frightened at the mere "shaking of my goose quill." You could not be called out. You affirmed that the project to give the slaves the Bible, is unworthy of the attention of philanthropists. I dissent from you entirely. Your servant, HENRY HIGHLAND GARNET. PETERBORO, Aug. 31. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Highland Garnet Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The North Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.7.1849 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Slavery - The Free Labour Movement Subject The topic of the resource Description of Henry Highland Garnet's visit to England and lecture on free produce Description An account of the resource It is already known to our readers -- for we have repeatedly brought the fact under their consideration -- that a movement is on foot in this country to undermine the institution of American slavery, by withdrawing, as far as may be, its foundation and support -- the consumption of its products -- its cotton, and sugar, and race -- raised by the enforced and unrequited toil of the negro. With this view tracts have been circulated making known to housekeepers what countries and colonies produce their goods by slave labour, and what by free labour -- that, in making their purchases, they may choose the free in preference to the slave -- may prefer, for instance, the sugars and coffees of the British West Indies to those of Cuba or the Brazils, the rice of Patras or Java to that of Carolina, the cocoa of Trinidad or Grenada to that of Brazil. But the friends of the free-labour movement have chiefly endeavoured to promote the cultivation and supply of cotton by voluntary and remunerated industry, as the most effectual means of competing with the American slaveholder, and wounding him to the quick. There are great difficulties in the way of this enterprise; but they are not insurmountable, and already some wholesale mercantile houses have placed themselves in a condition to supply free-labour goods to retail tradesmen. Moist sugar, coffee, and rice, the produce of voluntary labour, may be obtained from any wholesale house; loaf sugar, from Stantin & Fry, London; prints for ladies' dresses, Crewdson's fine shirtings, Morris's white and grey calicoes, coloured glazed linings, sewing cottons, tapes, &c., from J.F. Browne & Co., Manchester; white and grey calicoes, knitting cottons, &c., from Barrow & Satterthwaite, Lancaster; hosiery, from J. & R. Morley, Wood-street, Cheapside, London; Strutt's three-thread knitting cottons, from Burtenshaw & Gaude, London. In Newcastle, Richardson & Coxon and Mr. Charles Bragg, and in Gateshead Mr. F. Clark, drapers, keep free-labour goods; and other tradesmen will doubtless also procure them -- and the more readily if their fair customers ask for them. To induce our countrywomen on whom the success of this movement mainly (we might say altogether) depends, to make this request -- to desire the shopkeeper to serve them with goods that have been freely procured for market wages, in preference to those the slaveholder has raised by the labour of his bondsmen -- not only, as we have already stated, has the press been set in motion, but MR. HIGHLAND GARNET, a coloured gentleman, of pure African descent, born in slavery, but now happily emancipated, has been induced to visit this country, and appeal from the platform for sympathy and support. His arrival in this country was announced in a previous number of the Gateshead Observer, and we have not to report his first appearance before a public meeting. This was held on Monday evening, the 16th inst., in the Weslyan school-room, Gateshead--the most spacious apartment in the borough, yet crowded from end to end. A hymn had been sung, prayer was offered up by the Rev. Mr. RATTRAY, of Swalwell, and the Rev. T.K. ANDERSON, Presbyterian minister, was called upon to take the chair. Mr. GARNET was most kindly and cordially received when he rose to address the meeting. After a few words of introduction, he stated that he appeared before an English audience on behalf of an oppressed and injured race on the continents of America and Africa, and of countless numbers on the islands of the ocean, who lifted up their fettered hands to Heaven, and prayed for liberty. He was there as their advocate, not only because he was of the same race, every drop of blood in his veins being African; but also because he was a man. (Applause.) Mr. Garnet read a letter -- one of the last letters ever written by John Wesley -- which was on the subject of slavery, and was addressed to William Wilberforce, animating him to renewed zeal and courage in his philanthropic enterprise, and stigmatizing American as the worst form of slavery which had ever existed under the sun. The institution thus justly described by Mr. Wesley had now three millions of victims; or, in other words, there were as many human beings held in bondage in the United States as there were inhabitants -- men, women, and children -- in all Scotland. (Sensation.) And the physical horrors of slavery -- on which it was not his intention to dwell -- were not its worst and most appalling consequences. Its moral effects were still more fearful and lamentable. Yet of these the slaveholder was accustomed to make his boast. When he had blotted out from his victim the natural, inborn love of liberty; when he had extinguished within him all those high and holy aspirations and affections which gave dignity to human nature; then, with his foot upon the neck of his prostrate slave, he exulted in his work, and proudly proclaimed that the crouching and abject serf was -- CONTENT! (Hear, hear.) But, as a class, they were not content. If they were, how came it that thousands of them fled the house of bondage? The slaveholder bitterly complained of the loss of his property--he was angry that they sought and found an asylum in Canada -- that, flying from the shadow of the Republic, they took refuge under the shelter of the English Monarchy. (Applause.) But what would have become of the United States, if the forty thousand negroes now in Canada had ben retained in bonds? Canada, in fact, was the safety valve of American Slavery -- the protection of the Republic from a destructive explosion. Thither it was that the aspiring negro, whose resolve was liberty or death, directed his fugitive feet; and woe to the United States if no such asylum existed for the mounting and untameable spirits of his (Mr. Garnet's) race! (Applause.) Virginia and Maryland, Mr. Garnet stated, were states whose chief exports were slaves; and the average duration of an exported negro's life did not exceed from five to seven years. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Garnet exhibited one of the whips wielded by the drivers-- a whip, he said, which had frequently been used in lashing men and women. He also produced the chains imposed upon the necks and limbs of the slaves. But, he said, for these he was indebted, not to America, but to England. Yes! Birmingham was the place in which the shackles were forged which the manstealer placed upon his prey. (Sensation.) But let the forgers beware! Lord Brougham, in. 1840, obtained a law which made it felony to aid and abet the Slave Trade; and the men who made these chains, and who were well known, might be transported. (Applause.) While America built the fleetest vessels in the world -- the Baltimore clippers -- to waft the poor negro from slavery, Portugal and Spain supplied the crews, and England wove the fabrics that were given in exchange for the captive African, and forged his chains. (Hear, hear.) A rude song, said to be the composition of a slave, was frequently sung in the United States on the occasion of processions of the captured gangs. He (Mr. Garnet) had no pretensions to be considered a vocalist, but h would sing the words:-- See these poor souls from Africa Transported to America. We are stolen, and sold to Georgia: Will you go along with me? We are stolen, and sold to Georgia: Come sound the jubilee! See wives and husbands sold apart: Their children's screams will break my heart. There's a better day a-coming: Will you go along with me: There's a better day a-coming: Go sound the jubilee! O, gracious Lord! when shall it be That we poor souls shall all be free? Lord, break them slavery powers: Will you go along with me? Lord, break them slavery powers: Go sound the jubilee! Dear Lord! dear Lord! when slavery'll cease, Then we poor souls will have our peace. There's a better day a-coming: Will you go along with me? There's a better day a-coming: Go sound the jubilee! (These simple lines, set to a plaintive air, produced a marked impression on the meeting.) Mr. Garnet proceeded to say, that the only way in which Britain could, legitimately assist in the emancipation of the American slave, was by argument; and the most powerful argument would be the discontinuance, as far as possible, of the consumption of slave-labour products. A former generation gave up, for the sake of the negro, the use of slave-grown sugar; and this was done when free labour sugar was not to be had. A less sacrifice was now demanded of the British public. It was simply asked of them to prefer free-labour to slave-labour sugar, coffee, cotton, rice, &c. This he believed they would many of them do. He had been encouraged at Frankfort, while visiting that city as a delegate to the Peace Congress, by the request of the chief magistrate that an anti-slavery meeting should be held. This suggestion was carried out, and it was resolved that free-labour stores should be established in Germany. Mr. Garnet exhibited cottons and cotton prints the products of free labour, now on sale in Newcastle, Gateshead, and elsewhere. There were British colonies, he said, which could produce cotton with even more advantage than the United States; and he trusted that every encouragement would be given by Britons to this branch of British industry. (Applause.) Mr. G., of whose address we give but a bare outline, resumed his seat amidst loud cheers, -- We find that we have omitted to allude to one of the dark features of American slavery, presented by Mr. Garnet the law by which the negro child is bound to follow the fortunes, not of its father, but of its mother. If the mother was born free, so was the child. The motives of the lawmaker was obvious. If, the father being free, the child was free also, the licentious slaveholder would lose much "property." It was therefore decreed that the child must be a slave, if its mother was a slave; and hence there were many men and women in bondage who were as fair as any of the ladies and gentlemen whom he had the honour of addressing. In illustration of this portion of his lecture, Mr. Garnet exhibited several daguerrotype portraits of fugitive slave-girls, "guiltless of a skin not coloured like our own;" yet all the Saxon blood that circles in their vein does not atone, in the eye of the American, for the slight remaining taint of the African. At the close of the meeting, a collection was made in aid of its object; and thanks having been voted to Mr. Anderson, and to the trustees for the use of the room, a benediction was pronounced and the proceedings closed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Highland Garnet Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Anti-Slavery Reporter  Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.01.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Newcastle on Tyne, England, Oct. 12, 1850. To the Editor of the Non-Slaveholder. Subject The topic of the resource Henry Highland Garnet's letter on the influence of the free produce movement in Britain Description An account of the resource I am happy to inform you that our good cause is increasing daily in importance to the minds of the British people. The willingness which they manifest to hear the subject, has surprised even the most sanguine of our friends. No one pretends to say that we are wrong, and therefore we have only to arouse the generous feelings of the people; and convince them of the practicability of our measures, and we see them mustering into our ranks with such alacrity as to assure us that success awaits us. Very many who heretofore had placed the slave system in foreign countries far beyond their reach, are beginning to see how they may remove some of the chief pillars from the concern, and are prepared to act in consistency with their convictions. Our meetings are invariably crowded, and we have the satisfaction of seeing much spirit and determination in the formation of "Free Labor Associations," which is usually attended to in meetings more private and social. Already with four weeks labor we have formed eight flourishing Associations, which are connected with the Ladies' New Castle Anti-Slavery Society. The following is a brief statement of our movements: Sept. 13 We commenced our Anti-Slavery campaign. The first meeting was held at Wallsend. It was well attended, and our cause was warmly received. 14th. At 2 o'clock I addressed a large concourse of children at Tuthill Stairs, Baptist chapel, New Castle, and impressed upon the minds of my little hearers, the condition and claims of the slave children of America. 16th. A large and spirited meeting was held in the evening at Gateshead. Rev. Mr. Anderson presided--the large school belonging to the Methodist chapel was crowded. 17th. Went to South Shields, called the "Heart of Old England." We were welcomed to the house of Thomas Scott, a gentleman much devoted to our cause. The meeting was held in the Wesleyan chapel, the largest house in town. Robert Ingham, Esq., ex. M.P. presided, and made an able address. Mr. Ingham is one of the most popular and beloved gentlemen in this part in the country. The church was filled to overflowing, and we were informed that many were compelled to leave the doors, not being able to gain admittance. It is estimated that more than 1200 were present. Mr. Wm. Harper did much towards the meeting. He is a ship owner, but will not employ his vessels in any way that will promote slavery. The venerable Dr. Winterbottom could not attend the meeting, but sent word that "he had a black man's heart"--the precise language used by the venerated friend of the oppressed, Gerrit Smith Esq. 18th. Attended a private meeting at 11 o'clock, at the Wesleyan chapel, and formed a large and influential Association. At 3 P. M. joined a "Tea Party" at Rev. Mr. Pottenger's Baptist chapel, in Tuthill near New Castle. It was an Anti-Slavery gathering--and all the delicacies were fre labor of course. The meeting was in every way cheering and grateful to the hearts of the friends of the cause. 19th. Spent a part of the day with Jonathan Priestman, an esteemed minister of the Friends' in New Castle. In the evening attended a Free Labor Tea Party, kindly given me by the Wesleyan ladies at the Blenheim street chapel; a large number of gentlemen and ladies were present. The meeting was in every way delightful. Several speeches were made after the tables were cleared. 20th. An enthusiastic meeting at North Shields. The Mayor, Capt. Linskill, took the chair, and made a warm and able speech, approving the measure. Dr. Pennington joined me here and took part in a meeting. 27th. Met a private gathering in Gateshead, at the house of Mr. Brady to form a Free Labor Association. Several high-minded and influential persons were present. 30th. At 7 o'clock, went to our meeting at Smyrna chapel in Sunderland, and found the house filled, and scores standing around the doors. We entered, and were welcomed by a hearty greeting. The Union chapel some hundred rods distant was opened to receive the surplus congregation, and it was soon filled. Both Dr. Pennington and myself spoke in each meeting. We never saw more enthusiastic meetings. The next mornign a large Association was formed. Oct. 1. Attended the second meeting at South Shields, which was even larger than the first. The Wesleyan chapel was kindly opened. The meeting was full to overflowing. 2d. Went to Hartlepool, and found the friends not expecting a good meeting, but was agreeably disappointed. Next morning a good Association was formed. 3d. Held a meeting at Friends' meeting house at Stockton. The house though large was crowded. There we also formed an Asosciation. 4th. Spoke at Middlesburgh in the Town Hall. The house could not hold the people who desired to hear. The next day we saw a good society started. 8th. We reached the beautiful town of Darlington. The place has several of the most "stately homes of England." The residences of several "Friends" are lovely beyond description. I would mention those of the Peases and Backhouses. We had a warm and cordial reception, and really our hearts were cheered to see those whose opulence and distinguished names give them so much influence joining in this infant Reformation with such spirit. Our meeting was held in the Central Hall, which was quite full. An association was formed the next day. 10th. Attended another meeting at Blagdon, which was not a whit behind the others for interest. In most of these meetings at which associations were formed, we were aided by our friend A.H. Richardson. The demand for free labor articles is increased daily. Help us, dear friends in America, to satisfy that demand. H.H. GARNET Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Highland Garnet Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Non-Slaveholder Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.1850