22 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource What is to Become of the Blacks Description An account of the resource Hon. Samuel Hooper answered the question it his speech of last week before the Republicans of Ward Nine, in Boston, as follows: To those who ask what is to become of the blacks when slavery is abolished, and who affect an apprehension that the present free States of the North may be overrun with them, I would recommend the report of Mr. Conway, the superintendent of free labor in Louisiana, recently made to General Canby, on the results of the system. He says, in his report, that there are sixty free schools with one hundred teachers and eight thousand scholars; that the number of blacks employed on plantations is about 35,000, of whom about one-fourth are first-class hands, receiving wages at eight dollars per month besides board, clothing, medical attendance, schooling for their children, and one acre of ground worth five hundred dollars, to raise cotton. The wages paid to the laborers, he says, is as a whole more remunerative than has been ordinarily paid to farm hands in the North who work by the year. At the close of the present year there will be an average of about fifty dollars due to each cost of the 35,000, in addition to their little crop of cotton, corn, sugar, potatoes, &C., which will average is each more than is due them for wages. There are besides 15,000 of whom he has no return, and 30,000 in the city of New Orleans; making a total of 86,000 blacks there who are working for wages under the educational and labor system established by Gen. Banks in Louisiana. Is it at all probable that any of those laborers would be included to leave their occupation at the South to come among us in the cold climate of the North, to which they are not accustomed, and to a colder welcome from the prejudices existing against them here? In my opinion, when slavery no longer exists at the South, there will be two colored men go South from here to every one that comes North from there. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.14.1864 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Missouri. Description An account of the resource Missouri.<xsl-text></xsl-text>—A correspondent of the New Your <xsl-text></xsl-text>Evening Post <xsl-text></xsl-text>says that a large emigration from the free States is pouring into Missouri, while no slaveholders are emigrating thither. The feeling that slavery is to be short lived is steadily gaining ground. The open discussion of the question which is going on, and the fact that Missouri is now practically bounded on three sides by free States, have alarmed the slaveholders, and many of them are removing to Taxes, Arkansas, and the Indian Territory. Free labor is taking their place. Notwithstanding the defect of Mr. Blair, the free labor movement is now stronger than ever before, and is marching steadily towards victory. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.17.1858 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Anti-Slavery Soiree Description An account of the resource A most interesting <xsl-text></xsl-text>Anti-Slavery Soiree <xsl-text></xsl-text>was held on the evening of the 28th ult., in the School-room, of Lever-street Chapel, Manchester. There was a numerous attendance of Friends of the Cause. After tea, the chair was taken by the Rev. A. Gilbert, who made an effective speech; alter which, Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON delivered a long and eloquent address, in which to grasped, with a master-hand, the subject of Cotton in India; defined the position of the Pro-Slavery Churches of America; and showed what the Abolitionists of this country could do, both by moral and commercial agencies, to effect the overthrow of Slavery At Mr. Thompson's request, questions were put to him by persons who wished to obtain information on any particular portion of the general subject, and his replies gave much satisfaction, and elicited enthusiastic applause. The questions related to the expense of free-labor, compared with slave-labor; the dangers of immediate emancipation: the practicability of forming a Company to work plantations in India; the character and results of the Fugitive Slave Law, and the reason why America has abolished the African Slave Trade. Mr. Josias Brown, (of the Free-labor warehouse,) and the Rev. A. Weston, then addressed the meeting. Mr. F.W. Chesson proposed, and John Kirkham, Esq., seconded a vote of thanks to Mr. Thompson, which was carried by acclamation; after which, the proceedings terminated. Mr. Clegg kindly sent some specimens of African Cotton; a view of the first Cotton-cleaning Establishment at Abbea Ruta; and a native loom, with apparatus, &, complete for spinning:—for the inspection of the Friends.— <xsl-text></xsl-text>Ibid.<xsl-text></xsl-text> MR. GEORGE THOMPSON'S LECTURES.—We are glad to announce that Mr. Thompson will deliver a course of lectures in Manchester, on the Slavery Question. He will lecture in Rockdale on the 7th of December. Several influential gentlemen of that town have formed themselves into a local committee. Arrangements are being made for Mr. Thompson to deliver lectures in Bury, Heywood, and other important places in the manufacturing districts. We have great gratification in announcing that the Friends, with their accustomed liberality, have given the use of their large meeting-house for Mr. Thompson's forthcoming Lectures. We hope, and believe, that it will to crowded on each occasion.— <xsl-text></xsl-text>Ibid. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.23.1853 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Oversight Description An account of the resource When Edward Everett delivered his oration on Webster for the first time, it contained a paragraph stating Mr. Webster's sentiments in regard to the final universal prevalence of free labor in the United States, coinciding closely with that of Mr. Seward in his 'irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces.' meaning that 'the United States must, and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation or entirely a free-labor nation.' Everett's statement in regard to Webster is as follows:— 'He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed and is witnessing, that the newly acquired and newly organized territories of the Union would grow up into free states; but, in common with all or nearly all the statesmen of the lest generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country. He thought he saw that, throughout the operation of the same cause which have produced this result in the middle and eastern states, it was visibly taking place in the states north of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there, also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor would eventually be found most productive, and would therefore be ultimately established.' Attention was called to this coincidence shortly after the delivery of the oration, but it to stated that when it was repeated before the Legislature, the passages above quoted was omitted. Mr. Everett undoubtedly doubtedly had it pointed out to him that he had committed an oversight in making any such statement in reference to Mr. Webster, and with his characteristic cowardice he afterwards suppressed it. This to exactly of a piece with hit conduct in regard at Charles Summer, when, it will be remembered, he apologized in the most abject manner for having subscribed to a testimonial for Mr. Sumner after he had bean beaten by Brooks. Mr. Everett ascribed his carelessness at that time to the effect of an opiate. How he can excuse himself in the present instance we do not know. But it to certainly remarkable that he has found occasion to apologies for almost the only acts of hit life which have given any evidence of his having any heart. Edward Everett, many years ago, at an age when the hearts of men, if ever, beat with lofty aspirations, on Plymouth Rock, expressed the alacrity with which he would shoulder his musket and help to suppress a slave insurrection. He has never apologized for that. When in Congress he said, 'Democratic slavery is not in my judgment to be set down as an immoral or irreligious relation.' He has never apologized for that. When Governor or Massachusetts, he announced in his inaugural message that the discussion of slavery was an offence indictable at common law. He has never apologized for that. He has gone about the country for years delivering a eulogy on Washington, in which he omits all reference to the great patriot's opinions on slavery, and to his manumission of his slaves. He has never apologized for that. And now in his eulogy upon Webster, he dare not rebuke him for his advocacy of the fugitive slave law, and the fatal recreancy of the 7th March, affirming the duty of catching fugitive slaves to be 'an affair of birth morals and high principles,' and endeavoring to persuade the people of Massachusetts to 'conquer their prejudices' against the performance of this duty. He has never apologized for that. But he can lick the dust and eat his own words when he has by some accident made a slight sow of sympathy for a Senator from his own State struck down by a ruffian, or has grown publicity to sentiments of the subject of his eulogy in favor of freedom. —<xsl-text></xsl-text>New Bedford Republican Standard. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator, reprinted from New Bedford Republican Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.21.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Intelligence Description An account of the resource FREE LABOR INTELLIGENCE. - A recent letter from Trinidad speaks of the lively interest of the inhabitants of that island on the subject of cotton growing, and of their intention to plant a large quantity of land that has hitherto been lying almost waste. The writer enclosed a specimen of native cotton, which has been valued in Liverpool at nine and a half per lb. Another account of from Jamaica speaks earnestly of the importance of the people of Great Britain prefering free produce to slave-grown, and of the probability of a large supply of free cotton being grown in that colony at no distant period. Other letters from the maker of the new Roller-gin (a gentleman residing in Edinburgh) tell of the hearty approval of his machine by the manufacturers of Manchester, after it had been closely tested in that town; and the writer adds, "I am now engaged in the construction of one for Australia, one for Jamaica, and one for the East coast of Africa. Today, I am forwarding one to Natal. I receive <xsl-text></xsl-text>L <xsl-text></xsl-text>12, 12s. each for these machines; but so soon as I receive an order to any extent, and can make a division of labor in their construction, I will inform you of the lowest price for which I can furnish them." It appears that this gin, which may be conveyed to the West India Islands for about 10s., is all the machinery that is necessary for the cleaning of cotton. How cheap and simple a source of comfort and revenue might cotton growing become to the inhabitants of those islands! Be it also remembered that the exuberance of the West Indian soil and climate allow of two crops of cotton being gathered in the year, instead of only one. The frosts of winter uniformly cut off the American plant, and call for its being renewed each spring; while, in the West Indies and Natal, the same shrub lasts for six, eight, or ten years, and requires comparatively no attention, except being kept clear of weeds. Why, with this source of an abundant supply within easy reach, and only requiring a spirited demand for it to fill the British markets - O why should the ladies of England continue to clothe themselves in garments wrung from the bondsman's sufferings? Why should his back be forever bleeding in their service, and the holiest ties of love and affection be constantly rent asunder to find victims for the auction-block, and human cattle for the cultivation of the sugar plantation and for the rice and cotton field? Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The North Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.5.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor. Description An account of the resource Free Labor. --- The more we dwell upon the varied and extended significance of this term, and more truthfully and completely it seems to define and comprehend the ideas and sentiments embraced and represented in the anti-slavery movement. To chattelize man for his labor has been the great temptation and incentive to the wicked cupidity of his fellow. To obtain his toil without compensation is the motive which has rifled Africa to myriads of human beings, and perpetrated the horrors of the "middle passage," Were it not for this single object, slavery could not exist for a moment. To emancipate, to free labor, involves all that is embraced in the abolition of slavery. It expresses more than this to our mind. It puts forth a grand idea, intelligible to all the millions of the human race who earn their bread by the sweat of the brow. Labor-patient, persevering, self-rewarding, hopeful and true - is, we believe, one of the crown dignities of humanity. If it be true, that one of the elements of the air we breathe is so vital to our existence, that we could not live an hour should it be withdrawn or tainted, it is equally true that manual labor is as vital an element of the prosperity of any community. Slavery is the most unmitigated and degrading indignity that can be inflicted on labor. It is more than a wrong, more than a cruelty; for the victims of mere wrong and cruelty often command the honor and respect, as well as sympathy of mankind. But slavery degrades, abases labor to the condition of the brute beast of burden; hence, in the countries in which it exists, every occupation involving labor is smutched with a shade of shame; hence, those born in such countries to the necessity of labor, if they have any feeling of self-respect beating in their bosoms, are forced to flee beyond the limits of the curse. But if this eclipse be total over the land of bondage, it is partial everywhere. No one may say how the estimation in which labor was held in the freest country in the world has been affected by the existence of slavery. No one may say by how many or by how few links of association the most industrious and virtuous artisan in New England or Old England is connected with the condition of the slave in the rice fields of Carolina. No one may say how insidiously and widely the idea is working its way into the political and industrial economies of the freest nations, that the condition of slavery must, somehow, be accepted as the bass line, the point of departure of their operations; that, somehow, it must determine the compensation and the honor of labor. Hence, we hear on all sides a great deal about the introduction of Coolies, or Chinese, into the different slave States, as a substitute for the enslaved Africans. But what fits them for substitutes? Why, chiefly, their capacity to live on a pennyworth of rice per day; their willingness, perhaps, to work for sixpence from sun to sun. Put this and that together in the popular rationalities of this political economy, and they mean this; if ever free labor shall cultivate the cotton, rice, of corn-fields of the south, it shall be brought down as near to the lowest level of slavery as possible, in the matter of compensation. Is that all? No! it shall be brought down as near to the level of slavery in the quality of dignity as in that of compensation itself. Slavery is to measure and determine both. Slavery is to be the base line, on which the economist is to plan; one foot of his compass, and, with the other, step off a thin parallel, on which free men may work for sixpence a-day, and live on raw turnips or a handful of rice. We earnestly hope that the working men of every free country will awake to the importance of this subject; that they will see the bearing of slavery upon their own condition; then will they perceive the length and breadth of the meaning of Free Labor. Under this banner will they rally with sympathies and interests that beat and throb with all that is precious in their earthly hopes and well-being. - <xsl-text></xsl-text>Burritt's Bond of Brotherhood. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Provincial Freeman, reprinted from Burritt's Bond of Brotherhood Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.10.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Half Slave, and Half Free Description An account of the resource During the Illinois canvass between Hon. A. Lincoln and Senator Douglas, when the former asserted the sentiment that "this government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free," it was thought monstrous by the Democratic journals generally, and Mr. Douglas in particular. The doctrine was said to be as now as it was dangerous, and with the ignorant, aided by sophistry, the little giant used it with tilling effect against his opponent. But now it seems that no new dogma was proclaimed by Mr. Lincoln, in littering that sentiment, and that he was but echoing the doctrines of the father of Democracy, Thomas Jefferson, when he said that "this government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free." More than eighty years ago he wrote and published the following language in relation to this subject: "Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations; the real distinctions which nature has made; and many other circumstances will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions, which will probably never end but in the extermination of one or the other race. Nothing is more clearly written in the book of destiny, than the emancipation of the blacks." Will not the Democracy of to-day take as good doctrine, coming, as it does, from its venerated and wise sire? The Hon. Abraham Lincoln has said nothing more pointed upon this subject than the foregoing. But this same doctrine of the eventual emancipation of the negro race has been entertained by many statesmen and philosophers. It is clearly set forth in De Tocqueville's admirable and philosophical work, "Democracy in America," first published in this country in 1838. And Edward Everett, in his late oration at the inauguration of the Statue of Daniel Webster, expressed the views of that great statesmean on the "conflict" between Free Labor and Slavery in this country, as follows: "He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed and is witnessing, that the newly acquired and newly organized territories of the Union would grow up into Free States; but, in common with ail, or nearly all the statesmen of the last generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country. He thought he saw that, in the operation of the same causes which have produced this result in the middle and Eastern States, it was visibly taking place in the States North of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there, also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor would eventually be found most productive, and would there be ultimately established." So we see that this annunciation of the belief of the final extinction of slavery is based upon no new philosophical principles, but simply the principles of human progress. To say that American slavery will exist always is to say that the hand of human progress shall be paralized in this fair land. To assert the fact that slavery will become extinct does not imply that any other than a peaceful solution to this problem shall obtain So far as the Republican party are concerned no other means are intended to be used to bring about this result but those naturally springing from the progress of civilization and Christianity. They will be potent enough and the result can be easily foreseen by those who are not blinded by selfish interests or partisan bigotry. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Vincennes Gazette Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.1.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The "Irrepressible Conflict." Description An account of the resource THE "IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT." We showed, some two weeks ago, by an extended quotation, that Henry Clay was the true author of the doctrine that an "irrepressible conflict" exists between Freedom and Slavery. Mr. Everett, in his Boston eulogy upon Mr. Webster, attributes the same idea to the "Great Expounder," but without stating when he announced it. The speech of Mr. Clay was made in 1829; and until Mr. Everett can show, from the writings or speeches of Mr. Webster, that he announced the idea as long ago as January, 1829, we shall cling to our statement that the honor belongs to the great Kentuckian. But whatever may be the result of the controversy as to the paternity of the doctrine, whether it was the "Great Embodiment of the Whig party," or the "Great Expounder of the Constitution," one thing is certain, that neither Mr. Seward, Mr. Lincoln, nor any other modern Republican, can pretend to set up a claim to its authorship. The following is Mr. Everett's statement: "He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed, and is witnessing, that the newly-acquired and newly-organized Territories of the Union would grow up into free States; but, <xsl-text></xsl-text>in common with all or nearly all the statesmen of the last generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country<xsl-text></xsl-text>. He thought he saw that, in the operation of the same causes which have produced this result in the Middle and Eastern States, it was visibly taking place in the States north of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor would eventually be found most productive, and would therefore be ultimately established." We learn that, although this paragraph was in the oration of Mr. Everett as he delivered it, and as it was published in the Boston papers with his corrections, he has, in his subsequent delivery or repetition of the eulogy, omitted it. This omission is in consequence of the legitimate use which has been made of the statement by the Republican press, and is characteristic of the moral weakness of Mr. Everett. But his testimony is before the public, and he cannot retract it, however much he would like to do so. He is responsible for the statement that Daniel Webster believed and maintained that Slavery and Freedom must wage perpetual war, until the latter is triumphant. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The National Era Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.20.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abstinence from Slave-Grown Produce Description An account of the resource ABSTINENCE FROM SLAVE-GROWN PRODUCE.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Adin Ballou, of Hopedale, thus handles the Free-Produce question, in the Practical Christian: In another column will be found a communication from Charles Cadwallader, calling our attention, and that of the Hopedale Community, to the question of duty in respect to the consumption of slave-grown productions. He refers us to our Declaration of acknowledged duties, and invites us to consider whether we are not aiding and abetting slavery and the slave-trade by purchasing for our use the various articles of slave production. It is very surprising to our Pennsylvania friends, and those generally who are scrupulously conscientious against the use of slave-grown produce, that so many of the New England Abolitionists remain comparatively indifferent, to this matter. It seems to them that we are partaking in the sin of slaveholding by purchasing and consuming the articles they iniquitously force their slaves to produce, and that we are strangely blind not to see it. On our part we sincerely respect their scruples of conscience, and above all their fidelity to those scruples, and yet have been unable to perceive, with our degree of intellectual and moral light, the forcible reasons, or to feel the moral convictions they do against using the produce in question. This may be owing to obtuseness of judgment, or obliquity of moral sentiment, and therefore we are admonished to examine the subject, and to search ourselves more thoroughly, that we may be sure of our duty in the matter. Nothing is more common than for men, in the main intelligent and conscientious, to overlook or disregard the nicer applications of their acknowledged moral obligations. It is astonishing how blind and mistaken good men sometimes are with respect to particular duties. Considering these things, we welcome friend Cadwallader's communication, and desire with open convictions to state our views of the subject he presents. We think we may venture to say that the members of the Hopedale Community would generally abandon the use of slave-grown produce, if they should be rationally convinced it was their duty. We are now sufficiently convinced that it would be sinful in us to unite with slaveholders religiously, politically, or socially; i. e. in <xsl-text></xsl-text>Church<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>State<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>community<xsl-text></xsl-text>, or in <xsl-text></xsl-text>marriage<xsl-text></xsl-text>. We are also convinced that it would be sinful in us to sell anything to them, or buy anything of them <xsl-text></xsl-text>peculiarly <xsl-text></xsl-text>belonging to the system or state of slavery as such; i. e. any article which would not be equally proper and useful in a state of freedom as in a state of slavery. We are furthermore fully convinced that it would be sinful in us to trade or hold any intercourse, however innocent in itself, with slaveholders, the express condition, or legitimate tendency of which, under the circumstances, should be to render us dumb on the subject of slavery, or to indispose us to testify against it. If we could not trade with slaveholders in articles suitable to a state of freedom, or could not preach, or teach school, or practice medicine, or publish books and papers for them without being <xsl-text></xsl-text>obliged <xsl-text></xsl-text>to be silent concerning the sin of Slavery, or to wink at the wickedness of it, we should be bound to keep utterly aloof from all such dealings and intercourse with them. This duty is founded on a principle of universal application—viz: that we are never to compromise with obvious evil doing. That there is a vast deal of mercantile and other intercourse with slaveholders which is maintained by a sacrifice of principle, for the sake of temporal advantage, is lamentably true. Men and women from the North every year seek their fortune at the South, consenting to be gagged for the time on the subject of Slavery, or insensibly yielding to the expediency of smoothing down their testimony against it. We can see that this is sinful—that it is even <xsl-text></xsl-text>basely <xsl-text></xsl-text>sinful. Now if it can be shown that the ordinary use of cotton, rice, molasses, sugar, wheat, flour, Indian corn, &c. by persons who on that account feel under no restraint, or temptation to refrain from a manly testimony against Slavery, is <xsl-text></xsl-text>also sinful <xsl-text></xsl-text>, we shall feel bound to abstain therefrom at once and forever.—These articles are all good in themselves. Nature originated them for the use of man. She shines upon and moistens, expands and matures them even when their planting and growth are attended by the lash-driven slave. Does the wrong inflicted on the slave, who aids their growth and preparation, so vitiate them that whatever consumes them necessarily becomes implicated in the sin of the slaveholder? We do not see this to be a rational conclusion. The consumers of whom we are now speaking had no participation in stealing the slave from his native land. They have no participation in holding him a slave—none in justifying the master—none in withholding rebuke for the wrong done by him. They use these articles of sustenance and comfort just as they would do, if they had been grown only by freemen —without the least consciousness of any occasion or temptation to favour slaveholding on account of what they thus eat and wear. How then do they sin? Certainly not in their <xsl-text></xsl-text>consciousness <xsl-text></xsl-text>of wrong, nor in their <xsl-text></xsl-text>intentions <xsl-text></xsl-text>. Wherein consists their <xsl-text></xsl-text>wrong? <xsl-text></xsl-text>It is said they are partakers of stolen goods, and are therefore as bad as the thief. Is God a partaker with the man-thief because he gives cotton-seed, earth, sunshine and rain, without which the slave would be of no use to him? And may we not consume what God helps wicked men produce, when the thing produced is in itself good? No, (say our brethren,) if you <xsl-text></xsl-text>do <xsl-text></xsl-text>you are joined in guilt with the man-stealer, the slave-trader, the slaveholder and the slave-driver. You <xsl-text></xsl-text>receive <xsl-text></xsl-text>and <xsl-text></xsl-text>reward <xsl-text></xsl-text>them <xsl-text></xsl-text>for <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods. But the goods are not <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods <xsl-text></xsl-text>, in the proper sense of terms. Is a bushel of wheat to be considered stolen goods because a man raised it by the help of a stolen horse? If so every article produced by instruments unjustly acquired or used becomes contaminated. If I purchase a stolen horse, knowing it to have been stolen, I am guilty with the original thief. But suppose the original thief uses that stolen horse to raise a field of corn, of which I buy five bushels for a laudable use in my family, am I then guilty? Or does the sin lie in trading with the thief at all? Or does it lie in affording him means of sustaining himself and family? If so, the principle carried out would forbid us to trade with a known sinner at all, even in a thing in itself innocent. Or is this the point—that knowing a man to be a horse thief, and to be a justifier of horse theft in general, and also to be raising produce with stolen horses only, I should certainly be an a better of his sin, if, in addition to a faithful rebuke, I did not refuse to make use of the articles raised by such means? It is narrowed down then to this,—that I could not buy and consume the productions of such a man without giving a moral sanction to his deliberate and systematic theft. If this be a correct view of the case, it would of course apply to the man-thief with inconceivably greater force. But if we may take this course with the slaveholder, ought we not to take it with all other sinners? Or can we fix such limits to it as to demonstrate that the <xsl-text></xsl-text>principle <xsl-text></xsl-text>is of just and rational application to easily conceived cases? We invite friend Cadwallader to write again and define the nature and extent of the principle involved in the duty he urges. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.7.1847 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Strange Occurence Description An account of the resource The following communications are from a source upon which we place great confidence. If the statement be true, relative to the body found in the hogshead of molasses, speculation will be busy in deciding upon the mode and intent of its incarceration. A gentleman of this city informs us, that, in 1816, he saw a human head taken from a hogshead. of molasses on one of our wharves, probably belonging to a slave who had been murdered by his owner or overseer. While we resided in Baltimore, a lady found the finger of a colored person in her sugar dish, an engraving of which was made for the Genius of Universal Emancipation. What horrors cluster around the slave system! <xsl-text></xsl-text>For the Liberator<xsl-text></xsl-text>. A STRANGE OCCURRENCE. There was lately sold, by a merchant in this city, to a gentleman in Bristol, Ct. a hogshead of molasses, which, on opening, was found to contain <xsl-text></xsl-text>the <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>body of a colored man!! <xsl-text></xsl-text>— but how he got therein, no account is given. To our surprise, they are trying to keep it a secret in this city. We therefore leave you to make such comments on this singular affair as you may think proper; but, in our opinion, it is a murder most foul. We think that this will be a pertinent text for the advocates of Free Produce. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Hartford, July <xsl-text></xsl-text>21, 1831. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.30.1831