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                <text>Slave Labor Products--No. 1.</text>
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                <text>INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;FRIENDS EDITORS:--&lt;br /&gt;Having, as your readers may infer from your editorials of the last two weeks, had some difficulty in getting access to your readers through the columns of the Bugle, and I suppose entirely debarred from a hearing through the Liberator, I must ask for a little more space than would otherwise be necessary, for prefatory remarks.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[We omit here a portion of our correspondent's preface, inasmuch as it relates to a matter which he was told in a private interview we thought would be out of place in our columns--nor is the part omitted needed to give a correct understanding of his Free Produce views.--EDRS.]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I consider the American Anti-Slavery Society under obligations, not only to admit, but to encourage the discussion of, and to&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;advocate&lt;/em&gt;, the Free Labor question.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And especially is the Western A.S. Society bound to do this. When this Society received its impulse by the visit of Abby Kelley in 1845, the Declaration of Sentiment and Constitution of the present Society formed in 1833, was read in the Convention held in New Lisbon, and re-adopted by the same,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;as the acknowledged embodiment of the principles, doctrines and measures of this Society.&lt;/em&gt;--Among the measures which stand prominent in that declaraction of sentiment, is the following, "&lt;em&gt;We shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that of slaves, by giving a preference to their productions."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;At the Convention of the Western Society held at New Garden last year, the following resolution was adopted:&lt;br /&gt;Resolved,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;That we believe it our duty to abstain as far as practicable from the fruits of slaves' labor, and encourage the labor of freemen.&lt;/em&gt;"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By the published proceedings of this Convention in the Bugle of June 26, 1816, it will be seen that this resolution "passed with&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;scarcely a dissenting voice"!&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;An editorial in the same paper says it passed "with much unanimity."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[A few lines also omitted here.--EDRS.]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;THE DECLENSION.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Whenever the Am. A.S. Society has added to its policy any new measure, or modified any of its old ones, the subject of such change has always been a theme of much discussion; sometimes almost to the exclusion of the direct question. The change now attempted to be effected in relation to the free produce question, constitutes a remarkable&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;exception&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;to this rule. Even W.L. Garrison, who once maintained that the doctrine of abstinence from slave labor produce was a duty&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;as clear&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;as that of abstinence from slaveholding--"a&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;self-evident&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;truth," now takes a&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;contrary&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;position, and in doing so, declares in plain terms, his unwillingness either to discuss the subject or grant the use of his paper for the privilege of such discussion!!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Is it thus that "self-evident truths are to be disposed of by abolitionists? If this be so, and the evidence that it is need not now be disputed, we may not only hear of the Disunion doctrine being abandoned to-morrow, (for it never has, nor never will be claimed to be based on a self-evident truth,) but the abandonment of the idea of the slave's inalienable right to liberty, may with&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;equal&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;propriety be surrendered, for that is&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;nothing more&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;than a "self-evident truth."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But strange as it may seem, soon after W.L. Garrison's views became changed, we discovered one by one, without a public discussion of the question, with no circulation of anti-free labor tracts, the anti-slavery men and women dropping off!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Am. Free Produce Society lost several of their active members, their names and their arguments, the latter unanswered and unanswerable, and both as monuments of their apostacy from the doctrine so triumphantly maintained by many of our ablest anti-slavery writers, are yet to be seen upon the records.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The few reasons which have been advanced against the free labor subject, being evidently the best that can be advanced, it is my purpose in these essays to review, not so much because of the sources from which they emanate, as for the purpose which they are intended to subserve, and the use made of them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Whatever goes to discourage the manufacture of free produce, goes so far to encourage that of slave labor, and to encourage the latter, is to aid oppression.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;WM. LLOYD GARRISON.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The editor of the Liberator, W.L. Garrison, in his remarks on the free produce question, in the Liberator of the 5th of 3rd mo. last, I perceive, takes the ground, that the fruits of the unnpaid toil of the slave, may be&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;innocently&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;used by those who are earnestly laboring to overthrow slavery, but "&lt;em&gt;not innocently by any other person"!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;Strange as it appears to me to see such a position as this taken by one who in time past, occupied so firm a stand upon the other side of the question, I was still more surprised to read in the same editorial, other positions so palpably conflicting with parts of the above.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have perused subsequent numbers of the Liberator with much expectation of seeing his late position on the above question, supported by a chain of argument, consistent with itself at least, and could not for a time believe his readers would be obliged to accept that article as the best and only defence that cause would afford. But the very fact that it has been sustained no better, by one whose ability to do justice to a worthy subject cannot be disputed, affords strong evidence to the friends of the free labor enterprise, that their cause stands upon a permanent basis.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He not only alleges that "nothing would be gained" be pressing the free labor subject upon public attention; that it would be "a waste of time," &amp;amp;c., but sets down as "&lt;em&gt;preposterous and unjust&lt;/em&gt;," those who "attempt to seek the subversion of slavery" by refusing the use of its products, or "attach moral guilt to the consumer." Yet I understand him to "attach&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;moral guilt&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;to the consumer" by saying that&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;other&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;persons than good abolitionists&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;cannot innocently&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;use those products!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We are told by his editorial, that to regard the consumer of slave labor products, as a supporter of the system, is an 'error,' yet the same editorial tells us that these consumers (good abolitionists excepted) are guilty for using them!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He imputes great credit to "the truly conscientious" who abstain, but must have forgotten that those are the individuals who "attach moral guilt to the consumer," and who therefore lie under this charge of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;preposterous injustice!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;He considers it not susceptible of "clear demonstration" that it is wrong to use the productions of slave labor, that it should be "left to the individual conscience," and that "no man" could reduce the question to practice. Yet after laying down these conscience-soothers for abolitionists, he has arraigned the anti-abolitionists, as guilty for leaving the subject to "individual conscience," for not reducing to practice this "impracticability." He says the free labor abolitionists "are bound to be&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;rigidly consistent&lt;/em&gt;." Does he mean&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;thy only&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;should be so? Are we to ask others to do what we call "impracticable"?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But why are anti-abolitionists "not innocent" in using these products? The answer must be that it is a pro-slavery (slavery sustaining) act. From this conclusion there appears to be no escape. Then we find the ground taken by W.L. Garrison and others to be this; that pro-slavery acts by those who labor in the slave's cause, are&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;justifiable!&lt;/em&gt;--The pro-slavery church-member nor the voter for the veriest slave-holder, need ask for no broader license than this. If anti-slavery labor will atone for the support I render to the slave system, by purchasing of the slaveholder his ill-gotten gains, the same labor will exonerate me from guilt when for a similar reason (pecuniary gain) I vote for Henry Clay and a high tariff. And why may I not with as good a plea purchase John C. Calhoun's slaves and with their (the slaves') 'consent,' set them to work for me while I go forth to advocate the cause of human rights? It need not be replied that the slave would not in this case have a right to give his consent, if he can, as Stephen S. Foster asserts, and as Garrison implies, give his consent to the anti-slavery lecturer to use the proceeds of his unpaid toil&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;after&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;they had passed thro' the hands of his master. Or in other words, he can consent to be&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;a slave&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;that by virtue of the robberies committed upon him, the advocate of his rights may obtain his food and clothing cheaper, and be thus enabled to devote the more time to the cause of human liberty!! But who gave the slave a right to 'consent' to a&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;moral wrong?&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;To build up an Anti-Slavery Society upon the alleged justice of using the products of the labor or the slave, as one of its pillars, will be about as wise, as just, as consistent, us to establish a "Free Republic" with slavery for one of its "corner stones." The obvious intent of Garrison's argument is to show the difficulties of abstinence. Why not give the non-abstaining anti-abolitionist, the advantage of these difficulties, and not charge guilt upon individuals in an inverse ratio to the light they possess?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To the church-member or the voter who talks about "the difficulties" of Comeoutism, he has shown no quarters; yet it has not been conceded nor is it to be taken for granted, that belonging to any church or voting under the United States Constitution, does more to sustain slavery than the use of the products of slave labor. By abstinence from the latter no majority is required to produce an effect, nor is age or sex excluded from the privilege of a vote at the merchant's counter. It requires but little argument to show that the consumers of any commodity have the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;entire control&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;over its production and manufacture, and that at their edict the same shall live and prosper, or die.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I understand his position, however, to require of all persons to abstain till they become&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;good abolitionists&lt;/em&gt;, then all may with impunity participate with the slaveholder in his plunder!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If it is not a case "admitting of clear demonstration," that we have no just claim on the fruits of the bondman's toil, will it not be difficult also, to show that the slaveholder has no just right to those products, or at what stage of the process of production, manufacture and transfer, the title becomes clear and valid, so as to warrant their use by those who disclaim all connection with, or support of, the slave system?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;B.B. Davis.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Anti-Slavery Bugle&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;2:49, p. 2</text>
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                <text>7.9.1847</text>
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                <text>B.B. Davis</text>
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                <text>Slave Luxuries (Essay)</text>
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                <text>I BELIEVE it is Addison who declared, in one of his essays, that the sight of a luxuriously spread table, always exhibited to his imagination, the sight of innumerable diseases lying in ambush among the dishes. An idea, somewhat similar to this, has arisen in my mind with respect to an entertainment imbued with the spirit of the slave-cultivated cane. I have fancied that the death-sigh of some unfortunate victim of oppression might be yet trembling on the bosom of a jelly, and the rich flavour of a conserve conceal the briny tears that have mingled with the saccharine crystals that enter into its composition. A pound-cake seems like the sepulchre of the broken heart with which it may, perhaps, have been purchased, and the delicious ice to wear the red tinge of human blood. If those who un- scrupulously partake of these delicacies, had beheld the horrors by which they are too often purchased, if they could witness, gathered up before them, all the agony endured by their fellow- creatures, only that the gratification of their palates might be ministered to, I believe there are few females who would retain any desire to taste of the blood-polluted banquet. Yet why should the sight of blood be needed, when they know it has been shed, to awaken their sleeping sensibilities ? Under other circumstances they would shudder to be told that the morsel upon their lips, or the garments upon their forms, had been torn by rapine and murder from the hands of their rightful possessors ; and who can assure them that the price of tiie very article now before them, has not been the life of a fellow- creature? The whole system of slavery is replete with barba- rity, and there are numerous instances of the o'erwearied slave having perished with exhaustion amidst his toil, or died beneath the tortures of the mercilessly inflicted lash ; — and how can it be said that the object for which such cruelties are perpetrated, is free from the stain of blood ?</text>
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                <text>Elizabeth Margaret Chandler</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The poetical works of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler: with a memoir of her life and character&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Lemuel Howell</text>
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                <text>1836</text>
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                  <text>Poetry</text>
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                <text>Slave Produce (Poem)</text>
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                <text>Eat ! they are cates for a lady's lip. &#13;
Rich as the sweets that the wild bees sip ; &#13;
Mingled viands that nature hath pour'd. &#13;
From the plenteous stores of her flowing board, &#13;
Bearing no trace of man's cruelty — save &#13;
The red life-drops of his human slave. &#13;
&#13;
List thee, lady ! and turn aside. &#13;
With a loathing heart, from the feast of pride ; &#13;
For, mix'd with the pleasant sweets it bears, &#13;
Is the hidden curse of scalding tears. &#13;
Wrung out from woman's bloodshot eye, &#13;
By the depth of her deadly agony. &#13;
&#13;
Look ! they are robes from a foreign loom, &#13;
Delicate, light, as the rose leaf's bloom ; &#13;
Stainless and pure in their snowy tint, &#13;
As the drift unmarked by a footstep's print. &#13;
Surely such garment should fitting be. &#13;
For woman's softness and purity. &#13;
&#13;
Yet fling them off from thy shrinking limb. &#13;
For sighs have render'd their brightness dim ; &#13;
And many a mother's shriek and groan, &#13;
And many a daughter's burning moan, &#13;
And many a sob of wild despair. &#13;
From woman's heart, is lingering there.</text>
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                <text>Elizabeth Margaret Chandler</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The poetical works of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler: with a memoir of her life and character&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Lemuel Howell</text>
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                <text>1836</text>
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                  <text>Poetry</text>
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                <text>Sonnet to Gerrit Smith (Poem)</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Written on hearing he had contributed two thousand dollars for the relief of the starving poor of Ireland&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;No civic hours deck thy lofty brow,&lt;br /&gt;Nor laurel wreaths won in the bloody fight;&lt;br /&gt;Far nobler prizes glitter in thy sight,&lt;br /&gt;And crown thy holy labours. Even now&lt;br /&gt;Thy country owns thee as&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;the poor man's friend&lt;/em&gt;,&lt;br /&gt;And not thy country only; that green isle&lt;br /&gt;Across the ocean, with a grateful smile,&lt;br /&gt;Accepts thy bounty. Freely dost thou lend&lt;br /&gt;What God hath given thee; freely dost thou cast&lt;br /&gt;Thy bread upon the waters; but we know&lt;br /&gt;It is not lost: each floating seed shall grow,&lt;br /&gt;And yield abundant fruit. Bright o'er the past&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;With growing lustre shall thy virtues glow,&lt;br /&gt;And on thy name a deathless glory cast.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;April 5,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;1847.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;GULIELMUS.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&lt;/em&gt; 2:5, p. 119 (reprinted from the &lt;em&gt;National Era&lt;/em&gt;)</text>
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                <text>1.5.1847</text>
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                <text>Store for the Sale of Free Produce</text>
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                <text>Article on the recent promotion of George W. Taylor's store and encouragement toward free produce.</text>
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                <text>STORE FOR THE SALE OF FRE PRODUCE.--The senior Editors of this paper ask the attention of its readers to the advertisement of our colleague, George W. Taylor, on our last page. The increasing desire throughout many sections of our country to procure the necessaries and conveniences of life, free from the labours of slaves; and a religious concern, on his part, to promote the good work by every means in his power, have induced him to enter into this business. He will most scrupulously investigate the sources of his supplies, and, in this and other respects, will be assisted by the operations of the Free Produce Association of Friends.&#13;
Many applications have been received for a supply of groceries and cotton goods to be sold on commission. Without entering into details, we may state that this plan is quite impracticable. If several individuals in a neighbourhood would join in raising such an amount of money as may be convenient to them, they could receive its value in goods at wholesale prices, and divide them in the proportions of the several sums contributed.&#13;
&#13;
Many persons who do not profess a decided religious scruple against using slave produce, yet declare their preference for the productions of free labour, and even a willingness to pay more, if necessary, for them. We hope that such as these will avail themselves of the opportunity now afforded, to gratify their preference. Faithfulness to faint glimmerings may lead to larger openings--a proper use of feeble rays of light may prepare the spiritual eye for greater clearness and strength of vision--and those who have seen "men as trees, walking," may eventually see "every man clearly."&#13;
&#13;
To another class, who, under various outward disadvantages and difficulties, feel religiously restrained from contributing their support to slavery, we would extend the encouragement which we have gratefully received ourselves in a recent letter from our dear friend Thomas Willis, of Long Island. In reference to a discouraging circumstance, he says: "It has no effect to abate my concern on this subject, [the disuse of slave produce] but rather stimulates to greater faithfulness on my part. I sincerely hope that the apathy, so prevalent in the Society, relative to this branch of our testimony against injustice and cruelty, may in no wise abate the Christian concern and perseverance of those who have associated together for the promotion of this work of righteousness; for such I truly esteem it. And it does appear to me that if our Society have any real testimony to bear against slavery and the slave-trade, the time has arrived that we are called upon to make it manifest--not in word only--but in deed and in truth; so that our example may be consistent with our profession and set the seal thereunto."</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;2:2, p. 41</text>
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                <text>1.2.1847</text>
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                <text>Sugar Growing Upon the Prairies.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;We give elsewhere an article which exhibits very encouraging result from experiments with the new Chinese Sugar Cane in Wabash county in this State last season.—One or two statements of the writer are so remarkable that we quote them here, by way of inviting special attention to the subject:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;"I am well convinced that in 1860 the Southern planter will have no sale for his sugar in the State of Illinois. From present indications, there will be 100 acres of Chinese Sugar Cane raised in Wabash county, worth $10,000."&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Let us figure a little upon this estimate. There are a hundred countries in the State, each of which probably will, on an average, annually consume sugar to the amount of $10,000, and if all were to raise their own, as Wabash seems likely to do, there would be an annual saving to the State of $1,000,000. Very soon, too, our population will have so increased as to consume double this amount of sugar, and then the saving will be $2,000,000, with a constant increase thereafter. This would be rather an important item to add to the agricultural productions of our State. And if the sugar culture proves successful, we shall in all probability grow a large surplus for exporation in the course of eight or ten years. It would be one of the most remarkable developments of free labor, in this century, if the Mississippi Valley should be able, at the end of the next fifteen years, to supply the sugar market of the world.—&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Ex&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Weekly Vincennes Gazette&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>1.7.1857</text>
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                <text>Sunderland, UK; 10.4.1850 (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>Anti-Slavery Demonstration&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A public anti-slavery meeting was held in Smyrna Chapel, on Monday evening last. The Rev. John Parker presided. Long before the time appointed for the services of the evening, the chapel was crowded to excess; and as it was thought desirable that none who had come interested in the prosperity of the movement should be disappointed, it was resolved to open Union Chapel for those who could not gain admittance into Smyrna. In a few minutes that chapel was also crowded. When the Rev. Dr. Pennington and the Rev. Henry Highland Garnet, gentlemen of color, and once slaves, but now ministers of the gospel, the former in the city of New York, and the latter at Geneva, State of New York, entered the chapel, the immense assembly rose and in the most welcome and enthusiastic manner greeted them as brethren. It was then agreed that they should each address both meetings. The Rev. James Muir presided over the meeting in Union Chapel. The addresses of the gentlemen were eloquent, persuasive and thrilling, and were received with expressions of the highest approbation. Many of their statements filled the audience with horror, and drew from them the deepest sympathy. - They showed that the history of slavery on the cotton fields of America, is the very epitome of human misery. The slaves are treated like beasts of burden - their family ties are disregarded - they are constantly worked under the whip - even the women being flogged unmercifully when they fail in accomplishing their appointed task. Should they attempt to escape, they are hunted with bloodhounds, and not unfrequently shot down like wild beasts. The average life of a slave on a cotton plantation is estimated not to exceed seventy years. They exhibited American slavery as they had seen and felt it; they showed its debasing character, injustice and impolicy, even in a temporal light; the oppression, cruelty, and wretchedness of the fugitive slave law, lately passed by both houses of Congress, and which is now the law in operation in that country. They also pointed out the means by which the system may be entirely suppressed, viz. by using free labor produce , and refusing to touch or taste any article produced or manufactured by slaves. In the United States, Brazil, and Spanish colonies, there are seven millions of slaves who produce , cotton, sugar, rice, tobacco and coffee, which articles are consumed in large quantities by the British nation. They give the slaveholder their money or manufactures in exchange for the products of the blood-stained fields, and thus furnish the means for continuing the atrocious system. The remedy is apparent - abstain from their produce and slavery must cease. A whip of a slave-driver was shown, which has often been wet with the blood of the oppressed slave. The whip was nine feet in length, a fearful weapon to be applied in the punishment of a human being. Manacles for the legs and neck, which had been manufactured in Birmingham, were also shown, and produced sensations of the most intense nature, and loud cries of "shame, shame." Both meetings were most enthusiastic. The Rev. James Pringle, from Newcastle, Revds. S. Watkinson and John Morris, with Mr. Wakinshaw, took a part in the proceedings of the evening. A vote of thanks was given to the rev. strangers in the same expressive manner as they had been greeted when they entered the meeting. A collection was taken for aiding the good work commenced; it was liberal, and showed the intense feeling of the meeting. After prayer, by the Rev. presiding gentlemen, the meeting separated. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On Wednesday morning at 11, a most respectable meeting was held in Union Chapel, for forming a Ladies' Anti-Slavery Association , for promoting the sale of free labor produce . The Association was formed with all its office-bearers, and a considerable number of ladies have become members. There is something about these movements that leads us to contemplate the day as not far distant when slavery shall be no more. The Rev. Dr. Pennington preached last Sabbath evening in Dundas-street chapel, and in the morning in Smyrna chapel. The Rev. H.H. Garnet preached in the morning in Maling's Rig chapel, and in the evening in Union chapel. The Rev. Dr. Pennington addressed the children of St. George's Sabbath-school in the afternoon. - &lt;em&gt;Sunderland Herald,&lt;/em&gt; Oct. 4.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.31.1850</text>
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                <text>Tea-Table Talk. Helen and Maria. (Sketch)</text>
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                <text>" Dear me, Helen, I cannot conceive why you think that taking a lump of sugar in your tea, or eating a piece of cake, or a preserve, can do any harm to the slaves. And when you are in company it must be so disagreeable, and look so singu-lar, to decline eating almost every thing that is offered you ! I think you must almost starve sometimes !"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" I have never yet been driven to such an extremity," answered her friend, smiling ; " but I will acknowledge that it is certainly very disagreeable to be obliged so frequently to dis- appoint the kindness of my friends ; neither is it at all pleasant to appear singular in one's notions, which however is not now greatly to be feared, since abstinence from slave articles has become lately quite common. But even if that was not the case, my reasons are, I believe, sufficiently strong to render singularity in this respect entirely proper, and to enable me to bear the imputation of it patiently." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" But you have eaten of such things all your life, till lately, and never thought it wrong ; and all the rest of your family make use of them, so that, begging your pardon, cousin Helen, I cannot think it otherwise than very silly for you to make such a fuss about it now." '&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;' In telling me that I have made use of slave produce through the whole of my life until lately, you have mentioned an excellent reason, my dear Maria, why I should patiently and cheerfully endure any privations that an abstinence from it may impose upon me now. But because I have done wrong ignorantly, or because those whom 1 most love have not the same views with myself in that respect, shall I continue to sin against my conscience ?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" I suppose you should not, if the use of slave produce really were wrong, or could be done without altogether ; — but other people do not think it wrong, and why should you be more particular ?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;*&amp;lt; Shall I tell you why I think it wrong, Maria ?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" Oh ! now, you want to tell me some horrid story about the treatment of the slaves. I do not know how you can bear to think and talk about such things." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" How, then, dear Maria, can you wonder that I should re- fuse to assist in creating them. It is indeed very painful to think upon the vast amount of suffering produced by slavery, but not half so painful, cousin, as to assist in producing it. Do not imagine that I think I deserve credit for my abstinence from slave luxuries, or what I suppose you would call necessary articles. I claim none — to partake of them would be to me far the greater punishment. There are times when I almost shudder at the thought, and when I feel as if I could almost as easily endure the taste of human blood, as of the sweetness of the slave-grown cane ! It is wonderful to me how any fe- male, who has even a partial knowledge of the horrors of slavery, can be willing to support such a system, or can receive the least enjoyment from the indulgence in comforts and lux- uries which are purchased by the sacrifice of so many lives. We shudder to think of the immolation of human beings by savage nations, at the altars of their gods ; but when our own gratification is in question, we become careless of the poured- out blood of thousands !" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" Now you are severe, Helen ! Do you think I would con- tinue to use slave produce, especially when I could avoid doing so by any means, if I thought all I made use of would occasion the loss of life to any human being ?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" Yet you must acknowledge, Maria, for I believe you are aware of the fact, that, even excluding those who have sunk under the pressure of long continued toil and hardships, the number of the miserable beings who have been deprived of their lives by actual violence is immense. And the cause of slavery, and all its attendant ills, can only be found in the prof- its of its extorted labour." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" But, cousin, all the slave produce I should use in the whole course of my life would make no difference in the number of slaves. Abstinence would only punish myself, without any benefit to those you compassionate." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" The articles you make use of cannot be produced without some time and labour, be the quantity what it may. Allowing the labour of a slave for six or twelve years to produce all the various slave-grown products which you may use during the course of your life, would not he who was so occupied be in effect your slave, during the time he was thus employed? Do you not receive as much benefit from his oppression as the in- dividual who is his nominal owner, but in fact, for that length of time, only your agent? Nor will the circumstances of this portion of labour, being divided among many persons, create any difference. You must excuse me for considering that for the time that is necessary to produce the articles you consume, you are a slave-holder ; or that you are doing worse, by paying another for the commission of a crime which you would not dare to commit yourself!" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;" You speak very plainly, Helen ; but I will not be offended, I for I know you feel strongly — nay, I will even acknowledge that I have taken my last cup of tea without sugar, and that it was not so very disagreeable. But I will talk no more upon the subject now, only to say that if I was fairly convinced you were right, I believe I would give up the use at least of slave sugar."</text>
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                <text>Elizabeth Margaret Chandler</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The poetical works of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler: with a memoir of her life and character&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="244">
                <text>Lemuel Howell</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>1836</text>
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                <text>The "Irrepressible Conflict."</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;THE "IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We showed, some two weeks ago, by an extended quotation, that Henry Clay was the true author of the doctrine that an "irrepressible conflict" exists between Freedom and Slavery. Mr. Everett, in his Boston eulogy upon Mr. Webster, attributes the same idea to the "Great Expounder," but without stating when he announced it. The speech of Mr. Clay was made in 1829; and until Mr. Everett can show, from the writings or speeches of Mr. Webster, that he announced the idea as long ago as January, 1829, we shall cling to our statement that the honor belongs to the great Kentuckian.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But whatever may be the result of the controversy as to the paternity of the doctrine, whether it was the "Great Embodiment of the Whig party," or the "Great Expounder of the Constitution," one thing is certain, that neither Mr. Seward, Mr. Lincoln, nor any other modern Republican, can pretend to set up a claim to its authorship. The following is Mr. Everett's statement:&lt;br /&gt;"He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed, and is witnessing, that the newly-acquired and newly-organized Territories of the Union would grow up into free States; but,&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;in common with all or nearly all the statesmen of the last generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;. He thought he saw that, in the operation of the same causes which have produced this result in the Middle and Eastern States, it was visibly taking place in the States north of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;would eventually be found most productive, and would therefore be ultimately established."&lt;br /&gt;We learn that, although this paragraph was in the oration of Mr. Everett as he delivered it, and as it was published in the Boston papers with his corrections, he has, in his subsequent delivery or repetition of the eulogy, omitted it. This omission is in consequence of the legitimate use which has been made of the statement by the Republican press, and is characteristic of the moral weakness of Mr. Everett. But his testimony is before the public, and he cannot retract it, however much he would like to do so. He is responsible for the statement that Daniel Webster believed and maintained that Slavery and Freedom must wage perpetual war, until the latter is triumphant.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The National Era&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.20.1859</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Books</text>
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        <name>Dublin Core</name>
        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>The Anti-Slavery Alphabet</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>A popular alphabet book published in 1846 to be sold at Anti-Slavery Fair organized by the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society (PFASS). Each illustrated letter corresponds to an aspect of abolition or a critique of slavery, promoting both literacy and an abolitionist education among children. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The book tells its young readers that they have a part to play in the struggle as well. The opening verses, titled "To Our Little Readers" states, "You are very young, 'tis true,/But there's much that you can do./Even you can plead with men'That they buy not slaves again,/[....]And you can refuse to take/Candy, sweetmeat, pie or cake,/Saying 'no'--unless 'tis free--/'The slave shall not work for me.'"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Several of these letters discuss topics such as the complicit merchant (M is the Merchant of the north,/Who buys what slaves produce--/So they are stolen, whippd and worked,/For his, and for our use), the boycott of sugar (S is the Sugar, that the slave/Is toiling hard to make,/To put into your pie and tea,/Your candy, and your cake.) and the violence of the cotton industry (C is the Cotton-field).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Full text available &lt;a href="http://online.fliphtml5.com/xohe/qlfg/#p=4"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                <text>Hannah and Mary Townsend</text>
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            <name>Source</name>
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                <text>Printed for the Anti-Slavery Fair by Merrihew &amp;amp; Thompson, Printers</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>1846</text>
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