24 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "What Does Your Sugar Cost?" A Cottage Conversation on the Subject of British Negro Slavery. (Concluded.) Description An account of the resource "WHAT DOES YOUR SUGAR COST?" A COTTAGE CONVERSATION ON THE SUBJECT OF BRITISH NEGRO SLAVERY. (Concluded.) From the Fiscal's account, printed by order of the House of Commons, June 23, 1826. page 39. "Mr. Grade, the manager of l'Esperance, is charged by the slaves with various delinquencies. A pregnant woman, named Rosa, was employed picking coffee with some other women. Thinking they did not pick enough, or well, Mr. Grade ordered the driver Zondag to flog them. The driver did so. Rosa had previously objected to working, as being too big, and being unable to stoop; but the manager overruled the objection, and she went to pick coffee on her knees. When Zondag came to her, he said to the manager, This woman is big with child. The manager replied, 'Give it to her till the blood flies out.' She was flogged with the whip doubled. This was on a Friday. She was sent to the field on Saturday, but, being seized with pains in her loins, was sent to the hospital. The doctor examined her, and ordered her to the field again. On Sunday she was delivered of a dead child, after a severe labour. The child's arm was broken, and one eye was bruised, and sunk in the head. This woman had had seven children before by one husband. The driver Zondag, and several others confirmed the above statement. The driver being particularly asked, whether on his representing that Rosa was pregnant, the manager had used the expression, 'Never mind, flog her till the blood comes,' replied, Yes.'" (pp. 25 - 27.) Woman weeps. - "Why, Madam, is a black woman to be used worse than a white one?" Daughter weeps. - "I can tell you, mother - because, because, mother, she has no one to stand up for her. Father would not let you be served so - nor William, either." Lady - "But if the father of Rosa's seven children had raised his arm to defend her, he would have been put to death. This is one of their laws - "Slaves who shall strike, or offer, or dare to strike, or use any violence towards their master or mistress, shall, for the first offence, suffer death, transportation, or such other punishment as the court may think fit to inflict. And for the second offence, death, without possibility of escape. Do not weep for them my good girl, but try to help them. Tell others how they are used, till every body helps them, and listen once more to their ale of woe." "General Murray, the late governor of Demerara, well known by the share he had in the prosecution of Smith, the Missionary, has two estates in Berbice, Resolution, and Busses Lust. On the 2d October, 1821, the manager of the former estate, Hopkins, was reproved by the Fiscal for having given three successive floggings to a Negro named Mark, who states, - "He has been flogged severely by the manager, on account of complaining he was sick, three different times; once twelve, another time thirty-nine, and again twenty-five lashes have been inflicted; shows marks of severe flogging, and much neglected." - (p. 49.) "On the 29th of November there is another complaint from the same estate. Michael says he is a negro, and knows well he must work; but that they work from morning till late in the evening picking coffee, 'and when he comes home, between six and seven in the evening, instead of going home to get some victuals, he is ordered to work till twelve at night, bringing mud from one place to another. Also on Sundays they are ordered to work, and if they should refuse they would be flogged.' Philip makes a similar complaint. "Thomas says he is an old man, and the work that the manager gives him to do is impossible for him to complete, from the weakness of his body and state; for which he is always punished, and kept continually in the stocks." (p. 50.) "The result of the complaints made to the Fiscal is seldom given. In this instance it is given in very laconic terms, and will doubtless surprise our readers: Two directed to receive SEVENTY-FIVE lashes." Mother. - "We will never, never more eat sugar." Daughter. - "I'll never more drink any coffee at all, that I won't." Lady. - "You may have very good sugar, not made by slaves, like this" - (shews her some free sugar.) Woman. - "How am I to get it? I am in debt to our huckster, and I know he only sells that vile slave sugar." Lady. - "Go and ask an honest worthy grocer, who was never known to tell a lie or deceive any one, to give you a pinch of free sugar, with its price per pound written on the paper. Then persuade twenty-four of your neighbours who deal with your huckster, every one, to tell him - 'We want sugar like this, and we will have no other:' keep your word, 'till he has got the right sugar, then eat in peace, and thank God that you were born free, and beseech him earnestly to release these poor blacks from slavery. I know a poor blind woman who is confined to her bed, and there she lies, begging God to help 'them to right who suffer wrong.' She is often asking him to pity her poor black fellow-creatures, and to rid them out of the hands of the wicked.' If every English woman would only do what I recommend: there would soon be an end of slavery; of British slavery, I mean." Woman. - "I wish to help them too, Ma'am; but what will my husband say? I hope he will be as willing as I am to give up the slave sugar." Lady. - "I have been told that he is a sensible man, and that he fears God: he knows that these poor creatures are slaves, and he will remember that 'all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.' If the blacks were in your place, and you in theirs, what would you wish them to do for you?" Woman. - "Oh! I should wish them to pity me, and pray for me, and to beg others to pray for me, and pity me, and the less they eat of the sugar I was whipped to make, the less I should have to make; and if my voice could reach the ears of such kind friends, I should say, 'Blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy.' May the blessings of a poor black woman be on your head." Lady. - "I think, except their own slaves, none that were greatly distressed, ever pleaded to Britons without being helped. Our slaves would have been heard before now, if their bleeding flesh could have had tongues to tell us their wrongs, but the cries of our slaves have been unheard, and their groans could not reach us; theirs 'has been silent, enduring, uncomplaining vice,' their very abjectness prevented them, like the beats, from sending messengers to us, to beg for our help; and it is this thought, 'they cannot plead for themselves,' that gave me courage to knock at your door this morning, to ask you 'what your sugar cost?' and now I have called upon you, and have begged you to help them, will you refuse? Remember that 'whoever so stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he also shall cry himself, but shall not be heard.' Prov. xxi. 13. and say with David, 'Deliver me from blood guiltiness, O God.' Psalm li. 14. Good bye, I will leave you some verses to read when I am gone, and I thank you for listening to me so kindly." - (The Lady does away.) PITY FOR POOR AFRICANS. I own I am shocked at the purchase of slaves. And fear those who buy them and sell them are knaves. What I heard of their hardships, their tortures, and groans, Is almost enough to draw pity from stones. I pity them greatly, but I must be mum, For how could we do without sugar and rum? Especially sugar, so needful we see, What, give up our gingerbread, coffee, & tea! Besides, if we do, the French, Dutch & Danes, Will heartily thank us, no doubt, for our pains, If we do not buy the poor creatures, they will, And tortures and groans will be multiply'd still. If foreigners likewise would give up the trade, Much more in behalf of your wish might be said; But while they get riches by purchasing blacks. Pray tell me why we may not also go snacks? Your scruples and arguments bring to my mind, A story so pat, you may think it is coin'd, On purpose to answer you, out of my mint; But I can assure you I saw it in print. A youngster at school, more sedate than the rest, Had once his integrity put to the test; His comrades had plotted an orchard to rob, And ask'd him to go and assist in the job. He was shock'd, Sir, like you, and answer'd - "Oh no! What! I rob our good neighbour! I pray you, don't go; Besides the man's poor, his orchard's his bread, Then think of his children, for they must be fed." "You speak very fine, and you look very grave, But apples we want, and apples we'll have; If you will go with us, you shall have a share, If not, you shall have neither apple nor pear." They spoke, and Tom ponder'd - "I see they will go, Poor man! what a pity to injure him so! Poor man! I would save him his fruit if I could, But staying behind will do him no good. "If the matter depended alone upon me, His apples might hang till they dropt from the tree; But, since they will take them, I think I'll go too, He will loose none by me, though I get a few." His scruples thus silenced, Tom felt more at ease, And went with his comrades the apples to seize; He blam'd and protested, but join'd in the plan, He shar'd in the plunder, but pity'd the man. Daughter - "Why, mother, Tom was as great a thief as the others, after all." Mother. - "So he was; and we shall be as bad as the planters, if we share in the sugar, and pretend to pity the slaves: we shall be neither more nor less than HIPOCRITES like Tom." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Freedom's Journal Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 8.24.1827 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Wanted for the Fair Description An account of the resource WANTED FOR THE FAIR: Butter, eggs, sugar, flour and poultry. Will some flour merchant in the city be so kind as to send us a barrel of flour? the quantity already promised us is not quite sufficient. And will some benevolent grocer give us a keg of free sugar? it will be gratefully received as a most valuable donation. Our supply of poultry last year was less than usual; this year we hope it will be abundant. Several pairs of <xsl-text></xsl-text>chickens <xsl-text></xsl-text>will be needed, a few days before the Fair to make <xsl-text></xsl-text>salads<xsl-text></xsl-text>. Will our Friends in the country see to it that we have then in time? Butter and eggs also, if sent several days before the Fair, can be most profitably used in furnishing the Refreshment Table. They will be much needed for that purpose; and the surplus, which we hope will be large, will command a high price in the market. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.7.1848 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Died. Lorenzo Mabbett Description An account of the resource In Concord, Erie Co., N.Y., on the 5th inst., LORENZO MABBETT, an active Abolitionist and Reformer, aged 40 years. He was particularly interested in promoting abstinence from the use of the productions of slave labor, and left directions that no article of that kind should go into his coffin. He died in calmness and peace. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator 20:26, p. 3 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.28.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Address to Abolitionists Description An account of the resource From the Pennsylvania Freeman. Address to Abolitionists. At a stated meeting of the Executive Committee of the American Free Produce Association, held First month 29th, 1841, the Committee on “Address to Abolitionists” presented a report, which was read and adopted. Voted:—That Anti-Slavery papers, and others favorable to the cause of abstinence from slave produce, be respectfully requested to insert the same; and to forward a copy containing it to the Association at No 31 North Fifth st. Philadelphia. Extracted from the minutes, B<sc>ENJ</sc>. S. J<sc>ONES</sc>, Sec. The following resolutions were adopted at the last annual meeting of the “American Free Produce Association.” Whereas, We believe slavery to be a violatiou of the moral law, and of the rights of humanity, and destructive of the best interest of society; and that all who willingly contribute their support to the system are justly chargeable with the guilt of slaveholding; therefore Resolved, That the consumers of slave produce, by giving direct encouragement to the slaveholder to continue his system of robbery and oppression are its main supporters and that it is their duty immediately, and forever to abstain from purchasing or using goods, the consumption of which tends to strengthen and sustain slavery. Resolved, That the abolitionists who uses the products of slavery, to the extent of his convenience, stands upon the same platform with the slaveholder, who uses slavery as far as is convenient for him, and that the same argument justifies alike the conduct of either. Resolved, That moral principles are uniform in their application. The principle which forbids us to purchase from the robber the spoils of his outrage, applies to any participation in wrong doing, and that it is one of the laws of the moral government under which our Heavenly Father seeks to bring us, that the proclaimer of truth shall succeed in establishing it only as he lives up to the testimony he preaches. Resolved, That we eminently attribute the want of success in the abolition enterprise, to professed abolitionists <gap>witnessing by their lives the truths they proclaim.</gap> The Executive Commitee or <gap>would earnestly appeal to their fellow laborers in the cause of freedom, to think of these things.</gap> As the advocates of Emancipation have been faithful to their trust, so has their enterprise gained strength and power. Mighty has been the conflict—glorious the triumphs. Though we have by no means done all that could have been done, yet much has been effected: and is it not swing to individual unfaithfulness that we have not accomplished greater good? We believe that examination will show such to be the case. We have not aimed to reform others too much, but ourselves too little. We have chosen rather to contend with giant strength against a mighty array, than to suffer the petty inconveniences, and triffing vexations of a solitary sentinel on some remote and almost unnoticed post. We have desired more to see great and glorious results, than consistent action. In the camp of the champions of liberty are to be found the wedges of gold, and the silver, and the Babylonish vest; not secreted as they were by Achan, in the day when Isreal went forth to battle, but openly displayed in the sight of the foes of God and truth. Brethren, is it not so? We have refused to dip into the Jordan of consistent action; and the leprosy still clings to us, while from those we attempt to cure comes the just and biting taunt, “Physician heal thyself.” Discussion has flashed brightness upon much that was before dark. Abolitionists can now see, with comparative clearness, the duties, they owe to themselves, and to the slave. Many refuse longer to hold fellowship with a proslavery church—or submit to the pro-slavery dictation of political partyism. Their duty in these particulars, has been established and built up by argument: be ours the more neglected—though not less important task—of showing to professed abolitionists, the inconsistency of their conduct, and to fasten upon them the guilt of slaveholding, while they continue as they now do, by purchasing the fruits of his robbery, to encourage the oppressor in his iniquity. It is a maxim in common law, as well as in common justice and common honesty—a maxim sanctioned by common sense—that the receiver of stolen goods, knowing their character, is as guilty as the original depredator. In many cases he is far more guilty; for he is often the motive power which calls into activity the agency of the lesser villain; for by opening a market for stolen goods, he offers a premium for the commission of theft. That slaveholding is sinful—sinful under all circumstances—is a proposition which no abolitionist will deny. This truth is incorporated in the constitutions of our societies—it is written upon every page of our publications, and inscribed upon the heart of every lover of freedom. We have contemplated it in its various phases, and spoken of it until anti-slavery and proslavery arguments have become familiar to us as household words. But while we have seen the injustice of slavery, and the policy and duty of its immediate annihilation, have we sufficiently considered its origin—have we clearly seen all the pillars which support this temple of sin? The lust of gold laid its foundation—cent per cent reared the edifice, and won for it the admiration of a corrupt and avaricious people and the sanction of a time serving priesthood. The approval of Church and State may make its courts a place of popular resort, and confer “respectability and standing” upon those who minister at its altars; but such approbation cannot of itself sustain it. Has the approval of Church and State given strength to the African slave trade? Has not avarice maintained it in defiance of their opposition? Christendom has denounced it, and her cruisers watch the coast. The Church, willing to be equally moral with the State, sides with her; and yet, half a million victims are annually torn from their homes and enchained in foreign lands. And why? Because the lust of gold has blunted the moral sensibilities of the world. Because the nations that denounce it, purchase of the trader; and they who profess to abhor it, share its gains. Surely, the Christian philosopher and the Christian's God, must regard the enlightened purchaser who creates and continues the demand, as more truly guilty than his paid agent, the trader! It is interest, and not principle, which binds together in an almost inpenetrable phalanx, the two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders of America. Cotton, sugar, rice and tobacco, are the staple productions of our slave-working states; and it is to the demand for those commodities, the South owes her shadow of prosperity. Her non-slaveholdcitizens know and feel this, and fancied interest bids them sustain their existing system of labor. But though the South can raise these productions, her slave-labor cannot drive factories and Old and New England ply the shuttle for her. Northern warehouses groan beneath the weight of her slave-cultured cotton—the shelves of Northern merchants are loaded with her fabrics; and the vessels of New England do the carrying trade for the southern planter. Thus has slavery enlisted in her cause the North and the South—the trader on the sea—the merchant, and the manufacturer. Her gold is poured into our treasury, and her stolen goods find purchasers among those who profess to abhor her name. Interest is the mighty agent against which we have to contend. The planter before entering upon his labors, first calculates the profits likely to accrue from the enterprise in which he is about to engage. Having satisfied himself of this, he purchases his negroes, and plants his cane or cotton seed. If his land is equally adapted to the cultivation of either, and he finds there is a surplus of cotton in the market, but a scarcity of sugar, and that such will probably be the case the coming year, he chooses the cane—and the higher the price of sugar, the harder are his laborers driven The shoots are set—the plant ripens, and the gathering season comes. The cane is cut and stored, and long after midnight are the wearied slaves compelled to tend the sugarmill, that the products of their toil may early reach the market. Their task is finished; and the planter exults, because of the quantity of sugar he has made. But is that sugar justly his; has the slave no claim upon it for his toil; has the product of his labor, which the strong arm of violence has wrested from him, indeed become another's? Is it not the fruit of oppression—the product of unrequited and coerced toil, won by robbery the most audacious, and theft of the vilest character? We grant the planter has a just claim for a portion of the sugar. The land upon which it was grown is his; and his money purchased the implements employed in its culture. Giving to this consideration its just weight, we see not how any man of common honesty and common intelligence can purchase that sugar, knowing the manner in which it is obtained, and not feel that he is abetting the planter in his iniquitous system, and encouraging its continuance. We are certain that no abolitionist could go upon that plantation, and after looking on the toil-worn form of the slave, buy the sugar of his raising. He would turn with loathing from its sweetness. Any professed friend of the slave, who would purchase such goods under such circumstances, would justly be denounced as false to the cause of freedom. Abolitionists, with all their faults, are not guilty of such glaring inconsistency—such gross violations of elementary morality. The web is more fiuely spun. Though almost impalpable as air. it binds them as with massive chains of iron. The consumer's connection with slavery is not so readily seen, for the sugar is sent to a southern port and from thence transferred to the merchant of the North; and that, which we might not buy of the planter, or the planter's agent in New Orleans, has how assumed an entirely different character: and we as freely partake of it as though we were not encouraging slavery by so doing. We have reached the other end of the rope, and though we twist with a vigorous hand, we try to persuade ourselves that the poor slave in the middle, is hurt only by the twisting of the planter at the far end: forgetting that if we lose our hold, the slaveholder would spare himself the labor of twisting an unfastened cord. The planter knows he is but the agent of the consumer, supplying him with the kind of goods he requires, and in quantities to suit. The consumer says, “I have sugar and rice enough for next year, I want cotton.” The seed is planted, the pods in due time are filled, the crop gathered, and the order supplied. The following year he asks for rice and sugar; and the obedient planter, ever willing to oblige those he is paid for serving, sets out his shoots, and seads his slaves to scatter the seed-rice in the swamp land. The work required is accomplished, and thus, year after year, is the consumer's agent actively engaged in laboring for him. Little does the slave think, as he toils beside the tall cane plants, or bends to his labor among the snowy whiteness of the cotton crop, that his professed friends at the north will feed upon the sugar and wear the cotton he has grown. Nor will the perishing victim of the riceswamp miasma dream that he is sacrificed because abolitionists choose to gratify their palates at the expense of his life. Brethren examine this matter. Sorutinize it closely. See if you can discover wherein the planter, who directly robs the slave, is more guilty than the abolitionist, who is the purchaser and consumer of goods thus stolen. We all admit the planter has done a grievous wrong—that the goods cultivated by slave labor do not justly and entirely belong to the slaveholder. Try, then, if you can find at what particular stage of the transfer from the estate of the planter to our tables and persons, the stolen property becomes honestly acquired. We can see no difference in moral guilt between the slaveholder and consumer of slave-grown produce —between the thief and the purchaser who buys of a known thief. Let us not be misunderstood. We use the term slave produce in its general acceptation. We do not suppose that slave products are, in themselves, worse than free products, or stolen goods more objectionable in themselves than goods honestly obtained. If it can be shown that the use of such goods, in particular cases, does not sustain and encourage theft and slavery, we sin not in using them. Among the arguments sometimes urged against abstinence, are its expense and attendant difficulties: we are told, too, that it would be a physical means of abolishing slavery, a compulsory measure that would be injurious to our cause. When we consider the present limited demand for free cotton, sugar, rice, and other goods that are generally slave cultured, and the almost prohibitory duties which are laid upon such articles coming from other lands, need we <gap>that stolen goods are afforded for a less price than those which have been honestly and <gap>paid for. “Free goods,” says the non-abstainer, “cost ten or twenty per cent, more than slave goods: and did I purchase them, I should do less to advance the cause of freedom than by giving the difference in the cost for the purpose of disseminating our principles by means of the press and the living speaker.” Such reasoning might answer, were we discussing a question of mere expediency, but will not apply to a matter of principle. As well might James G. Birnev have thus reasoned, when contemplating the recent emancipation of his entailed slaves. There were men who would probably bring from three to five thousand dollars in the market, awaiting his signature to a deed for their emancipation, to stretch forth their unshackled forms free as God had created them. Did his hand pause in the act?—Did he calculate the vast amount of good he could do the anti-slavery cause with the money they would sell for? No! he refused to do evil that good might come. His act was a glorious gain for principle—a righteous triumph for consistency. Principle required he should not “use his neighbor's service without wages, and give him not for his work;” and principle is equally stern in requiring the same of us.</gap></gap> If we live not up to that which we profess, but suffer interest or expediency to turn us aside, how can we reasonably expect to win others to embrace our principles. That it is difficult for us wholly to abstain, is an established fact. But does it lessen our obligation to be faithful in a righteous cause? We know that slavery is so interwoven with all our institutions—has so extended itself through all the ramifications of society, that it is almost impossible to keep ourselves unspotted from it. But the difficulty of so doing should be no apology for lukewarmness or indifference; it should rather incite us to greater zeal and watchfulness, and strengthen our determination to withdraw our support from it. It is not the magnitude of the difficulty that affrights us, but the constant succession of petty, personal, unnoticed sacrifices we should have to make. Abolitionists are accustomed to encountering and overcoming difficulties;—why, then, should they plead their existence in this particular as a justification for inaction or sinful indulgence. We are told that abstinence is a physical means, a compulsory measure. If the objector means it is a moral truth enforced by the agency of peaceful physical power—by such agents as is the pen of the writer, and the lips and tongue of the oral teacher, it may not be denied. It is such physical means as is abstinence from strong drink in the temperance cause, as is abstinence from the use of warlike weapons in the peace cause, as is abstinence from all sin in the cause of Christianity. Is it compulsion to refuse to purchase a stolen jewel of a thief, or contraband goods from the smuggler? Is it compulsion to refuse to share in the plunder of a pirate, or to hold fellowship with the oppressor? If these be compulsory measures, then, too, may abstinence be ranked as one. God has commanded us “not to be partakers in other men's sin;” and surely if He regards as guilty the slave holder, whose education and habits from early childhood have tended to weaken the natural abhorrence of oppression, and make him to regard slavery, if not as a righteous institution, at least a necessary evil—how much more guilty must we be in His sight, who have seen its iniquity and felt for the captive's wrong, who are professedly anxious for its overthrow, and yet join hands with the oppressor upholding him in his sin, and sharing in his plunder? We would urge upon you total abstinence, not only as a measure of true expediency, which, if carried out by all the professed friends of freedom, would upheave slavery from its base; but as a vital principle which lies at the very foundation of the anti-slavery enterprise. As well might the temperance advocate drink the burning poison—the non resistant preach peace with the sabre by his side, as the abolitionist denounce slavery while partaking of its gains. The drunkard and the warrior could see the inconsistency of the temperance man and non-resistant, as do the slave- holders that of the abolitionists. To them, such inconsistency betrays a lack of confidence in our principles—a want of faith in the cause we advocate. They hear us preaching against slavery with our lips and tongue, while they see us, with our hands, build anew her altars and quicken her consuming fire. What wonder that our southern brethren should doubt our sincerity? We call upon them to free their slaves, refusing ourselves to make a lesser sacrifice, and part with some of the luxuries or conveniences which we derive from the captive's unpaid toil. Did we wholly abstain, and “touch not, taste not, and handle not,” that which is the produce of slave labor, the planter, however much he might condemn our principles and measures, would honor us for our consistency. The words of truth would come pure and unsullied from our lips, made more eloquent by the simple beauty of consistent action. We know how few abstain; but we attribute this, not to the unsoundness of the arguments urged by the advocates of such a course, but rather to an unwillingness on the part of some to make the very many world-unnoticed sacrifices which would be required; and to the impatience of others to see great and immediate results from their actions. Let such remember that the “seed-wheat of humanity” is not planted without toil, nor does it whiten for the harvest in a single day. The laborer in the moral, as in the natural world, must first scatter the seed, and then wait in patience and in faith for the promised harvest. To such as are not satisfied of the correctness of the principles advocated by the friends of abstinence, a plan may be suggested for consideration that has been elsewhere proposed, and which, to be consistent in consistency, should be adopted. It is a measure far more economical and humane than the plan now pursued in reference to the slaves. Create a fund that shall be applied to the purchase of land and negroes. Subscribe liberally for an immense estate and a large gang will be needed. It has been computed that there are 250,000 professed abolitionists in the United States. Deduct from that number ten thousand as consistent total abstinence abolitionists—total abstinence we mean from all that encourages slavery—there remains 240,000 to be supplied with sugar, cotton, coffee, rice, &c.; these will require at least twelve thousand slaves, or one to each twenty. Let some distinguished friend of the colored race be appointed chief overseer of these 12,000; with power to select from the anti-slavery ranks, pious and benevolent drivers, who will not work them too hard, and will whip them but little. Set them to work; and let the holders of the stock be supplied with goods directly from the plantation. This would save the commissions now paid to northern and southern merchants. Not only would there be the satisfaction of knowing that the slaves were moderately worked, seldom whipped, and well fed; but in addition to the pleasure which this reflection would naturally produce, there would be the advantage of buying stolen goods at a trifling advance on cost. Would not this plan be far better than the one now pursued—purchasing indiscriminately of all who offer for sale; ignorant whether their slaves have been kindly treated as slaves, or whether they have wrought out their lives by the seven-years' plan of the Louisiana sugar districts? We fear, brethren, that our guilty inconsistency owes its existence more to the heart than to the head—that the feelings more than the intellect have led us astray. Let not our sympathies he chilled by selfish considerations. We have spoken words of consolation and hope to the perishing bondmen—let not our actions belie the doctrines our head approves. When surrounded by home enjoyment, and freely partaking of all that brightens life, let us not forget the toil-wearied slave. And when our thoughts go out to him, and our soul is made willing to share with him in the sufferings he endures—to partake of the mental and physical anguish that becomes his portion; let us ask ourselves in how much we are responsible for his condition? Whether he toils and suffers that our conveniences may be fulfilled—our luxuries be undiminished? And in the answer we give our own hearts, may we feel that we have acted upon the principle of doing unto others as we would be done by; so shall we be justified in the sight of our Heavenly Father; and the acceptable offering of a pure and spotless heart be received by the Great Parent of all. JAMES MOTT, Chairman of the Ex. Com. of American Free Produce Association. BENJ. S. JONES, Secretary Philadelphia, 1st mo. 1841 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard, reprinted from Pennsylvania Freeman Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.22.1841 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Communications. Description An account of the resource COMMUNICATIONS. LAMPETER, (Pa.) 2nd mo. 1st, 1834. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Esteemed Friend W.L. Garrison:<xsl-text></xsl-text> I have been a reader of the Liberator for the last fourteen months, and have perused its pages with much interest; and in the last number which came to hand, issued January 4, I noticed an article headed 'THE PRODUCTS OF SLAVE LABOR,' signed C.F. which contains sentiments with which I do not unite. He says— 'It is often eloquently urged upon us that we should not so much as touch any thing suspected of contamination with the accursed system; and in abhorrence of the sin of slavery, there is danger lest we rashly adopt a course of conduct, calculated rather to retard than forward the cause so dear to us. Unless it can be shown that the practical bearing of the course of total abstinence proposed, is a mean of the abolition of slavery, I cannot think myself called to abstain. I have already given my reasons for not believing the use of slave products to be morally wrong, and having gone thus far—the question of the <xsl-text></xsl-text>probable <xsl-text></xsl-text>results of abstinence upon the community is a difficulty which meets one at the threshold.' I shall endeavor to show the practical bearing that <xsl-text></xsl-text>total <xsl-text></xsl-text>abstinence, especially if it were <xsl-text></xsl-text>universal <xsl-text></xsl-text>abstinence, would have on the system of slavery. First, They depend, at the South, upon slave labor for existence, We of the north, east and west, make those labors profitable, by using the products of them. For instance:—How would the editors of the Liberator support their paper, if every one would withdraw their patronage? Do not their patrons support them? Would not that, or any other paper, cease, if they had no other support but that of the editors and publishers? if no one would 'so much as <xsl-text></xsl-text>touch<xsl-text></xsl-text>' or <xsl-text></xsl-text>look <xsl-text></xsl-text>at them? Again, how or what would the retailers do, if there were no consumers? And what would the wholesale merchant do, if there were no retailers? And what would the planters do, if there were no merchants, retailers or consumers, to uphold them in their 'accursed system'? Would not the slaveholders have to abandon their man-stealing and robbing? and this, too, for better reasons, and in consequence of more pacific and christian conduct, than it would be to 'hold a knife at their throats.' Nor is it stronger or weaker than <xsl-text></xsl-text>'moral persuasion.' <xsl-text></xsl-text>Let C.F. answer it. Does C.F. think that it is immoral to steal, rob and murder, in order to procure articles to subsist on? And are we not sharers in the crime, if we receive and share in them, knowing them to be such? If I handle the plunder, and another holds the bag, and the third carries it to C's house, and all four use it; does C. act morally, or immorally, in partaking of it, seeing 'the receiver is as bad as the thief'? And perhaps the thief maintains his family by his pilfering and robbing! Yet, if I withdraw my support, it will 'directly tend to deprive them of bread, and increase the distress they already experience as a consequent of' stealing, &c. Would he think this good reasoning? Yet it is a fair comparison with the course C. appears to favor. I can see no essential difference between highway robbery, which the laws of our country do not justify, and robbing a man of his liberty and property, who is held guiltless by the laws of the slave States; the <xsl-text></xsl-text>principle <xsl-text></xsl-text>is the same; the only difference is in the degree if it will at all bear a comparison. The latter is a thousand fold more wicked and unjust; for what would a man take in exchange for his liberty? Now, if we do not perceive it expedient to cease from supporting a system which cannot be perpetuated but by violence and fraud, it must be because we are so habituated to it, and educated in the <xsl-text></xsl-text>use <xsl-text></xsl-text>of its products; and this habit and education so far become <xsl-text></xsl-text>'second nature' <xsl-text></xsl-text>to us, that our moral senses have become blunted in the perception of its wrongs and enormities. 'Beside, why should we connect with anti-slavery principles—so plain and defensible in themselves—a measure of doubtful expediency, and one about which there is a division of opinion in the community? So far as this measure is not necessarily connected with our views as to the abolition of slavery, so far it is an injury rather than a benefit, because it connects an extraneous principle to one which should be brought before the American people, untrammaled and unprejudiced.' Now I think that abstinence is not a measure separate and distinct from anti-slavery principles, as C.F. supposes; but one with it, and belonging to it. He likewise says, it is 'a measure of doubtful expediency.' Now, if we who profess anti-slavery principles doubt the expediency of our not availing ourselves of the use of articles taken by violence, and fraud, and blood-shed, and handed down to us through several transfers, and for which we can show no better title than the master (so styled) can for his slaves—so may he doubt the expediency of his sacrificing his claims. Now, to be consistent, we ought to cease even our <xsl-text></xsl-text>'moral persuasion' <xsl-text></xsl-text>with the slave-holders, for their title is as good as ours; they did not steal the slaves first; they bought them, they will tell you, or, rather, the system <xsl-text></xsl-text>'was entailed <xsl-text></xsl-text>upon them by their fathers.' Might not the slaveholders reason in the same way, with the same propriety that he has done? There is this difference; they are the first perpetrators—we are their agents; and how can they continue in their system of robbery without our agency? Besides, is there any measure, about which there is no division of opinion? If not, then all measures are rendered abortive, seeing there are doubts and divisions concerning them all. Let C.F. not be deceived by the adversary of all good; for, remember, we are not to do evil that good may come, in partaking of their sins, lest we also partake of their plagues. If they perish, will not the guilt rest upon the heads of the oppressors? The editor favors the opinion that his correspondent 'is a <xsl-text></xsl-text>total abstinence <xsl-text></xsl-text>man in disguise.' If so, I think he does not regard the truth as a man should, professing such just and christian principles. I shall have to express a different opinion of him; I believe he is not an abstinence man, though personally unknown to me, for his 'weapons' do not favor those of a <xsl-text></xsl-text>total abstinence <xsl-text></xsl-text>man; but of a contrary principle. Therefore, let him seriously consider it, and answer for the benefit of <xsl-text></xsl-text>himself <xsl-text></xsl-text>'and others.' ABSTINENCE. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.1.1834 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce Societies. Description An account of the resource FREE PRODUCE SOCIETIES. Having given in our last, extracts from the proceedings of the Free Produce Societies, we feel induced to throw some thoughts, which have suggested themselves, before our readers. Why do any say that abstinence from the products of slave-labor can effect nothing? Surely, they do not reflect; for in the first place, is it not something to the individual, to know that he has washed his hands of the guilt of oppression? That which is done intelligently and conscientiously, makes a better man; and as men become consistently better, their influence is extended—others observe the advantages they have from a rigid compliance with the requisitions of duty, and it is impossible but that they should desire those advantages for themselves—this desire very naturally will lead them, as it led those, to whose condition they aspire—for the peace here spoken of, is only to be had on the common terms—namely; to ascertain <xsl-text></xsl-text>intrinsic right <xsl-text></xsl-text>and <xsl-text></xsl-text>conform <xsl-text></xsl-text>to it. All truths are facts, or directly deduced from them. The sentiment just expressed, that the example of the virtuous, though silent, and often unperceived, is nevertheless operative, is a well attested fact. To whose mind it was first suggested, that the consumer of the products of slave-labor was accessary to oppression, is not known; it is known, however, that but few years have elapsed since it claimed the attention of some isolated individuals, who, however highly they ranked in other respects, had the lustre of their greatness obscured in the vision of their admirers, by this speck of innovation—this mist of enthusiastic, it may be, fanatic eccentricity. Now, hundreds bear the same testimony, and thousands have it under serious consideration. If, twenty years ago, the example of a conscientious man convinced his neighbor in a year—the two, each his man in the next, and so on, in a geometric series, whose annual ratio of progression is two, (and this it is believed existing associations will establish, up to this time) how long would it take to convince every one whose pecuniary interests are not opposed? Let it not be inferred that there is any implied indifference to other modes of arresting the enormous evil of slavery; the distinct object of this article is to defend <xsl-text></xsl-text>abstinence <xsl-text></xsl-text>in those who practice it, and to <xsl-text></xsl-text>recommend <xsl-text></xsl-text>the propriety of it to the consideration of others.— <xsl-text></xsl-text>ib. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.25.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Anti-Slavery Notice Description An account of the resource ANTI-SLAVERY NOTICE. An adjourned meeting of the Young Men's Anti-Slavery Association will be holden at the Hall, over 46, Washington street, on Wednesday evening next, April 30, at half past 7 o'clock, for the discussion of the following question: Is it the duty of Abolitionists to abstain from the products of free labor? The Discussion will be public. Ladies and Gentlemen are respectfully invited to attend. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.25.1835 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Anti-Slavery Notice Description An account of the resource ANTI-SLAVERY NOTICE. An adjourned meeting of the Young Men's Anti-Slavery Association will be holden at the Hall, over 46, Washington street, on Wednesday evening next, May 6, at half past 7 o'clock, for the discussion of the following question: <xsl-text></xsl-text>Is it the duty of Abolitionists to abstain from the products of slave labor? The Discussion will be public. Ladies and Gentlemen are respectfully invited to attend. May 1. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.2.1835 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Obituary. Description An account of the resource OBITUARY. Died of paralysis, on the 21st inst., at his residence, Fairmount, Ohio, JACOB HARRIS, aged 78 years. The subject of this obituary, without making any pretension to unusual sanctity, endeavored to <xsl-text></xsl-text>practice <xsl-text></xsl-text>the precepts of Christianity. He was opposed to war and the taking of human life, and, believing the enforcement of all legal enactments to be based upon the use of the sword, he had not, for that reason, voted for the last thirty years. He was opposed to oppression, and on that account he had abstained from the use of the products of slave labor, as far as practicable, for many years. He was a zealous advocate of the Temperance cause. He aimed to be just in his dealings, having frequently refused to take, though it was offered, more for an article than he thought it was really worth. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The National Era Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.5.1857 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Communications. Interesting Extracts. Description An account of the resource COMMUNICATIONS. INTERESTING EXTRACTS. To the <xsl-text></xsl-text>Editor of the Liberator.<xsl-text></xsl-text> RESPECTED FRIEND—While different religious societies are taking up the subject of slavery, it may interest thee to learn how far the <xsl-text></xsl-text>meetings <xsl-text></xsl-text>of Friends are interesting themselves in what has heretofore been only an individual concern. The last Yearly Meeting of Philadelphia says, in its epistle to its members, 'The situation of many of the slaves in the southern States is peculiarly afflicting; the laws of their taskmasters are cruelly-at variance with the principles of the Lord Jesus, whose holy religion they profess. Thus, in some places, it is made a penal offence to instruct slaves in reading and writing; by which they are debarred from a participation in the benefits of reading the scriptures, although some of their oppressors consider a knowledge thereof <xsl-text></xsl-text>essential to salvation.' <xsl-text></xsl-text>The treatment of free colored persons, in some of the States, is most unjust and degrading; as by iniquitous laws they are liable to be banished from their native soil on account of their color. Among the means proposed for the correction of this enormous evil, none has appeared better calculated, in the view of many Friends, for the attainment of that object, than refraining from the use of articles which are produced by slave labor.' The Epistle from the Yearly Meeting of Friends in New-York, contains the following paragraph: 'The long protracted oppression of our brethren of the African race calls for our continued sympathy; and since some of their faithful advocates have been recently removed from works to rewards, it becomes in interesting question, whether our testimony on their behalf shall decline or rise with renewed energy. The public mind is, we trust, awakening to a sense of the rights of this people; and it is deemed worthy of inquiry, whether we could not more generally, by abstaining as way might open the use of the products of slave labor powerfully plead their cause.' <xsl-text></xsl-text>Hudson, N.Y.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.9.1831