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                <text>The Free Labor Movement (Article)</text>
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                <text>FREDERICK DOUGLASS' ESTEEMED FRIENDS: I have been giving thy address at Corinthian Hall, another reading. I value it for the view it takes of the great field of anti-slavery, and that taken from the "standpoint" occupied by the Liberty party. I am at a loss to understand how any strict abolitionists can object to its principles, as defined in that address, especially if " it makes a clean sweep of slavery EVERYWHERE."&#13;
&#13;
The "Free Labor people" are also spoken of in that address. I felt really thankful that they were obtaining a little more attention, for the sake of their principles. Allowing the Liberty Party to e the right hand of anti-slavery, the Free Labor movement, will put in a claim to be considered one of its fingers, and, peradventure, may some day be invited to a place " up higher ."&#13;
&#13;
The "Free Labor people" are understood to reassert the doctrine, that slavery cannot be legalized anywhere neither in Congress nor out of Congress neither in the cotton-field nor out of the cotton-field neither in the cotton-mill nor on the counter of the store -keeper nor in anti-slavery bazaars nor on the tables nor backs of those who cry aloud, and "spare not," when they are denouncing slavery in all its ramifications.&#13;
&#13;
Free labor people claim the right to prefer the "higher law," that says, 'the laborer is worthy of his hire" to the "lower law," that says, "price must be consulted before principle." Accordingly, when a slaveholder offers them a bale of cotton he has whipped out of the labor of some "Uncle Tom," they say, to sell or buy, that cotton, cannot be legalized without the owner's consent that that cotton has been obtained through fraud and cruelty of the deepest tint we cannot buy it or use it without acknowledging the legality of the transaction or acting the part that is down below any respectful attention. "The hire of the laborer that has been kept back by fraud, crieth" out of that bale of cotton, and all the eloquence or arguments that expediency can use, cannot stifle that heart sickening moan!&#13;
&#13;
Under these impressions, they cannot go to the slaveholder with a protest against his unholy calling, or to the slave, and affect sympathy for him, and then turn round and falsify it all by becoming accomplices it the guilt. They are willing to hope that their "society is quietly doing its work;" but a part of the work it undertakes, is by no means agreeable, however necessary it may be; it is not agreeable to attempt to show, that to go before the world, with well written addresses, setting forth what some honest, thorough-going anti-slavery people did some years ago, at great personal sacrifice, and trying to make anti-slavery capital out of it, while the speakers are, at the same time, justifying themselves in purchasing stolen cotton, to run their mills upon, or fill up their stores , or ornament their person with, is mere twaddle, and can no more aid in the abolition of slavery, than the beating the wind with a fan, can drive back the tempest.&#13;
&#13;
They have long been converts to the doctrine so well expressed in thy paper of the 30th, ult., viz.: "Christianity does not modify or regulate iniquity. It seeks to abolish it. It is a gross reflection upon its purity, to even insinuate that it tampers, it the least degree, with any species of iniquity." Hence, they believe it to be the duty of the church to take this anti-slavery business in hand, and to see if the members of each of its branches are acting up to the principles it has after mature deliberation adopted, regardless of the plea set up by custom or convenience. Being willing to be tested themselves in this way, they see no impropriety in testing the anti-slavery of the day in the same manner, wherever it proclaims itself.&#13;
&#13;
We frequently meet with persons who, when we endeavor to set before them the claims of the Free Labor movement, reply, of the correctness of your principles, there can be non doubt. I admit it fully; and if you will come and open a Free Labor store in this place, I will give you my patronage; and I have no doubt you would be well sustained, if you could sell your goods as low as other goods are selling; there are a great many anti-slavery people in this place. So said the people to Robert Fulton, when he made his first attempt with his "tiny bark" on the Hudson. There can be no doubt but it would be a great accommodation to the public to travel in that way. We shall keep an eye upon you, and if you succeed, you may rely upon our patronage. But, sys Fulton, no thanks to you for such patronage; the patronage that will be useful to me is what I can feel the benefit of at the present time!&#13;
&#13;
Free Labor people wish to avoid censoriousness in themselves, and take no comfort in seeing it indulged by others. They intend to use great plainness of speech, without being uncourteous. They aim at calling the attention of anti-slavery people to a few facts they deem worthy of more notice than they have hitherto obtained.&#13;
&#13;
Cotton growing, by slave labor, and slave breeding, have grown up side by side of each other, and are believed to be ultimately connected. There is no necessity in going to slaveholders for our supply of cotton; it is believed there were nearly 100,000 bales of that a commodity raised last year, in the Southern States, by non-slaveholding planters . This cotton might have been selected, (a portion of its was,) purchased t the current price of other cotton, manufactured and sol to ultra abolitionists; and through this means the non-slaveholding planter might be made to understand that they, too, had sympathizers in the free States. There is no necessity in mixing the free grown with the slave-grown cotton, in the process of manufacturing. There is a cotton-mill now in operation near Philadelphia, under the care of respectable, trustworthy men, G.W. Taylor and others, where the free grown cotton alone is used, and where fabrics suitable for domestic use are now in the process of manufacture.&#13;
&#13;
With these facts before them, Free Labor people feel warranted in asking everyone pledged o the side of freedom Will the moral law sustain you in giving the preference to slave-grown cotton?&#13;
&#13;
In concluding my long letter, (I have not room to speak of the premiums for free -grown cotton, that will probably be paid this year by the friends of this movement,) allow me to express my desire, that all our anti-slavery organizations may be brought back to first principles. Let us have a new organization (if needful) with " no political , ecclesiastical, nor commercial union with slaveholding," for our motto !&#13;
&#13;
Very restfully, thy friend,&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
HENRY MILES,&#13;
Cor. Sec'y of Free Produce Association of Western Vermont.&#13;
MOUKTON, April 5, 1855.</text>
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                <text>Henry Miles</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Frederick Douglass' Paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>4.20.1855</text>
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                <text>Constitution of the Free Produce Association of Western Vermont</text>
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                <text>Believing that slaveholding is opposed to the sprit and tenor of the Christian religion, and mainly supported by the purchase of the productions of slave labor, were regard it our duty to abstain, as far as practicable, from the sue of such productions. With these views, and to increase the facilities in procuring goods produced by free labor, we unite in an Association under the title of the Free Produce Association of Western Vermont, and adopt for its Government with the following rules:&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 1. This Association shall consist of such persons as concur in the above sentiments, and sign the Constitution.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 2. The objects of this Association shall be not to substitute this for other modes of Anti-Slavery actions, but to take up the Anti-Slavery enterprise where the church and ballot box heave it - to carry frequent Anti-Slavery action into the family circle of each of its members, to the counter of the store-keeper, to the factory of the exchange, as unreservedly as we would make it an affair of the church, or the business or legislative bodies - to stimulate ourselves in such practical Anti-Slavery efforts as a constant recurrence ft our leading principles would induce - to adopt means for obtaining a supply of articles the production of free labor, that cannot be other wise and impolicy of slave labor, the demolition of domestic comfort, of social and religious privileges, and the destruction of human life which it occasions, and the duty of withstanding from it our support.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 3. The Association shall meet annually, and at such other times as the Board of Managers shall direct.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 4. The officers of the Association shall be a President, two Vice Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and a Board of Managers, to be appointed at the Annual Meeting, and continue in office till others are appointed.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 5. The duties of the officers of the Association shall be similar to those in other associations , (defined in the by-laws) and they shall submit a report of their proceedings forth past year at the Annual Meeting.&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 6. the Association shall correspond, as occasion may require, with such similar associations as may be established in promoting its objects.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
ARTICLE 7. This Constitution may be altered or amended at any Annual Meeting of the Association , by a vote of two-thirds of the members present.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
S. HUMPHREY, President, pro-term .&#13;
HENRY MILES, Corresponding Secretary.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Frederick Douglass' Paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>6.9.1854</text>
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                <text>Philadelphia; 10.15.1839 (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>American Free Produce Association &#13;
&#13;
The first annual meeting of the American Free Produce Association will be held in Philadelphia on the 15th of October. Societies auxiliary to this are requested to send large delegates and the friends of the cause generally are invited to attend. On behalf of the Executive Committee.&#13;
&#13;
ABM. L. PENNOCK, Chairman,&#13;
DANL. L. MILLER, Secretary.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Colored American&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.5.1839</text>
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                <text>The Boston Bazaar (Event)</text>
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                <text>Nearly eight columns of the Liberator of last week are occupied with an account of this Bazaar. By this official report, we learn that the receipts (we suppose the gross receipts, for nothing is said of expenses) amount to three thousand dollars - a sum less than that received from the Bazaar last year - a circumstance elaborately accounted for in the report.&#13;
The conservatism of Boston is dwelt upon in quite a philosophical strain, in which the case of poor Sims (the fugitive slave) is woven with much skill and effect. The exclusion of the Bazaar from old Faneuil Hall is, very properly, made the subject of extended remark. The glaring pro-slavery spirit and partiality of the city authorities are fearlessly set forth, and must cover them with shame and reproach. It seems that those worthies could grant the use of Faneuil Hall, on half toll, to the Catholic Fair, and refuse it to abolitionists even when offered the whole price which they had fixed as the rent rate.&#13;
The Bazaar, from the report, does not seem to have lacked British contributions.&#13;
"Our friends in Great Britain had, with one or two exceptions, exceeded the generosity of previous years. Wherever a deficiency had occurred, it has been supplied with fresh and unlooked-for laborers. Boxes of great variety and value were received from the following places in Great Britain: London, Bristol, Manchester, Leeds, New-castle-upon-Tyne, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Perth, Dublin, and Cork. These included donations from Bath, Frenchay, Chatham, Bolton, and other towns in England, and from Dundee, Sterling, Crieff, Comrie, Milnathrob and Kinross in Scotland."&#13;
In speaking of the catholicity and breadth of the American A.S. Society, the report says:&#13;
"As we have said elsewhere, a recognition of the sinfulness of slavery, and the duty of its immediate abolition, is the basis on which its operations rest, the tie which unites in harmonious fellowship a great multitude of men and women, differing, perhaps, in various degrees, on every other subject. No religious or political test is allowed. On its platform, men and women, blacks and whites, natives and foreigners, Christians and infidels, have the same rights, and are by their presence committed to nothing but a warfare on slavery."&#13;
Theoretically, this is true; PRACTICALLY it is far from the truth.&#13;
The time was, we know, when " harmonious fellowship" with the American Anti-Slavery Society was the " recognition of the sinfulness of slavery, and the duty of its immediate abolition," but this time has passed. No such qualifications as these, can secure such " harmonious fellowship;" and this, we believe, the writer of the above well knows. - The " recognition " of the pro-slavery character of the U.S. Constitution, and a bitter hatred of "the Liberty Party," are far safer passports to " harmonious fellowship" with that Society, than is the " recognition of the sinfulness of slavery, and the duty of its immediate abolition."&#13;
As an evidence of the exceeding coolness of this writer, take the following:&#13;
In closing this paper, necessarily brief and inadequate, we feel that our whole duty were not discharged, did we not renewedly commend the American A.S. Society to the donations and sympathies of all who are seeking to find the only real and efficient anti-slavery instrumentality that the country affords. Free Soil parties, Vigilance Committees, Associations for the Improvement of the Colored Race, Free Produce Associations , Schools for Colored Children, - all and each of these do a partial, and some of them a praiseworthy work, in aid of the anti-slavery enterprise. But they are only collateral, and dependent for their vital breath on the life created by this organization.&#13;
" The only real and efficient anti-slavery instrumentality that the country affords!"&#13;
Sister, here we think you are mistaken. In this Protestant country, it will not do to deal in " onlys." There are so many " efficient anti-slavery instrumentalities, it scarcely looks modest for any one among them, to arrogate to itself the Romish appellation of " only." We believe that the American A.S. Society is doing a great and good work; and, as far as its members will allow us, we are disposed to co-operate with it; still, we think that our anti-slavery "vitality" is not imparted to us by that organization. There is a Power that supplies that "vitality,' independent of all human organization; and that Society might fall to pieces tomorrow, and strange as it may seem, the anti-slavery cause would survive it. Oh! when will men and women cease to worship the Form, instead of the Power - look, with becoming humility upon the works of their own hands?</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Frederick Douglass' Paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>2.5.1852</text>
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                <text>Sunderland, UK; 10.4.1850 (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>Anti-Slavery Demonstration&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A public anti-slavery meeting was held in Smyrna Chapel, on Monday evening last. The Rev. John Parker presided. Long before the time appointed for the services of the evening, the chapel was crowded to excess; and as it was thought desirable that none who had come interested in the prosperity of the movement should be disappointed, it was resolved to open Union Chapel for those who could not gain admittance into Smyrna. In a few minutes that chapel was also crowded. When the Rev. Dr. Pennington and the Rev. Henry Highland Garnet, gentlemen of color, and once slaves, but now ministers of the gospel, the former in the city of New York, and the latter at Geneva, State of New York, entered the chapel, the immense assembly rose and in the most welcome and enthusiastic manner greeted them as brethren. It was then agreed that they should each address both meetings. The Rev. James Muir presided over the meeting in Union Chapel. The addresses of the gentlemen were eloquent, persuasive and thrilling, and were received with expressions of the highest approbation. Many of their statements filled the audience with horror, and drew from them the deepest sympathy. - They showed that the history of slavery on the cotton fields of America, is the very epitome of human misery. The slaves are treated like beasts of burden - their family ties are disregarded - they are constantly worked under the whip - even the women being flogged unmercifully when they fail in accomplishing their appointed task. Should they attempt to escape, they are hunted with bloodhounds, and not unfrequently shot down like wild beasts. The average life of a slave on a cotton plantation is estimated not to exceed seventy years. They exhibited American slavery as they had seen and felt it; they showed its debasing character, injustice and impolicy, even in a temporal light; the oppression, cruelty, and wretchedness of the fugitive slave law, lately passed by both houses of Congress, and which is now the law in operation in that country. They also pointed out the means by which the system may be entirely suppressed, viz. by using free labor produce , and refusing to touch or taste any article produced or manufactured by slaves. In the United States, Brazil, and Spanish colonies, there are seven millions of slaves who produce , cotton, sugar, rice, tobacco and coffee, which articles are consumed in large quantities by the British nation. They give the slaveholder their money or manufactures in exchange for the products of the blood-stained fields, and thus furnish the means for continuing the atrocious system. The remedy is apparent - abstain from their produce and slavery must cease. A whip of a slave-driver was shown, which has often been wet with the blood of the oppressed slave. The whip was nine feet in length, a fearful weapon to be applied in the punishment of a human being. Manacles for the legs and neck, which had been manufactured in Birmingham, were also shown, and produced sensations of the most intense nature, and loud cries of "shame, shame." Both meetings were most enthusiastic. The Rev. James Pringle, from Newcastle, Revds. S. Watkinson and John Morris, with Mr. Wakinshaw, took a part in the proceedings of the evening. A vote of thanks was given to the rev. strangers in the same expressive manner as they had been greeted when they entered the meeting. A collection was taken for aiding the good work commenced; it was liberal, and showed the intense feeling of the meeting. After prayer, by the Rev. presiding gentlemen, the meeting separated. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On Wednesday morning at 11, a most respectable meeting was held in Union Chapel, for forming a Ladies' Anti-Slavery Association , for promoting the sale of free labor produce . The Association was formed with all its office-bearers, and a considerable number of ladies have become members. There is something about these movements that leads us to contemplate the day as not far distant when slavery shall be no more. The Rev. Dr. Pennington preached last Sabbath evening in Dundas-street chapel, and in the morning in Smyrna chapel. The Rev. H.H. Garnet preached in the morning in Maling's Rig chapel, and in the evening in Union chapel. The Rev. Dr. Pennington addressed the children of St. George's Sabbath-school in the afternoon. - &lt;em&gt;Sunderland Herald,&lt;/em&gt; Oct. 4.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.31.1850</text>
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                <text>Lockport, NY; 11.18.1854 (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>Free Produce Association &#13;
&#13;
At an adjourned meeting of the Free Produce Association , of Niagara Co., held in the basement of the Lutheran Meeting House, in Lockport, on the 18th of November, 1854, at 1 o'clock P.M., Marcus Stickney was chosen Chairman of the meeting; and Thos. E. Hartley appointed Secretary.&#13;
&#13;
The following Resolutions were then proposed, and unanimously adopted.&#13;
&#13;
Whereas we believe that slaveholding is opposed to the spirit and tenor of the Christian Religion, and mainly supported by the purchasers of the Slave labor; and, holding these views we regard it as our duty to abstain, as far as practicable, from the use of such productions and to increase the facilities for purchasing goods produced by free labor, therefore,&#13;
Resolved , That we unite in an association under the above title, and hereby pledge ourselves to carry out those views, as far as is consistently practicable, by the purchase of such goods only as are the products of Free Labor.&#13;
&#13;
Resolved , That a committee of four be appointed to circulate the above resolution and pledge, and obtain signature thereto.&#13;
Mead Atwater, Marcus Stickney, Titus Atwater, and T.E. Hartley were appointed as such Committee.&#13;
Resolved , That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the Lockport Journal.&#13;
&#13;
Resolved, That this meeting adjourn to meet on the 16th of December next at 10 o'clock, A.M., in the basement of the Lutheran Church in this village, unless some other place be designated prior to the meeting.&#13;
&#13;
All friendly to the cause are respectfully invited to attend, particularly the 51 men and women signer to the Constitution with others.&#13;
&#13;
MARCUS STICKNEY, Pres't .&#13;
T.E. HARTLEY , Sec'y .</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Frederick Douglass' Paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>12.15.1854</text>
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                <text>Collins Free Produce Association - it's advantages, &amp;c. (Article)</text>
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                <text>The people of Collins, are very much like the people elsewhere, being quite willing that a few of their number should do all the labor and have all the honor of a work of reform until it is nearly consummated, when they are equally willing to share in the triumph if anything is to be gained by it. This remark will apply politically although intended for another purpose.&#13;
&#13;
For some years there have been in this vicinity two persons who are not content with the usual duties of the Abolitionist, in the common acceptation of that term. They have chosen to apply their labors in every direction calculated to cripple the energies of the slave power or hasten the overthrow of slavery. Accordingly they have singly and alone applied the abstinence principle to the products of slave-labor. More recently finding some to sympathise with them and a consequent increase in numbers, there has been an organization formed bearing the name of the heading of this article. The members of this organization calculate beforehand about how much sheeting, sugar, calico, &amp;c., they will need respectively, and pay the estimated cost in advance, which is forwarded to New York or the American Free Produce Depot in Philadelphia, accompanied with the account of the kinds and amount of good wanted. They regard slave products the price of blood and oppression. The advantages as already to some extent witnessed are: 1st. A testimony against slavery that will ere long be felt and appreciated, and without which no Abolitionist can be consistent. 2nd. The removal of the sectarian bigotry and prejudice previously exhibited. 3d. A discouragement of the further multiplication of the Non-producers in the world. Aside from the subject of slavery then, there is this decided use: it prevents mercantile monopoly and saves the profits on the goods for the use of the consumer. When this system is perfected, there must of course be more producers and consequently less oppression.&#13;
&#13;
It is to be hoped that the contemplated National League will incorporate the free produce principle into its constitution.&#13;
&#13;
I would ask, that the readers of the North Star would seriously consider whether they are not losing much of the influence they possess by neglecting the scriptural injunction of "touch not, taste not, handle nor the unclean thing," the present use of which is rendering such aid to slaveholders. L.M.&#13;
&#13;
COLLINS CENTER, 11th mo. 1849.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>11.23.1849</text>
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                <text>American Free Produce Association (Advertisement)</text>
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                <text>MANUFACTURED by the American Free Produce Association , and for sale at No. 31 North Fifth street, Philadelphia:&#13;
Manchester Ginghams, Checks, Apron and Furniture; Canton, Flannel, unbleached; Muslins bleached and unbleached, of various qualities and width; thin Muslin for linings, brown and colored Bird Eye Towels, black and white Wadding, Cotton Laps, Lamp Wick, Bed Ticking, an excellent article; Calico, Stockings, Knitting Cotton, &amp;c. &amp;c.&#13;
Orders for Goods, or letters describing information may be addressed to J. Miller McKim, 31 North Fifth street; Daniel L. Miller, Tenth street; or to James Mott, No. 35 Church Alley.&#13;
A large and handsome assortment of Prints now on hand, at reasonable terms. June 26, 1851.&#13;
October 30th, 1851.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Frederick Douglass' Paper&lt;/em&gt;,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;The North Star&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>8.20.1852</text>
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                <text>For Frederick Douglass' Paper (Letter to the Editor)</text>
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                <text>Letter advocating for free labor</text>
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                <text>AURORA, N.Y., March 14, 1855.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
FRIEND DOUGLASS: - On looking over your paper of March 9, I see a piece entitled a New Association ; and as you thereby invite the thoughts of your readers as to how slavery shall be got rid of, I venture to give you mine on the subject, (hoping you will have many thoughts form others also, for in the multitude of counselors there is safety.) We all know it is a great work, and a mighty opposition may reasonably be expected; but happily for, us the world affords us one example of such a work being effected; (I mean the English emancipation;) and in this work, no one person can expect to work alone, but everyone may help, and a most effectual help I conceive it would be, if everyone would thoroughly wash their hands of participation in the guilt and sin of slavery, as this seems a very plain question; that as the slave-owner steals the labor to produce the fruits of the earth, such goods, whether cotton, tobacco or sugar, or anything else, are stolen goods; and the indisputable proverb, that the receive is as bad as the thief, seems to hold good, if he knew it to be stolen I would suggest, then the propriety of something like a pledge to be signed by every person, man, woman or child, capable of knowing the purpose, not to sue in any way, slave produce . If only a goodly portion of the inhabitants of the Northern States would sign such a pledge, and strictly keep it, then we might reasonably appeal to the masses of England to cooperate in the work; and I have no doubt that a vast number of the inhabitant of England would, if appealed to on the subject, enter into it heartily; for I believe that full ninety-nine out of a hundred of the English are opposed to slavery, and would do any reasonable thing to help exterminate it. If, then, the people of the free States here, and then the people of England, could be brought to refuse slave goods, and let slave produce accumulate in their wharves and warehouses, till they were all full, and hard to find a market anywhere, then, when we had made our efforts felt in the right quarter, begin to think of getting up petitions to Congress to do away with slavery, and relieve the Southerners of this difficulty in not being able to sell their produce ; and, after all, I believe it would be the greatest blessing to the South, in the long run, if it could be expected it is easy to suggest this plan on paper, but it would require a long pull, as strong pull, and a pull all together, to carry it out in practice.&#13;
&#13;
I hardly see how anyone can object to this plan, let him belong to what denomination, sect or party he may, if he professes the religion of the Bible; and if anyone feel like stumbling at the laws of this land, in regard to slavery, he would do well to remember the words of Peter and other apostles in the 5th ch. Of Acts, 29th verse: "We ought to obey God, rather than men;" and I would ask, what would become of slavery if all professing Christians would obey this one precept in the 58th ch. Of Isaiah, 6th verse: "Is not this the fast that I have chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free , and that ye break every yoke?" and the next verse is in direct opposition to the carrying out of the Fugitive Slave Law. Ah! that a people boasting of their freedom would obey God rather than man. I know that some try to excuse, palliate, or even justify slavery from the Bible; but I think on one, with any knowledge of the precepts of Christianity, need fear to take up the weapons of his warfare against such blind leaders of the blind.&#13;
&#13;
Wishing success to every effort for truth and righteousness, I bid you a hearty and affectionate farewell,&#13;
&#13;
WILLIAM EMPSON.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Frederick Douglass' Paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>4.20.1855</text>
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                <text>Meeting in Newcastle-on-Tyne recommends the Free Labor Movement</text>
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                <text>An Anti-slavery Soiree was held at Newcastle-on-Tyne on the 13th ult., to welcome H.H. Garnet and family to that town. Several ministers and other friends of the cause took part in the proceedings, which were of a spirited and interesting character. Fruits and other refreshments were handed in the course of the evening, an excellent feeling pervaded the audience, which numbered between three and four hundred. The following resolutions were passed unanimously:&#13;
"1st. - The friends of different religious communities now assembled, recognizing the fact that God has made of one blood all nations of men, whom he has united one to another by mutual wants, as well as by a common nature, deeply regret the continuance of American Slavery, by which fearful wrongs are inflicted upon millions of our fellow creatures, the laws of justice and mercy are set at nought, and the Creator himself is grossly insulted.&#13;
"2d. - That this meeting contemplates with feelings of grief and shame the extent to which American Christians and churches are implicated in the perpetuation of Slavery, and still more in the support they have given to the Fugitive Slave Act; and we feel constrained, by our love of righteousness, by our sympathy for those who suffer wrongfully, by our reverence for the laws of God, and by our concern for the honour of Christianity, to protest against this great transgression of the American people, and to beseech them to employ the best means for its speedy and complete termination.&#13;
"3d. - This meeting rejoices to know that multitudes of fugitives have, from time to time, made their escape from American Slavery into the British dominions; and, among the rest, we hail the name of the Rev. Henry Garnet; and we take this opportunity of assuring him of our sympathy, confidence, and love, whilst we hasten to give him and his family a hearty welcome to Newcastle, on their coming to reside amongst us for a season.&#13;
"4th. - Seeing that the great design of the Fugitive Slave Act is to supply the markets of the world, and, above all, British markest, with slave produce , in competition with free labour, this meeting would earnestly recommend to their friends the Free Labor movement , as a legitimate and effectual method of putting down a system of wickedness such as can find no parallel on the face of the earth." - The Slave .</text>
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