22 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Contents of the Memorial to the Queen (Meeting) Subject The topic of the resource Discussion of event in England with mention of encouraging free labor Description An account of the resource The following Memorial, which we have just received from a friend in England, will show that an important movement is now going forward in that country, for the suppression of the African slave-trade. It is highly gratifying to observe that anti-slavery feeling or England does not slumber, and that it has again opposed itself in a tangible form to the horrid traffic in human flesh, which finds no greater protection anywhere than under the American flag. Contents of the Memorial to the Queen. The Memorialists respectfully call Her Majesty's attention to the enormities of the African Slave-Trade, which they describe as in a state of great activity, notwithstanding the efforts of this Country for its suppression. They submit that this arises - 1st, From the absence of good faith on the part of the Spanish and Brazilian Governments, which are under solemn engagements to relinquish the traffic. 2nd, From the increased consumption of slave-produce in this Country. With a view to remedy this evil, the Memoralists pray - That Her Majesty's Government shall use every legitimate and peaceful means for enforcing on Brazil and Spain the fulfilment of their Treaties with this Country - 1st, By the immediate abolition of the Slave Trade; and 2nd, By the emancipation of all Negroes unlawfully introduced. The Memoralists propose an individual and wide-spread abstinence from the productions of Brazil and Cuba, and pray Her Majesty: To exclude the same from the Royal Household. They further entreat her Majesty: To encourage the growth and manufacture of free -lacor Cotton, in order that it may more speedily supplant the Slave-grown Cotton of the United States. In conclusion, the Memorialists desire that Her Majesty's reign may be signalised by the annihilation of this stupendous crime, and that the blessings of the emancipated may mingle with the congratulations of her devoted female subjects. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>The North Star</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.29.1849 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Industrial College (Article) Subject The topic of the resource Discussion of Stowe's mention of free labor Description An account of the resource THE INDUSTRIAL COLLEGE. - An esteemed Anti-Slavery friend, in writing to us from Birmingham, England, says: - "I was much pleased with Frederick Douglass' letter to Mrs. Stowe, on his plan for an Industrial School, and the great importance of the Colored People advancing to manual arts, and fastening themselves to the white population through 'their cardinal and everyday wants.' I should like to have given an extract from it in our Report, which is just written, but it is linger than usual as it is. . . . . . . . . . I observe the at plan for the School matures. . . . . . . . . . Mrs. Stowe's address to her countrywomen, on the Nebraska Bill, is beautiful; but dearer to me than most of what she has written are her observations on the Free Labor movement, in the long address to the Glasgow ladies. From a multitude of duties, we must choose the nearest to us; and this, certainly, is the duty that especially devolves on the English, seeing that they support the system every day and hour in their commercial transactions. My husband says, if we looked on Slave Produce as poison , we should soon find the way to forego its use. What is it but poison to the slaveholder to help in the support of the system? I think it is because it is so little and simple a measure that we undervalue it; there is a prevailing idea that something great is needed to remove a great evil? I am not, however, finding any fault with the expression in your Report of the devotion and earnest labor required in the Anti-Slavery cause. No evils can be remedied without these." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived 6.16.1854 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource London; 10.1850 (Meeting) Description An account of the resource (From the Christian Citizen.) LONDON, Oct. 1850. I am just returned from a fortnight's tour into the West, and have held large meetings in Bristol, Newport, Plymouth, Davenport, and Modbury. I never found friends more hearty or enthusiastic, or the League cause more promising in its aspect. Two or three of these meetings were in aid of the Free Labor movement, and I had the company of Dr. Pennington of N.Y. I wish some of your "Fugitive Slave" law makers could have been present at Bristol, (once the strong-hold of the pro-slavery party in England,) and could have seen the reception given by 2000 of its citizens to the fugitive slave, the negro D.D. They stood up and gave him three tremendous hurrahs; and they manifested the deepest sympathy, as he detailed the provisions of the last act of American slave legislation. Surely, this iniquitous law must ensure its own overthrow, and must hasten the final destruction of the accursed system altogether. I think that if the American people really knew what an intense feeling of disgust and contempt this measure has created in England - what a weapon it has placed in the hands of the despots here, who taunt the men of progress, and say - "Look at your Republic; do you want to pull down our glorious constitution, and give us such liberty as this?" What can we say? Why, I tell our friends manfully to take their own share of the odium - to say to themselves, "Yes, it was England that first introduced slavery in the American colonies; it is English gold that now mainly buys American cotton, rice and tobacco; but now, in answer to the American fugitive slave bill, let England run up the Free Labor flag, and starve the system to death." I have been attending a large meeting of ladies and gentlemen at the Anti-Slavery office this morning, and we have formed a Central Free Labor Produce Association. It was resolved to open a warehouse in London for the wholesale supply of all kinds of free labor cotton goods. The demand is rapidly springing up, and it will soon be found that capital cannot be more profitably employed than in the cultivation of free labor cotton. A colored gentleman from Jamaica, studying for the church in this country, was present, and informed us that much interest is beginning to be felt in Jamaica in the growth of cotton, and that the planters in that island are looking forward to a good division of the British market with the Southern States. Garnett's lectures in the North have been much crowded, and thousands are coming into the movement. I cannot say what progress is making in the mediation between Denmark and Holstein; but it seems certain that the meddling protocol of England, France and Russia, is the great obstacle to the progress of that mediation. Denmark is so completely in the hands of the great powers, that she cannot freely act as she would. Still we hope for ultimate success. Friends are beginning to look forward to prepare for our next year's Bazaar with great enthusiasm. There is no doubt that the attendance will be immense. The Bristol friends say they will charter a special league train, and will bring up probably 500 visitors. - Hurrah for the Rail bringing 500 people 120 miles merely to visit a Bazaar and an Exhibition! EDMUND FRY. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Edmund Fry Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>The North Star</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.5.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Come and Look Through My Telescope (Article) Description An account of the resource "COME AND LOOK THROUGH MY TELESCOPE." Galileo . Frederick Douglass' Paper of the 19th, has in it, to me, the usual amount of articles of interest and instruction the editorial of W.J. Watkins not the least among the number. I have borrowed his figure, and am willing to look through Galileo's telescope. The first thing I see is a party of warmhearted abolitionists of Great Britain that have contributed funds for the benefit of free colored persons of the United States; of this fund, after passing through the hands of a distinguished friend of that proscribed class, a part is placed in the hands of a Philadelphian, very much their friend too (Samuel Rhodes) better known to some of the contributors to that fund that to G.T. Downing, and who has till now been regarded as devoted to their best interests. Now some one steps up and puts a piece of smoky glass before the telescope, and now everything looks deformed. I turn it towards Miss Miner and her school; she looks like a full blooded colonizationist, her scholars grown up and gone to preach the Gospel in Africa or elsewhere and S.R. Giving her countenance in all this. (Afflicting sight.) I turn it upon G.T. D., and he looks very unfriendly upon Oliver Johnson, William L. Garrison, and some others of the same school, and they all look forbidding then away with your smoky glass your "jaundice eye." Now with clearer field glass, I turn it towards the South there is Legree laughing in his sleeve as he gathers up a pile of money from his table. Why that sarcastic smile upon his countenance? He has just finished reading Wendell Phillip's lecture on Slavery, and is saying to himself that Phillips is more than half right those Northern abolitionists have, for these twenty-five years been trying to touch off their Quaker gun with one hand, and for twenty-five years, with the other have they been adding to this pile of money I reckon they believe us mighty stupid to pay more regard to their counsel than to their cash . By turning the telescope a little further up it reveals the channel through which that pile of money has reached him it has come from that ultra abolition State Massachusetts the land where "No Union with Slaveholders" was born that is not political or ecclesiastical union but where Commercial Union with them, the most precious of all to them, is maintained with almost religious exactness. Turn it a little further, and there is brought into view a long train of anti-slavery cotton spinners and store-keepers doing their part towards completing the connection between Legree and his remote customers, and pocketing their share of the spoils. I now turn it toward Rochester , Syracuse, and some other places where anti-slavery zeal glows the warmest, and what do I find? Some of the sources from which has spring that mighty river of patronage so indispensable to the Slaveholder and now annually worth near 140 millions of dollars. I listen to the eloquence of the one lecturer to the pathos of another to the tale of woe more strange than fiction then take up my telescope and see the bloodstained cotton upon their backs. I see the throngs of listeners, melted down with pity for the down-trodden victim of oppression weeping away the tear of sympathy, and yet, to all appearance, unconcernedly, partaking of tropical productions that have been wrung from the trembling limbs of the very objects of their compassion. But my telescope reveals bright spots as well as dark ones it shows me the free laborer of the South, willing to supply the abolitionists of the North with free grown productions, and able to do it (including cotton) far beyond the present demand for articles of that character. I can see the business channel, under the care of prudent, conscientious men, through which this anti -slavery cotton can reach anti - slavery people. I can see the Free Produce warehouse in Philadelphia, and the free cotton manufactory not far away form that city the thousands of earnest philanthropists scattered over the country who are able to do much toward turning the tide of patronage from the slaveholder into a more legitimate channel, and last but not least, I can see the conviction deepening in the minds of those philanthropists, that what they do with clean hands is doubly, nay, trebly done. Now, if G.T.D. would like to make use of my telescope to peep at S.R. with, or to know upon what principles it is constructed, I would recommend to him the reading of the Citizen of the World, edited by Elihu Burritt, and which succeeds the periodical to which R.R. alludes. "Come and look through my telescope," says Consistency. HENRY MILLS. MOUKTON, Vt., 1 mo. 29, 1855. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Mills Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.9.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Duty of Avoiding Slave Produce (Article) Description An account of the resource DUTY OF AVOIDING SLAVE PRODUCE . - "IF the friends of freedom would abstain entirely from the use of slavegrown cotton, it would have a tendency to diminish this horrible traffic. Encourage the free -laboring farmers of the South, and decline the products of sweat and toil, and it may exert a moral influence over the slave-holder, while it will gain the good will of the poor white citizens of the South to the cause of human freedom. "Whatever may be the difference of opinion as to the moral right to purchase slave labor products, all anti-slavery men ought to feel the obligation to encourage the free laborer, rather than the master of slaves. And even should we pay a cent or two more on the pound or yard, we should feel that the interests of humanity demand it, and therefore do it cheerfully." (The above is extracted from The Crisis , a paper published at Cincinnati, and edited by an individual who was long a citizen of a Slave State.) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>The North Star</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.5.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource London; 7.18.1850 (Meeting) Description An account of the resource FREE PRODUCE MEETING IN LONDON. - A valuable correspondent informs us a meeting of women was held in one of the large committee rooms in Devonshire House, London, during the late Yearly Meeting in that city, to promote the use of free labor products. A small central committee was appointed, and about fifty Friends from the country gave in their names as correspondents. We trust the work thus commenced will find faithful laborers to promote its consummation. - <em>Non-Slaveholder</em> . Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>The North Star</em> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available 7.18.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Free Labor Movement (Article) Description An account of the resource This feature of the anti-slavery enterprise appears to be gaining friends where it is thoroughly investigated. Like all other departments of philanthropy it is beset with difficulties, real and imaginary, and those of the latter class are believed to be far the most numerous. It is presumed that no earnest friend of the immediate and peaceful abolition of American Slavery doubts the necessity of making his practice and his profession agree in all practicable cases, if he would have his remonstrances produce the effects he desires. He must perceive the depreciating effect upon the force of his argument addressed to the actual holder of slaves which a voluntary participancy with him in the convenience of slaveholding would unavoidably produce . He does not need to be informed that the money patronage which the slaveholder receive in return for the produce of the labor of his slaves greatly outweighs in many cases the verbal arguments directed against this system. The abolitionist that reflects upon the subject in this manner sees the necessity of going to the slaveholder with hands as clean as he can possibly make them. And wherever a slaveholder, yielding to the pressure of those arguments or to independent reflection, resolves to step across the line that divides Slavery from Freedom, the abolitionists feels bound to recognize the change to extend the hand of friendship to him, not only ecclesiastically and politically, but also commercially by giving him the preference before his neighbor who persist in the opposite course. A glance at the history of slave-breeding and cotton growing in the United States shows him they have been closely connected that the money patronage the slaveholder received in one year (1853) amounted for the article of cotton alone to near $120,000,000. A little further investigation, and the necessity of contributing to his patronage under which he has believed himself laboring in some particulars, entirely disappears . He learns that nearly 100,000 bales of cotton have been of late annually produced by free labor in America, of this 800 bales were sent into the market last year by German planters in Texas. That from the all the accounts from these non-slaveholding planters, we learn, that they are watching with much interest the demonstration of sympathy for them in the preference that may be given to the production of their labor, and they are holding themselves ready to respond to the demand that would follow that preference. One hundred thousand bales of free labor cotton would give one hundred millions of yards of cotton fabrics of various qualities, sufficient, it is supposed, for an ample supply to every abolitionist that has an Anti-Slavery Backbone. Then we have one cotton mill in operation in Ohio, and another in Pennsylvania under the charge of trustworthy men, in which nothing but free grown cotton is to be used; and with ordinary management, and the support which abolitionists can give them, the necessity for wearing a slave grown cotton shirt will be reduced to half a cent per yard, or two cents per shirt. Next we have the efforts that are being made for procuring flax from the hitherto unvalued flax-straw, produced in growing flaxseed, and the noble contribution to the stock of free labor productions brought into the market by the Fall River Linen Co. With these things before us, we regard the necessity for using Slave-grown cotton as simply imaginary. The coming Anti-Slavery Convention, it is hoped, will not pass over without some attention to his subject.* For the argument in favor of this moment and other particulars see Burrett's Citizens of the World , published by G.W. Taylor of Philadelphia. HENRY MILES, Cor. Sec't Free Produce Ass. Of Western Vermont. * It will be seen by the following resolutions that the convention did give attention to his important subject. Whereas , the Non-slaveholding planters of the South deserve the sympathies of abolitionist; and, whereas, these sympathies can, in many cases be most effectually extended through the medium of commerce; therefore, Resolved , That it is desirable to manifest our sympathies for such planters, by encouraging the culture of free labor productions, in preference to those produced by the labor of slaves. That we regard the German Settlers in Texas, and elsewhere, who are cultivating the soil by their own free labor, as especially deserving our approbation; and the eight hundred bales of cotton produced in Texas, last year, as an indisputable argument for free labor in the South. That we look with interest upon all well-directed efforts, in the non-slaveholding states, for raising products that may successfully compete with slave-products, and we regard it as particularly desirable that the culture and manufacture of flax, by free men should, if possible, be brought into successful competition with slave-grown cotton. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.21.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Free Cotton Description An account of the resource AMERICAN FREE COTTON. - The friends of the Free Produce movement will rejoice to lean, that the first shipment of American Free Cotton this season, arrived week before last; and instead of lying four months in Liverpool, as was the case last year, ninety bales were immediately sold to a trustworthy manufacturer, for making into prints; and the remaining twelve bales are to be made into sewing cotton, tapes, and other small articles. - British Friend. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>The North Star</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.15.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce (Article) Description An account of the resource It is evidently wrong to pay the slaveholder for his plunder, either personally or through a series of agents, except where it is expedient, to avoid considerable loss or injury, while yet abstinents are so few as not to affect the market, for in dealing with so extreme an evil as Slavery, the expediency principle is not to be wholly rejected. But his does not apply where several can join in sending to a Free Produce depot. Our moral power depends upon our consistency. Extensive abstinence from slave-sugar inaugurated that phase of Anti-Slavery in England which proved successful. The willing consumers of Slave Produce are responsible for Slavery, and such are all who would refuse to sign the following Pledge: We pledge ourselves to promote the Free Produce Movement by all reasonable means, especially by contributions in the way of premiums, &c.; to stimulate the supply of free cotton and substitutes; and we pledge ourselves that when a number of families, suppose two millions, at home and abroad, sufficient to materially affect the slaveholders and their patrons, the manufacturers and merchants, shall have signed this pledge, we will league together in first appealing to those classes to move at once for Abolition or lose our custom; then if unheeded, in at least making an earnest trial to abstain totally and inflexibility from the staple products of Slavery. How much more noble this than to propose a "compensation" (horrid misnomer) to the slaveholder for emancipation! This, I think, would be more effectual than all other peaceable measures, though I am for carrying onward all together. L. CLOUGH. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource L. Clough Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.20.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter from Mrs. Stowe Subject The topic of the resource Mention of free produce in letter from Harriet Beecher Stowe to the Ladies' New Anti-Slavery Society of Glasgow Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.20.1854 Description An account of the resource LETTER FROM MRS. STOWE. --- The following letter, received from Mrs. Stowe by the Committee of the Ladies' New Anti-Slavery Society in Glasgow, (Scotland) was read by the Rev. Dr. Robson at a meeting of Committee held in the Religious Institution Rooms, in that city, December 13, 1853. --- TO THE LADIES' NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF GLASGOW. ANDOVER, November 18, 1853. DEAR FRIENDS: - I have had many things on my mind to say to you, which it was my hope to have said personally, but which I am now obliged to say by letter. I have had many fears that you must have thought our intercourse during the short time that I was in Glasgow, quite unsatisfactory. At the time that I accepted you very kind invitation, I was in tolerable health. And supposed that I should be in a situation to enjoy Society and mingle as much in your social circles as you might desire. When the time came for me to fulfill my engagement with you, I was, as you know, confined to my bed with a sickness, brought on by the exertion of getting the Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin through the press during the winter. The labor of preparing that book, simply as an intellectual investigation, was severe; but what a risk of life and health it was for me, no one can appreciate but myself. Nothing could have justified me, with my large family of children , in making such an effort, in the state of health in which I then was, except the deep conviction which I had, and still have, that I was called of God's providence to do it. In every part of the world, the story of Uncle Tom's Cabin had awakened sympathy for the poor American slave, and , consequently in every part of the world, the story of his wrongs had been denied; and it has been asserted that it was a mere work of romance and I was charged with being the slanderer of the Institutions of my own country. I knew that , If I shrank from supporting my position, the sympathy which the work had excited would gradually die out, and the whole thing would be looked upon as a mere romantic excitement of the passions, without any adequate basis of facts. Feeble and reduced as I was, it became absolutely necessary that it should take this opportunity when the attention of the world was awakened, to prove they charges which I had made. Neither could such a work be done slightly, for every statement was to be thrown before bitter and unscrupulous enemies who would do their utmost to break the force of the very thing Writ of Habeas Corpus was said. It was, therefore, necessary that not an assertion should be made without the most rigorous investigations and scrutiny; and, were, as I then was whit the subject, with every nerve sensitive and sore, I was obliged to spend three months in what were to me the most agonizing researches. The remembrance of that winter is to me one of horror. I could not sleep at night, and I had no comfort in the day time. All that consoled me was that it was bearing the same kind of suffering which Christ bore, and still bears, in view of the agonies and distresses of sin in this world. When I came to Scotland, I felt like on out of whom every drop of blood has been drained. If there had been any other way to do, I think I would not have accepted the invitation, but it was absolutely necessary that it should have a change of scene and association , and I did not wish to stay here to read the comments of the press on my labors. I thought that I had had suffering enough without that . With this feeling, I was taken from my sick be on board the ship. I had not the slightest idea of the kind of reception which was to meet me in England and Scotland. I had thought of something involving considerable warmth, perhaps, and a good deal of cordiality and feeling on the part of friends; but of the general extent of feeling through Society, ad of the degree to which it would be publicly expressed, I had, I may say, no conception. I could not keep feeling painfully, while I was with you, how utterly unable I was to return anything in kind, adequate to the very warm feeling which was shown to me. How little I could do ad how little I could say to meet it? I fear that many must have felt disappointed in me, and that my visit must, on the whole have proved and unsatisfactory one to you. This it was my hope in some measure to repair, by making you another visit in the autumn, when my health should be in a set to enable me to receive and return you kind attentions, and to enjoy more of the pleasures of friendly intercourse. This expectation also has by the Providence of God, been disappointed. It only remains from me to supply it as well as I possibly can by letter; and I have delayed thus long writing, because I wished to observe the state of the Anti-Slavery cause in this country, and be able to give you some definite report of it. As your Society were the means of inviting me to you country; it may seem proper that, whatever communications I have to make to friends in England and Scotland, should be made through you. In the first place, then, the question will probably arise in your minds, Has the recent demonstration in Great Britain done good to the Anti-Slavery cause in America? The first result of these demonstrate, all might have been expected, was an intense reaction. Ever kind of false, evil, and malignant report has been circulated by malicious and partisan papers, ad if their is any blessing in having all manner of evil said against one falsely, we have seemed to be in a fair way to come in possession of it. So far as this goes, if simply shows that the testimony was felt. In order to, now whether it did good or evil to the Anti-Slavery cause, it was necessary to inquire not of the enemies but of the friends. I therefore have taken some pains to inquire among leading minds, friendly to the cause, as to their general opinion. My husband, which has watched the course of affairs critically since his return, and my brother, Rev. Henry ward Beecher, who has had extensive opportunities for observation, both consider the results as, Hon. The whole, decidedly good. The same opinion, was expressed to me with equal decision by the Hon. Charles Sumner, by Cassias M. Clay, of Kentucky, by Frederick Douglass, Lewis Tappan, and by others too numerous to mention. I confess this has been a relief and a satisfaction to my own mind; for I am naturally disposed to shrink from public demonstrations, and to question may form of advancing the kingdom of God that cometh with observation. The testimony which England and Scotland took advantage of my response to give, has now become a fixed historical fact, and its effect I trust will in due time become historical. The sanction which was given in this matter to the voice of the people, by the nobility of England and Scotland, has been regarded and treated with special rancor; and yet, in this place, it has been particularly important without it, great advantages would have been taken to deprecate the value of the national testimony. The value of this testimony in particular, will appear from the fact that the Anti-Slavery cause has been treated with especial contempt by the leaders of Society in this country, and every attempt made to brand it with ridicule. The effect of making a cause generally unfashionable is much greater in this world than it ought to be. It operates very powerfully with the young and impressible portion of the community, therefore, Cassias M. Clay very well said, with regard to the demonstration at Stafford House, "It will help our cause, by rendering it fashionable." I may say here that from my intercourse with some members of the aristocracy, I have been led to feel that it was not a mere fashionable caprice, or the passing emotions of an hour, but a deep ad earnest conviction having its root both in religion and humanity. With regard to the present state of the Anti-Slavery cause in America, I think for many reasons, that is has never been more encouraging. And it is encouraging in this respect, that the subject is now fairly up for inquiry before the public mind; and that the systematic effort which has been made for years to prevent its being discussed, is proving wholly ineffectual. I have the best reasons for knowing from different regions in the South, that there is a greater amount of reading and inquiry on the subject, than has ever been known there for years. I could not communicate to you some ver interesting facts which have come to my knowledge, without running the risk of defeating the good thus commenced; for it must be ever borne in mind, that any movement towards the reform of this great abuse, on Southern ground, must at first be a secret one. Some passages, however which I noticed in the Liberator last week, I enclose to you, to show you, the class of casts to which I allude. * * * * * * * * The Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin has sold extensively at the South, following in the wake of Uncle Tom's Cabin. No one fact of statement in its have been disproved, as yet - I have yet to learn of even an attempt toe disprove anything in it. That great numbers of it have been sold and circulated at the South, the publishers accounts must show; that it was not read there with indifference the nature of the work makes sufficiently evident. They are perfectly aware that it is intended to confirm a work with regard to there Institutions, which has gone forth into all the countries of the civilized world, and yet the do not answer it, and the only reason is the feel they cannot! The last number of the North American Review, a periodical which has never been favorable to the discussion of slavery, ah s come out with a review of Uncle Tom's Cabin in Writ of Habeas Corpus, while rating the work very low as a work of art, the y account for its great circulation and success, but he fact of its being a true picture of slavery; and go on to say, that he system is one so inherently abominable that unless the South shall rouse itself, and abolish the principles of chattel ownership, they can no longer sustain themselves under the contempt and indignation of the while civilized world! What is the South to do when this is the best their friends and supporters can say for them? As a consequence of the state of feeling awakened in the South, disclosures are from time to time being made which go powerfully to confirm the statements of the book and the Key; one of these now in press, is the diary of a Physician, who ha been from any years in extensive practice on Southern plantations, being himself a slaveholder. These indications give me hope, that the day is not far off when the South herself will take this matter in hand; and when she does so, we may begin to have rest. I regret to say the movement of the Christian denominations on this subject, are yet greatly behind what they should be. - Some movements have been made by religious bodies, of which I will speak; but, as a general thing, the professed Christian Church is pushed up to this subject by the world, rather than the world urged on by the Church. One religious operations from which I hope much is the American Reform Tract and Book Society. The original American Tract Society, as you aware, declined to publish anything distinctively on the subject of slavery. The Reform Society gives admittance to the subject, as has issued a series of very valuable and efficient tracts, which are circulating with the best possible results. It may be gratifying to you to know the this Society has received id from the Scottish Penny Offering, and that thus by the assistance of Scottish Christians, the silent appeal of live and reason is being made to many consciences and hearts. By the like of the same offering I have been enabled to place a thousand copies of Uncle Tom's Cabin, and a thousand of the Key, in the hands of as many home missionaries. These men are the most devoted soldiers of the Cross which our country contains. Like the Apostles of old, struggling in necessity, poverty and self denial, they are yet unflinching supporters of ever good worked, that of Anti-Slavery among the rest. Their extreme poverty renders them unable to purchase books for themselves; but a better investment of the sauce could not be made than by lodging Anti-Slavery documents in their hands; they will be sure to be efficiently used. I may mention here, father, that tone thousand dollars of the same fund have been appropriated of the support of Miss Miner's school for colored females in our National capitol. Miss Miner has been for many years a heroic and most indefatigable laborer for the colored people at Washington. - She has been gifted by nature with singular talents for this work, and endowed by God's grace with a courage zeal and devotion such as are given to but few. When her school was yet in its infancy, it excited bitter opposition. A man one day called upon her and told her that a mob was organized to destroy her school room, as they were determined that her school should no longer exist. "What good will it do to destroy my school room? Was the reply. "I shall only get another, and go right on." "But" said he, "we will frighten your scholars so that they will note dare to come to you." "No, you will not," she said. "Wherever I dare to go to teach, they will dare to come to learn." The, fixing her eyes very decidedly on the man, she added, "You may tell your associates, that destroying an number of school houses will not stop my school; you cannot stop it, unless you take my life." The man retired and the school room remained unmolested. This school has exerted a great influence on the minds of many slaveholders, who, on visiting it , have been struck with the capabilities under education, of the very people whom they hold in slavery. A more particular account of Miss Miner's school will, ere long, appear in Frederick Douglass Paper , which I commend to your notice and attention. The colored people in this country are rapidly rising, in every respect. I shall request Frederick Douglass to send you the printed account of the recent colored Convention, it would do credit to any set of men whatever, and I hope you will get some notice taken of it in the papers of your United Kingdoms. It is time that the slanders against this unhappy race should be refuted; and it should be seen how, in spite of every social and political oppression, they are rising in the scale of humanity. In my own opinion, they advance quite as fast, taking all their disadvantages into account, as any of the foreign faces which have found an asylum among us. While my husband and myself were in England, our attention was turned very seriously towards the subject of encouraging as far as possible, free labor produce in preference to the produce of slave labor. We has not before attended to the subject, but it struck us very favorably, as suggesting and opening which might, through Divine Providence, be improved to yet wider results. It is generally conceded that God has so made the world, that right doing is, in the long run, always more conducive to profit than wrong doing. Slave labor is as wasteful and unprofitable compared with free labor, as it is immoral. In every branch of labor, where the two come fairly into competition, the free labor invariably runs out the slave labor. Thus it happens that the shoes and the blankets, the tubs, the pals, the axes, and innumerable other necessary articles on Southern plantations, are made by Northern free labor, simply because, being free , it can do the thing better and cheaper than it can be done under the operation of slavery. The immense price of slaves now, renders the stocking of a plantation with slave labor a most exorbitant outlay. At the same time, through the immigration of the Chinese on to our Western shores, a very cheap and industrious free labor population is begin introduced into our country. Coincidentally with this, it is being discovered that cotton of prime quality can be raised in Liberia, in Australia, in the British provinces in India, in all these countries it can be raised as the result of free labor. I our Southern states, there are many small planters, who, either from poverty or principles, cultivate cotton entirely through free labor. An association exists in this country, of some standing who receives this cotton and a large amount of raw material is thus produced by free labor. Movements are now being made to organize manufacturing companies to work this up into the various forms necessary for domestic consumption. Does not this combination of circumstances present the subject of free labor to the Christian philanthropist in a most interesting point of view? If a certain number of planters at the South are laboriously endeavoring to produce cotton by free labor, should not the Christian community encourage them, by giving a preference to what is thus produced over what is grown by slave labor. If the subject of free labor is presenting itself already to planners who are thinking of stocking plantations, will it now much more present itself, should they see that a general demand is riding in the Christian world for free instead of slave produce ? That such thoughts are presenting themselves to the minds of slaveholders, will be made evident from such facts as these, which begin to appear in our public prints: - "SLAVE LABOR vs WHITE LABOR. - We yesterday conversed with a planter from the Northern part of Georgia, who has come on here to engage men to work on his plantation. He has commenced harvesting, and requires additional help; but the enhanced valley of slaves since the abolition agitation places it beyond his ability to purchase a larger supply, and white labor can be employed more economically than that of hired slaves. 0 New York Journal of Commerce. We learn on the authority of the New York Tribune, that "The farm of Cassias M. Clay, who emancipated his slaves some eight years ago, is now yielding him handsome returns, whereas before it used to run him constantly in debt. He has no difficulty in procuring white men as laborers, though he hires a portion of his old slaves. He cuts more hay, has better stock than formerly, and his experiment, which was made under the sot embarrassing circumstances has proved, in every way, eminently successful." I cannot leave this branch of the subject, without relating to you one incident. On board the shop, when I came over from England, was a professed slave trader, and a thoughtless, gay young man, who is a large slaveholder. The grader apparently gloried in his shame and seemed to take delight in relating, within hearing of my bother, scenes in which he had hunted down Negroes with dogs, and otherwise practices upon them the horrors of his trade. The young slaveholder declared some of these things "really too bad." "The fact is," said the young man, "this slavery is a bad thing, and it is bound to come to an end." "It never will come to an end," said the trader, "so long as grass grows, or water runs; it never will come to an end," he added, hesitating, "unless they get something that will do in the place of cotton. So long as all the world must have cotton, So long they will have slaves." Now, if we consider that there are immense tracts of cotton growing land in America not yet taken up - and it is yet to be decided whether this land shall be appropriated to slave of free labor - does not this show a reason why a general movement should be made on the part of the Christians to patronize free labor produce ? The last encouraging symptom which I will mention, in relation to our cause it the progress of the Temperance movement. - This gives me as much hope as an one thing. The great fear that I had was, that he insidious influence of slavery had destroyed the moral tone of the country, so that there was no longer energy, enterprise, or courage to come up to a great and self denying work. But when we see that the state of Maine has enterprise and courage, as a state, to rise up and pass laws excluding intoxicating drunks from her borders, when we see the majority of the population, some of them as real pecuniary sacrifice, united in supporting and enforcing this law; and in consequence of it, the prisons being empties, the dockets of courts almost clear of cases of crime, pauperism, becoming a thing unknown, we cannot but feel encouraged that there is yet a restoring force in our country. It has now become a moral certainty that Maine will never recede from this law. And as long as she holds to it, her example will tell on every part of the Union; and there will be a great moral conflict in every state, until it extends over our whole Union. It is a remarkable fact, that, where ver the Maine Law conflict arises, a just Anti-Slavery sentiment generally goes with it. The two reforms appear to be twin brothers, and the support of the one very naturally leads to the support of the other. When a man's principles of right have been so strengthened, that he will give up a lucrative business from conscientious considerations, he necessarily gains in moral force; and the same principles which he has applied to the rum traffic, apply also to the traffic in slaves. When the Temperance reform has awakened the courage, energy, and virtuous feelings of the community, the evil of slavery is more likely to be seen and felt. They find that the same arguments apply to the slave traffic and to the rum traffic; the at they have the same class of opposers and the same class of defenders and I trust it will price but a sept from the one to the other. It would much assist our cause, if all the friends of Anti-Slavery in Great Britain would earnestly and prayerfully consider the comas of the Temperance cause. According the observations which we made among you, nothing but Intemperance now stands in the way of your lower classes being as happy and as well of in every respect as any in the world. Could you once see the results which have been exhibited in the state of Maine, where the temptation of intoxicating drinks has been entirely banished you could never doubt this. We grieved to learn that some of our Anti-Slavery friend ins end look with coolness upon the Temperance cause, and even utter unfriendly sentiments with regard to it. Nothing could be greater grief to the friends of the slave in this country, because it exceedingly lessens the moral force of their testimony against slavery. Excuse the freedom of these remarks, made in all Christian earnestness and affection. May God so guide us in all things, that our good be not evil spoken of, and that we be left to defend nothing which is opposed to his glory and the good of man. It remains that I close this too large epistle by presenting, once more my affectionate thanks to those many dear friends in Glasgow, whose kindness made my visit there so delightful. The contents of this letter are designed equally for the Anti-Slavery Societies of Scotland and England. I transmit them through your Society, because through you I received that invitation, which led me to make the pleasing acquaintance of so many friends. You will communicate my letter to them in such a way as you deem expedient. Very affectionately yours, H. B. STOWE. I am happy to add, that the elections which have occurred within a few days, in the great states of Massachusetts and New York, have returned legislators decidedly favorable to the l and that in New York, a decided majority is thus gained for Mr. Seward, the Anti-Slavery Senator to the United States Congress.