2 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Good Man Gone. Description An account of the resource A recent arrival from England brings us intelligence of the death of Mr. GEORGE RICHARDSON, at Newcastle-on-Tyne, which occurred on the 9th ult., in the 89th year of his age. The deceased was a member of the Society of Friends, and a consistent advocate of Peace, Temperance and Freedom. He early espoused the cause of the oppressed of the West Indies, and quit using the products of slave labor as one of the means of bringing about emancipation. In him the American Abolitionists had a firm and unwearied coadjutor. He labored zealously and most successfully for the amelioration of the condition of the poor in his own town. His door always opened to welcome the stranger, no matter of what country, clime, or color. In each outspoken action of his life one sentiment was ever prominent, and that the noblest one that ever actuates a human soul, the sentiment of duty. Few indeed have trodden with more care and less weariness "the straight and narrow path," or followed more faithfully that light which lighteth every man into and through the world. The outcast and needy of Newcastle will not soon find another George Richardson. The young may well imitate his character, while all can view his life as a beacon calling them on to higher and holier duty in the great work of making the world better. No unkind thought will follow bin to his grave, but it will be a place sought out by the pilgrim from a distance, as well as by the poor that loved him so well while living. "Thus, sleep the good, who sink to rest, By all their country's wishes blest When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, Returns to desk their hallowed mould, She there shall desk a sweeter sod Than Fancy's feet have aver trod. There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray, To bless the turf that wraps their clay, And Freedom shall a while repair, To dwell a weeping hermit there." W.W.B. We most fully unite with the grateful tribute thus rendered to our late venerable friend, Mr. GEORGWE RICHARDSON, of New Castle upon Tyne. 'A good man gone' may well be said of him, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Goodness <xsl-text></xsl-text>, was the main feature of his life, and all who were brought into contact with him were impressed with the goodness reflected from every line of his broad benevolent countenance. Privileged often to visit him sixteen years ago, and again two years, ago, we always felt like saying when contemplating him; 'Mark the perfect man behold the upright for the end of that man is peace.' He was emphatically the friend of the whole human family. Every man in need or in suffering whom he could, soothe, succor and relieve was his neighbor. He had counsel for the ignorant and erring, sympathy for the oppressed and an open band to the poor and needy. He was among the last living representatives of that noble body of good men in England who held up the hands of CLARKSON, WILBERFORCE, and Sir FOWELL BUXTON, while they carried the British nation up to she act of Emancipation. The dose of a life to long and so well spent, leaves no room for mourning, but rather leads to a feeling of peaceful gratitude that such a friend, has lived so long to serve and bless all within the reach of his influence. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator; Douglass' Monthly Liberator concludes at the W.W.B. signature. Douglass' Montly adds the final paragraph of the article.  Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Liberator 9.26.1862 Douglass' Mothly 10.1862  Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource W.W.B. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Question About Slavery Description An account of the resource A QUESTION ABOUT SLAVERY. Some persons are anxious to form societies, the members of which bind themselves to abstain from all articles produced by the labor of slaves. They believe that when planters can no longer find a market for the productions of slave labor, they will emancipate their slaves.— The colony at Liberia already offers some of the same articles, produced by free labor, and if sufficiently enlarged and strengthened, will furnish others; and as fast as the markets are furnished with coffee, rice, sugar, &c. from Liberia, the same articles, produced by slave labor, will be driven out of market. Must not the friends of 'free labor societies,' therefore, in order to be consistent, do all they can for the prosperity of that colony? —Vermont Chronicle.<xsl-text></xsl-text> The gravity with which the question is propounded in the foregoing paragraph, 'Must not the friends of free labor societies, in order to be consistent, do all they can for the prosperity of Liberia?' is truly ludicrous. The logic runs thus: it is desirable to obtain free goods— free goods are raised by the colonists— therefore it is the duty of <xsl-text></xsl-text>conscientious <xsl-text></xsl-text>individuals to give their support to the Colonization Society, which is abusing, proscribing, injuring, and attempting to expel one sixth portion of the American people, on account of their complexion! We assure the clear-sighted editors of the Chronicle that the members of free labor societies have no disposition 'to do evil that good may come,' by encouraging this monstrous crusade. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.21.1832 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Strange Occurence Description An account of the resource The following communications are from a source upon which we place great confidence. If the statement be true, relative to the body found in the hogshead of molasses, speculation will be busy in deciding upon the mode and intent of its incarceration. A gentleman of this city informs us, that, in 1816, he saw a human head taken from a hogshead. of molasses on one of our wharves, probably belonging to a slave who had been murdered by his owner or overseer. While we resided in Baltimore, a lady found the finger of a colored person in her sugar dish, an engraving of which was made for the Genius of Universal Emancipation. What horrors cluster around the slave system! <xsl-text></xsl-text>For the Liberator<xsl-text></xsl-text>. A STRANGE OCCURRENCE. There was lately sold, by a merchant in this city, to a gentleman in Bristol, Ct. a hogshead of molasses, which, on opening, was found to contain <xsl-text></xsl-text>the <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>body of a colored man!! <xsl-text></xsl-text>— but how he got therein, no account is given. To our surprise, they are trying to keep it a secret in this city. We therefore leave you to make such comments on this singular affair as you may think proper; but, in our opinion, it is a murder most foul. We think that this will be a pertinent text for the advocates of Free Produce. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Hartford, July <xsl-text></xsl-text>21, 1831. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.30.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abstinence from Products of Slave Labor. Description An account of the resource Abstinence from Products of Slave Labor.  The question now arises, How far might we abstain from the products of slave-labor? The people of New England, were they united on it, could abstain from those products <xsl-text></xsl-text>totally<xsl-text></xsl-text>—and that to their own incalculable benefit, and to the slave's deliverance. Unlearned as we are in commercial science, we feel no danger in setting down this statement, <xsl-text></xsl-text>that the commerce between New England and the <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>slaveholding states, is in its aggregate, immensely to New <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>England's loss in property, health, life, and virtue <xsl-text></xsl-text>. In evidence of this, let us consider the principal articles of slave produce imported into our section of country, especially from the southern states, Begin with. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Tobacco<xsl-text></xsl-text>—With the smoke of which our land is clouded, and with the juice of which it flows. The vast amount of this article consumed in New England, is the product of slave-labor, principally from the southern states, and the rest mostly from Cuba, where slavery exists in its worst degree, it being common to “ work the slaves off” (to death) in ten years from their arrival from their home in Africa, upon that bloody island. All that our consumers pay for tobacco, is so much <xsl-text></xsl-text>clear loss<xsl-text></xsl-text>, pecuniarily, while the loss suffered in health and morals by this consumption, is beyond the computation of the arithmetician. The loss in mere <xsl-text></xsl-text>dollars<xsl-text></xsl-text>, by southern trade, in the particular of tobacco, might be expressed by millions, and by yet higher numbers; but the health, and the life, and the virtue destroyed by it, admits not of computation or measurement. Will not these losses by this single article of southern trade, go far to balance whatever profits may be realized in other articles imported from the southern states? Will they not overbalance all that may be gained, (we speak of consumers, by trade in any other article, or in all other articles of southern produce? <xsl-text></xsl-text>Cotton<xsl-text></xsl-text>. In view of the great amount of this article manufactured and consumed in New England, of the many persons its manufacture employs, and of the great amount of clothing it furnishes, it may, at first, seem that the advantages realized from the importation of this article of southern produce, the produce of the slave's toil, is great. It might, at first thought, seem that this branch of southern trade is indispensable. But is it really so? Time has been, when the people of New England subsisted without cotton factories. Have they gained, or have they lost by the change which has taken place? Are the people of New England, in the aggregate, in better circumstances than they would have been, had not one bale of cotton of southern production yet been manufactured among us? The full discussion of the question would be a theme for the occupancy of volumes. Of course we can only start the inquiry, and suggest a few hints. What if the former custom of household manufacture of clothing had been kept up, and the men, women and children, who have been employed in cotton factories, had been engaged in cultivating our own soil, rearing herds and flocks, operating the household wheels and looms—what if this had continued in New England until now? What have been the advantages of the change! Why, rich capitalists have become richer; many persons engaged in the factories, have become rich or fore handed, female operatives especially, have obtained large wages and laid up money; our population has been supplied with cloth at a price deemed much cheaper than that at which it could be manufactured in the household manner; villages have been built up; a ready market for the produce of our farmers has been opened in hundreds of places; and the sphere of business and trade has been greatly enlarged. Against these pecuniary benefits may be set down the pecuniary losses by the factory system, the manufacture of slave-produced cotton among us. We may safely calculate these losses to be large. The neglected cultivation of the soil, caused by the introduction of factories extensively in New England, is a very great loss to the real interests of the country. The cultivation of the soil is the grand productive source of the necessaries of life. In proportion to the neglect of this, is the essential wealth of the country diminished. The extensive manufacture of cotton produced by slave-labor, has diminished the cultivation of our soil far below what it would otherwise have been, and thus has detracted greatly from this true source of a people's wealth. From the same cause, domestic, household manufacture, has been greatly neglected. The substantial home-made fabrics, produced and wrought by families “ within themselves” have giver place to foreign articles, which, though purchased at a price seemingly below the expense of home-made, have in reality cost the consumers far more, in the process by which they are paid for by them. This will, upon examination, be found true of purchased articles that are really necessary in the absence of home-made; but add to this the immense superfluity and extravagance, in the matter of clothing especially, which is introduced by the substitution of foreign for homespun clothing, and by our thousands and ten thousands of young women leaving the distaff and the household wheel and loom for the cotton factories—and the absolute loss to the country, caused by this change, will be found to be immense. Might it not be found, could all the gains and losses, of a pecuniary kind connected with the manufacture of slave-produced cotton be accurately computed, that, to the people of New England generally, the losses would fully balance and over balance the gains? Has not the Author of all good so formed the economy of things, as to forbid a general and permanent prosperity, even pecuniarily, in participating the fruits of injustice? And it is beyond disputation, that the cotton for our factories is procured by the most gross injustice. It cries to God against the slave holder and all that are accessories in the enslavement and robbery of those whose labors produce it and who are the rightful proprietors of it. Is there not a curse upon this and all the products of extorted and unpaid labor, which will, generally, attach itself to all that share in them? But what amount of pecuniary advantages will balance against the expenditure of health, life, intellect, and virtue, which is made in manufacturing the cotton, “ drenched in the tears and blood of the slave.” The factories in New England, in which this ill-gotten material is wrought up, are so many sepulchres in which is entombed the health of the ten thousands of operatives, with few exceptions. In thousands of instances they prove speedily to those who enter them, the ante-chambers to death. Thousands and thousands of New England's daughters, in the flower of their life, have withered, and sunk prematurely to the tomb, by the life-destroying influences of the factory system, as it is conducted in this country. What amount of pecu. niary gain would compensate for these lives? Ask mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters, who have followed the stricken victims to their early graves. In the pallid countenances of the multitudes of factory operatives, on the premature graves of their thousands of victims already fallen, do we not read the curse fixed in the righteous laws of Nature upon the fruits of iniquity, to be shared by those who participate in such fruits? Righteous retribution is interwoven in all the natural, as well as the moral universe; and naturally, as well as judiciously, our “ sins do find us out,” even our sins of ignorance. The way of righteousness is the path of life; and the way of sin against God and of wrong against our fellow men, is the way of death. The cotton manufactured in New England is the price of the bodies, the lives and the souls of men, and a retributive curse follows it to the remotest transfer—except in the case of those who repay the <xsl-text></xsl-text>slave <xsl-text></xsl-text>for what they share of his labors. Add to the destruction in health and life, the effect this system has on the intellectual and moral character of thousands, and there is an amount of evil, for which, in our view, no pecuniary advantages can compensate. Not that extensive manufactories could not be carried on without these incomputable losses. No: we trust there will be a change, a reform: but if it ever comes, it will be effected by the same spirit of benevolence and righteousness that will set the slave free, and that will make the material for their fabrications to be the product of free compensated labor The spirit of emancipation is already aroused to a zealous effort for procuring supplies of cotton from other sources than slave labor; especial efforts are making for its growth in India. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Grains and Sugars.<xsl-text></xsl-text>—We have heard some of our people at the north argue, or rather alledge, that New England could not be supplied with bread stuffs without the corn and flour and rice bought of the south, and which are produced by slave-labor. If the labor and the money expended by the people of New England in the purchase of bread stuffs from the slave states were appropriated to the cultivation of our own New England soil, would it not furnish us more plentifully with bread, than it does by southern trade, and do far more to increase the actual wealth of the people? As to sugars, a far larger quantity is consumed than is compatible with the health and other interests of the people. And a necessary supply of sugar might be furnished from our maples, from the beet, and imported from the freed West India Islands and other places where it is produced by free labor. In making up the account of loss and gain by our commerce with slaveholders, the demoralizing influence of such commerce upon the people of the free states, should constitute a heavy item in the loss of the latter. Evil communications corrupt good manners. The trade of the north with the south has had much to do in working that extensive destruction of the genuine principles of freedom and the pro-slavery feeling and sentiment of the people of the north; an evil for which pecuniary gains cannot compensate. We would enlarge upon this topic, but for want of room. Let the reader enlarge for himself in the consideration of this important point. But however great the loss incurred by trade with slaveholders, in the aggregate or in particular commodities, and however practicable it would be for the people of New England to desist totally from that trade, were they all united in the object—they will not all unite in it, and it therefore remains for individuals, who, on the principle of David's abstinence, as quoted in the preceeding number, would not live upon the tears and blood of the slave and upon the price of his soul, to abstain from the products of his enslavement as far as possible, and in cases where, (from the participation in slavery in which the whole land is plunged by commercial intercourse so extensively carried on,) abstinence is impracticable, to see that he rerders an equivalent service for the slave. Many articles of slave produce that we have been accustomed to use, we can do without, or procure the same kind, produced by free labor By stern principle, care and pains-taking, with self-denial, we may, as individuals, come near to total abstinencefrom the fruits of slavery. As individuals we may preserve our souls pure from the price of blood, and bear the effictual testimony of this abstinence. And associations may be formed—a beginning is already commenced—they may be multiplied and extended, so as to greatly diminish the consumption of slave-labor produce, and to afford a powerful testimony. Let every individual friend of the slave, be faithful to the slave, to himself and to God in this matter. “ Keep thyself pure.”—<xsl-text></xsl-text>Morning Star <xsl-text></xsl-text>. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard, reprinted from Morning Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.3.1841 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abstinence from Slave-Grown Produce Description An account of the resource ABSTINENCE FROM SLAVE-GROWN PRODUCE.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Adin Ballou, of Hopedale, thus handles the Free-Produce question, in the Practical Christian: In another column will be found a communication from Charles Cadwallader, calling our attention, and that of the Hopedale Community, to the question of duty in respect to the consumption of slave-grown productions. He refers us to our Declaration of acknowledged duties, and invites us to consider whether we are not aiding and abetting slavery and the slave-trade by purchasing for our use the various articles of slave production. It is very surprising to our Pennsylvania friends, and those generally who are scrupulously conscientious against the use of slave-grown produce, that so many of the New England Abolitionists remain comparatively indifferent, to this matter. It seems to them that we are partaking in the sin of slaveholding by purchasing and consuming the articles they iniquitously force their slaves to produce, and that we are strangely blind not to see it. On our part we sincerely respect their scruples of conscience, and above all their fidelity to those scruples, and yet have been unable to perceive, with our degree of intellectual and moral light, the forcible reasons, or to feel the moral convictions they do against using the produce in question. This may be owing to obtuseness of judgment, or obliquity of moral sentiment, and therefore we are admonished to examine the subject, and to search ourselves more thoroughly, that we may be sure of our duty in the matter. Nothing is more common than for men, in the main intelligent and conscientious, to overlook or disregard the nicer applications of their acknowledged moral obligations. It is astonishing how blind and mistaken good men sometimes are with respect to particular duties. Considering these things, we welcome friend Cadwallader's communication, and desire with open convictions to state our views of the subject he presents. We think we may venture to say that the members of the Hopedale Community would generally abandon the use of slave-grown produce, if they should be rationally convinced it was their duty. We are now sufficiently convinced that it would be sinful in us to unite with slaveholders religiously, politically, or socially; i. e. in <xsl-text></xsl-text>Church<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>State<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>community<xsl-text></xsl-text>, or in <xsl-text></xsl-text>marriage<xsl-text></xsl-text>. We are also convinced that it would be sinful in us to sell anything to them, or buy anything of them <xsl-text></xsl-text>peculiarly <xsl-text></xsl-text>belonging to the system or state of slavery as such; i. e. any article which would not be equally proper and useful in a state of freedom as in a state of slavery. We are furthermore fully convinced that it would be sinful in us to trade or hold any intercourse, however innocent in itself, with slaveholders, the express condition, or legitimate tendency of which, under the circumstances, should be to render us dumb on the subject of slavery, or to indispose us to testify against it. If we could not trade with slaveholders in articles suitable to a state of freedom, or could not preach, or teach school, or practice medicine, or publish books and papers for them without being <xsl-text></xsl-text>obliged <xsl-text></xsl-text>to be silent concerning the sin of Slavery, or to wink at the wickedness of it, we should be bound to keep utterly aloof from all such dealings and intercourse with them. This duty is founded on a principle of universal application—viz: that we are never to compromise with obvious evil doing. That there is a vast deal of mercantile and other intercourse with slaveholders which is maintained by a sacrifice of principle, for the sake of temporal advantage, is lamentably true. Men and women from the North every year seek their fortune at the South, consenting to be gagged for the time on the subject of Slavery, or insensibly yielding to the expediency of smoothing down their testimony against it. We can see that this is sinful—that it is even <xsl-text></xsl-text>basely <xsl-text></xsl-text>sinful. Now if it can be shown that the ordinary use of cotton, rice, molasses, sugar, wheat, flour, Indian corn, &c. by persons who on that account feel under no restraint, or temptation to refrain from a manly testimony against Slavery, is <xsl-text></xsl-text>also sinful <xsl-text></xsl-text>, we shall feel bound to abstain therefrom at once and forever.—These articles are all good in themselves. Nature originated them for the use of man. She shines upon and moistens, expands and matures them even when their planting and growth are attended by the lash-driven slave. Does the wrong inflicted on the slave, who aids their growth and preparation, so vitiate them that whatever consumes them necessarily becomes implicated in the sin of the slaveholder? We do not see this to be a rational conclusion. The consumers of whom we are now speaking had no participation in stealing the slave from his native land. They have no participation in holding him a slave—none in justifying the master—none in withholding rebuke for the wrong done by him. They use these articles of sustenance and comfort just as they would do, if they had been grown only by freemen —without the least consciousness of any occasion or temptation to favour slaveholding on account of what they thus eat and wear. How then do they sin? Certainly not in their <xsl-text></xsl-text>consciousness <xsl-text></xsl-text>of wrong, nor in their <xsl-text></xsl-text>intentions <xsl-text></xsl-text>. Wherein consists their <xsl-text></xsl-text>wrong? <xsl-text></xsl-text>It is said they are partakers of stolen goods, and are therefore as bad as the thief. Is God a partaker with the man-thief because he gives cotton-seed, earth, sunshine and rain, without which the slave would be of no use to him? And may we not consume what God helps wicked men produce, when the thing produced is in itself good? No, (say our brethren,) if you <xsl-text></xsl-text>do <xsl-text></xsl-text>you are joined in guilt with the man-stealer, the slave-trader, the slaveholder and the slave-driver. You <xsl-text></xsl-text>receive <xsl-text></xsl-text>and <xsl-text></xsl-text>reward <xsl-text></xsl-text>them <xsl-text></xsl-text>for <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods. But the goods are not <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods <xsl-text></xsl-text>, in the proper sense of terms. Is a bushel of wheat to be considered stolen goods because a man raised it by the help of a stolen horse? If so every article produced by instruments unjustly acquired or used becomes contaminated. If I purchase a stolen horse, knowing it to have been stolen, I am guilty with the original thief. But suppose the original thief uses that stolen horse to raise a field of corn, of which I buy five bushels for a laudable use in my family, am I then guilty? Or does the sin lie in trading with the thief at all? Or does it lie in affording him means of sustaining himself and family? If so, the principle carried out would forbid us to trade with a known sinner at all, even in a thing in itself innocent. Or is this the point—that knowing a man to be a horse thief, and to be a justifier of horse theft in general, and also to be raising produce with stolen horses only, I should certainly be an a better of his sin, if, in addition to a faithful rebuke, I did not refuse to make use of the articles raised by such means? It is narrowed down then to this,—that I could not buy and consume the productions of such a man without giving a moral sanction to his deliberate and systematic theft. If this be a correct view of the case, it would of course apply to the man-thief with inconceivably greater force. But if we may take this course with the slaveholder, ought we not to take it with all other sinners? Or can we fix such limits to it as to demonstrate that the <xsl-text></xsl-text>principle <xsl-text></xsl-text>is of just and rational application to easily conceived cases? We invite friend Cadwallader to write again and define the nature and extent of the principle involved in the duty he urges. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.7.1847 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Adam Arator to the Editor of the Liberator Description An account of the resource ADAM ARATOR TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIBERATOR. Well, sir, that night after the squire was at our house, I say awake a good hour, which is what a farmer don't often do, for sleep comes as easy and soft upon us as the night dews upon our tender plants, and is as necessary to us, and we are all wilted up in the morning if we don't get it, just as our plants would be without the dews. I turned the whole matter over in my mind as thoroughly as my new fashioned plough does my land. Why here's my farm, thought I, brings me in so much a year by selling the produce, and this is what I count on for my profits. Supposing now I could not sell any of it, because people thought I managed my farm so that I did not come by my stuff honestly. Supposing it was my neighbors only, who knew always, that thought so, and that I could sell my produce by trading farther off. Still I should like to have a good name among my neighbors, and a handy market for my stuff, and should set to thinking how I could manage my farm so as to bring this about, and not have my neighbors so shy of trading with me. Now this is what I should do, even if I knew all the time I'd been acting like a thief, which it's a tough matter for me to suppose of myself. But supposing I'd been under a delusion like as some people think the slaveholders are, and had not known justly that I was acting like a dishonest man; I think it would rouse me up pretty quick, to hear there was a set of men, if there were ever so few of them, who thought I was not honest enough to be traded with; and I guess my eyes would soon be as clear as theirs. So who knows but what our giving up using the slave-raised things would set some of the slaveholders upon looking into their ways and finding out that they were wrong, if they saw it was not done out of spite, but for honesty's sake; for it's no great matter to reckon upon, that there are some as honest men as I among them. If there are not, it shows slavery to be a worse canker worm than I thought it, eating away the very life of the soul. Then, sir, I turned it another way.—Supposing that Tim Bennet should come along tomorrow with a good yoke of oxen (which was what I just then happened to be in want of.) Now Tim is the cattle cheat of the county, though he's so sly, the law can't get hold of him. Cheating in cattle is his trade, just as cheating the poor slaves out of their earnings is the slaveholder's trade. Supposing I knew he'd cheated a poor widow out of this very pair of oxen. Shall I trade with him, and so share the profits of his cheating, and encourage him to do the same thing again? If I do, it is not for me to call him cheat. No, Tim, I shall go without the oxen if I can't get any that have been honestly come by. You need not tell me other folks will buy if I don't,—more shame for them,—but that's no reason I should dabble in any such dirty work. Now, sir, this is just the way the free states stand with the slaveholders, buying up their crops, and doing all we can to make their slaveholding profitable to them. Come, John, said I the next day, get the last census and let us figure it out, and see how many of us there are, who are pretending to think slavery's wrong, and yet doing our best to keep it up. So, sir; we began at Maine, and went through all the free states, and counted up all the people, and found there was rising seven millions. Now, John, said I, make them that don't know a squash from a pumpkin believe that seven million people's eating and wearing slave-raised produce has nothing to do with keeping up slavery. 'Clear then,' said John, 'as a demonstration in Euclid, that each one that uses slave productions does his seven millionth part; and little though it may be,' said he, jumping up, 'if it was but a <xsl-text></xsl-text>trillionth <xsl-text></xsl-text>part, father, I'd have nothing to do with such deviltry.' A true word to use, John, said I, though it may sound rather hard to some folks; but slaveholding is as much deviltry as any thing on this earth can be, and not a cent of my money goes to keep it up any longer, let us live how we may. Oh, my dear husband, said my wife, when we feel the want of any of the things we have been used to, let us remember how much harder it is for the poor slaves never to have any of them, though it was their own hard labor which raised them, than it is for us who have so many comforts left. This was no argument to be sure, sir, but its woman's way to talk, and seems pretty like. 'Well, wife, you're a kind soul to make it all so easy, but it will make a great stir among so many hired men as we've got about us, that won't feel our scruples, and won't like to go without some of the good things. How shall we do without molasses for our beer?' You must know, sir, I never have any kind of spirit drank by my men, nor cider neither, which is next door for headiness, but always gave them a weak sort of beer, pretty strong of the molasses as I reckon that's wholesome. So here was a quandary to be in, and just coming on haying time too. But Ned Grew thought about it as soon as I did, indeed sooner, for ever since that time my Nancy made such a fool of me at the dinner table, he's left off drinking beer and takes milk and water for his drink, and he named it to the men all about my notions, and recommended the milk and water to them. So they all fell in with it, knowing it was not stinginess in me, and soon got to like it just as well as the beer, and said it was more supporting; and never did I see a set of men swing the scythe smarter. They that could not bear the milk, never grumbled, but contented themselves with water; and it soon got to be a standing joke among them that Adam's ale was as good any day as ever Adam's beer was. You remember, sir, that my name's Adam, for I did not end off my letter to you just with two or three big letters as if I wanted to teach you your alphabet. No, no, none of your A.A's or B.B's for a man that never did any thing to make him ashamed of his own name. But to go straight on, wife managed so well that we seemed to get along as comfortable as ever as to eatables. To be sure, the little ones wished for a pie now and then, which I hope they'll soon have, for my neighbor Jones talks of tapping his young maples this year, and then we shall be as well off for sweetening as ever, for he's as honest a man as any body would wish to trade with. My piece of flax too has turned to very good account, for my wife and the girls have set to spinning and weaving again as brisk as ever, which they have not done much lately, since cotton's been so cheap; so that all they seem to care for now is something a little smart for outside wear; and as the accounts in your paper about cotton have seemed to be very encouraging, I hope to see my folks dressed as smart as ever before long. A proud day it would be to wife if she could get a gown, made from cotton raised by free labor in this country. If you should hear of any such cotton to be sold in Boston, do just put it into your paper, for I believe wife would go to the city for it, herself, which she has not done these ten years. But if it is not to be got, she'll content herself without it, and there is not one of my folks, that would not scorn to buy slave-raised things which they would count the same as stealing. I suppose the down shore people must be put to worse straights than we are, for I reckon there are no set of people that have the means of living comfortable within themselves more than a New-England farmer and his family. And seeing we are not in the way of doing any great things for the slaves, I think it would be a good notion for all my brother farmers to see what we can do by setting the example of being among the first to quit sharing in the fruits of oppression. And it's mighty comfortable to look round on a rising family, and know that they are all innocent of any share in this great sin of the nation. Who knows what the New-England farmers might do if they'd set about it? for we are not such nobodys as the city folks think. Well, sir, I've told my long story, and I wish you success in all your doings, and I don't doubt you'll have a good harvest. Never be sparing of your seed; if the first sowing don't spring, cast in more, and you may get something from the most unpromising. A lucky shower, or lucky sunshine, may give a start to seed in a spot where you looked for nothing. We call it lucky, sir, but I reckon you are not one who forgets who it is that sends the rain and the sunshine; and if we do our part to pick out good seed, never fear that any of them will be lost, if any good is to come from their sprouting. I keep getting into this figuring way, but I guess you'll understand, for it seems to start up to my mind as quick as white clover does on a piece of new cleared land; they're both natural to the soil I reckon. I got my college lad to look over my letter and see if he could trim it up a little. But he says 'no further, translating would spoil it.' I suppose John thinks of translating as I do of transplanting, that it requires a pretty nice hand to do it, or else the plant is spoiled. So I send it without any trimming. ADAM ARATOR. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.21.1831 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Adam Arator Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Address to Abolitionists Description An account of the resource From the Pennsylvania Freeman. Address to Abolitionists. At a stated meeting of the Executive Committee of the American Free Produce Association, held First month 29th, 1841, the Committee on “Address to Abolitionists” presented a report, which was read and adopted. Voted:—That Anti-Slavery papers, and others favorable to the cause of abstinence from slave produce, be respectfully requested to insert the same; and to forward a copy containing it to the Association at No 31 North Fifth st. Philadelphia. Extracted from the minutes, B<sc>ENJ</sc>. S. J<sc>ONES</sc>, Sec. The following resolutions were adopted at the last annual meeting of the “American Free Produce Association.” Whereas, We believe slavery to be a violatiou of the moral law, and of the rights of humanity, and destructive of the best interest of society; and that all who willingly contribute their support to the system are justly chargeable with the guilt of slaveholding; therefore Resolved, That the consumers of slave produce, by giving direct encouragement to the slaveholder to continue his system of robbery and oppression are its main supporters and that it is their duty immediately, and forever to abstain from purchasing or using goods, the consumption of which tends to strengthen and sustain slavery. Resolved, That the abolitionists who uses the products of slavery, to the extent of his convenience, stands upon the same platform with the slaveholder, who uses slavery as far as is convenient for him, and that the same argument justifies alike the conduct of either. Resolved, That moral principles are uniform in their application. The principle which forbids us to purchase from the robber the spoils of his outrage, applies to any participation in wrong doing, and that it is one of the laws of the moral government under which our Heavenly Father seeks to bring us, that the proclaimer of truth shall succeed in establishing it only as he lives up to the testimony he preaches. Resolved, That we eminently attribute the want of success in the abolition enterprise, to professed abolitionists <gap>witnessing by their lives the truths they proclaim.</gap> The Executive Commitee or <gap>would earnestly appeal to their fellow laborers in the cause of freedom, to think of these things.</gap> As the advocates of Emancipation have been faithful to their trust, so has their enterprise gained strength and power. Mighty has been the conflict—glorious the triumphs. Though we have by no means done all that could have been done, yet much has been effected: and is it not swing to individual unfaithfulness that we have not accomplished greater good? We believe that examination will show such to be the case. We have not aimed to reform others too much, but ourselves too little. We have chosen rather to contend with giant strength against a mighty array, than to suffer the petty inconveniences, and triffing vexations of a solitary sentinel on some remote and almost unnoticed post. We have desired more to see great and glorious results, than consistent action. In the camp of the champions of liberty are to be found the wedges of gold, and the silver, and the Babylonish vest; not secreted as they were by Achan, in the day when Isreal went forth to battle, but openly displayed in the sight of the foes of God and truth. Brethren, is it not so? We have refused to dip into the Jordan of consistent action; and the leprosy still clings to us, while from those we attempt to cure comes the just and biting taunt, “Physician heal thyself.” Discussion has flashed brightness upon much that was before dark. Abolitionists can now see, with comparative clearness, the duties, they owe to themselves, and to the slave. Many refuse longer to hold fellowship with a proslavery church—or submit to the pro-slavery dictation of political partyism. Their duty in these particulars, has been established and built up by argument: be ours the more neglected—though not less important task—of showing to professed abolitionists, the inconsistency of their conduct, and to fasten upon them the guilt of slaveholding, while they continue as they now do, by purchasing the fruits of his robbery, to encourage the oppressor in his iniquity. It is a maxim in common law, as well as in common justice and common honesty—a maxim sanctioned by common sense—that the receiver of stolen goods, knowing their character, is as guilty as the original depredator. In many cases he is far more guilty; for he is often the motive power which calls into activity the agency of the lesser villain; for by opening a market for stolen goods, he offers a premium for the commission of theft. That slaveholding is sinful—sinful under all circumstances—is a proposition which no abolitionist will deny. This truth is incorporated in the constitutions of our societies—it is written upon every page of our publications, and inscribed upon the heart of every lover of freedom. We have contemplated it in its various phases, and spoken of it until anti-slavery and proslavery arguments have become familiar to us as household words. But while we have seen the injustice of slavery, and the policy and duty of its immediate annihilation, have we sufficiently considered its origin—have we clearly seen all the pillars which support this temple of sin? The lust of gold laid its foundation—cent per cent reared the edifice, and won for it the admiration of a corrupt and avaricious people and the sanction of a time serving priesthood. The approval of Church and State may make its courts a place of popular resort, and confer “respectability and standing” upon those who minister at its altars; but such approbation cannot of itself sustain it. Has the approval of Church and State given strength to the African slave trade? Has not avarice maintained it in defiance of their opposition? Christendom has denounced it, and her cruisers watch the coast. The Church, willing to be equally moral with the State, sides with her; and yet, half a million victims are annually torn from their homes and enchained in foreign lands. And why? Because the lust of gold has blunted the moral sensibilities of the world. Because the nations that denounce it, purchase of the trader; and they who profess to abhor it, share its gains. Surely, the Christian philosopher and the Christian's God, must regard the enlightened purchaser who creates and continues the demand, as more truly guilty than his paid agent, the trader! It is interest, and not principle, which binds together in an almost inpenetrable phalanx, the two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders of America. Cotton, sugar, rice and tobacco, are the staple productions of our slave-working states; and it is to the demand for those commodities, the South owes her shadow of prosperity. Her non-slaveholdcitizens know and feel this, and fancied interest bids them sustain their existing system of labor. But though the South can raise these productions, her slave-labor cannot drive factories and Old and New England ply the shuttle for her. Northern warehouses groan beneath the weight of her slave-cultured cotton—the shelves of Northern merchants are loaded with her fabrics; and the vessels of New England do the carrying trade for the southern planter. Thus has slavery enlisted in her cause the North and the South—the trader on the sea—the merchant, and the manufacturer. Her gold is poured into our treasury, and her stolen goods find purchasers among those who profess to abhor her name. Interest is the mighty agent against which we have to contend. The planter before entering upon his labors, first calculates the profits likely to accrue from the enterprise in which he is about to engage. Having satisfied himself of this, he purchases his negroes, and plants his cane or cotton seed. If his land is equally adapted to the cultivation of either, and he finds there is a surplus of cotton in the market, but a scarcity of sugar, and that such will probably be the case the coming year, he chooses the cane—and the higher the price of sugar, the harder are his laborers driven The shoots are set—the plant ripens, and the gathering season comes. The cane is cut and stored, and long after midnight are the wearied slaves compelled to tend the sugarmill, that the products of their toil may early reach the market. Their task is finished; and the planter exults, because of the quantity of sugar he has made. But is that sugar justly his; has the slave no claim upon it for his toil; has the product of his labor, which the strong arm of violence has wrested from him, indeed become another's? Is it not the fruit of oppression—the product of unrequited and coerced toil, won by robbery the most audacious, and theft of the vilest character? We grant the planter has a just claim for a portion of the sugar. The land upon which it was grown is his; and his money purchased the implements employed in its culture. Giving to this consideration its just weight, we see not how any man of common honesty and common intelligence can purchase that sugar, knowing the manner in which it is obtained, and not feel that he is abetting the planter in his iniquitous system, and encouraging its continuance. We are certain that no abolitionist could go upon that plantation, and after looking on the toil-worn form of the slave, buy the sugar of his raising. He would turn with loathing from its sweetness. Any professed friend of the slave, who would purchase such goods under such circumstances, would justly be denounced as false to the cause of freedom. Abolitionists, with all their faults, are not guilty of such glaring inconsistency—such gross violations of elementary morality. The web is more fiuely spun. Though almost impalpable as air. it binds them as with massive chains of iron. The consumer's connection with slavery is not so readily seen, for the sugar is sent to a southern port and from thence transferred to the merchant of the North; and that, which we might not buy of the planter, or the planter's agent in New Orleans, has how assumed an entirely different character: and we as freely partake of it as though we were not encouraging slavery by so doing. We have reached the other end of the rope, and though we twist with a vigorous hand, we try to persuade ourselves that the poor slave in the middle, is hurt only by the twisting of the planter at the far end: forgetting that if we lose our hold, the slaveholder would spare himself the labor of twisting an unfastened cord. The planter knows he is but the agent of the consumer, supplying him with the kind of goods he requires, and in quantities to suit. The consumer says, “I have sugar and rice enough for next year, I want cotton.” The seed is planted, the pods in due time are filled, the crop gathered, and the order supplied. The following year he asks for rice and sugar; and the obedient planter, ever willing to oblige those he is paid for serving, sets out his shoots, and seads his slaves to scatter the seed-rice in the swamp land. The work required is accomplished, and thus, year after year, is the consumer's agent actively engaged in laboring for him. Little does the slave think, as he toils beside the tall cane plants, or bends to his labor among the snowy whiteness of the cotton crop, that his professed friends at the north will feed upon the sugar and wear the cotton he has grown. Nor will the perishing victim of the riceswamp miasma dream that he is sacrificed because abolitionists choose to gratify their palates at the expense of his life. Brethren examine this matter. Sorutinize it closely. See if you can discover wherein the planter, who directly robs the slave, is more guilty than the abolitionist, who is the purchaser and consumer of goods thus stolen. We all admit the planter has done a grievous wrong—that the goods cultivated by slave labor do not justly and entirely belong to the slaveholder. Try, then, if you can find at what particular stage of the transfer from the estate of the planter to our tables and persons, the stolen property becomes honestly acquired. We can see no difference in moral guilt between the slaveholder and consumer of slave-grown produce —between the thief and the purchaser who buys of a known thief. Let us not be misunderstood. We use the term slave produce in its general acceptation. We do not suppose that slave products are, in themselves, worse than free products, or stolen goods more objectionable in themselves than goods honestly obtained. If it can be shown that the use of such goods, in particular cases, does not sustain and encourage theft and slavery, we sin not in using them. Among the arguments sometimes urged against abstinence, are its expense and attendant difficulties: we are told, too, that it would be a physical means of abolishing slavery, a compulsory measure that would be injurious to our cause. When we consider the present limited demand for free cotton, sugar, rice, and other goods that are generally slave cultured, and the almost prohibitory duties which are laid upon such articles coming from other lands, need we <gap>that stolen goods are afforded for a less price than those which have been honestly and <gap>paid for. “Free goods,” says the non-abstainer, “cost ten or twenty per cent, more than slave goods: and did I purchase them, I should do less to advance the cause of freedom than by giving the difference in the cost for the purpose of disseminating our principles by means of the press and the living speaker.” Such reasoning might answer, were we discussing a question of mere expediency, but will not apply to a matter of principle. As well might James G. Birnev have thus reasoned, when contemplating the recent emancipation of his entailed slaves. There were men who would probably bring from three to five thousand dollars in the market, awaiting his signature to a deed for their emancipation, to stretch forth their unshackled forms free as God had created them. Did his hand pause in the act?—Did he calculate the vast amount of good he could do the anti-slavery cause with the money they would sell for? No! he refused to do evil that good might come. His act was a glorious gain for principle—a righteous triumph for consistency. Principle required he should not “use his neighbor's service without wages, and give him not for his work;” and principle is equally stern in requiring the same of us.</gap></gap> If we live not up to that which we profess, but suffer interest or expediency to turn us aside, how can we reasonably expect to win others to embrace our principles. That it is difficult for us wholly to abstain, is an established fact. But does it lessen our obligation to be faithful in a righteous cause? We know that slavery is so interwoven with all our institutions—has so extended itself through all the ramifications of society, that it is almost impossible to keep ourselves unspotted from it. But the difficulty of so doing should be no apology for lukewarmness or indifference; it should rather incite us to greater zeal and watchfulness, and strengthen our determination to withdraw our support from it. It is not the magnitude of the difficulty that affrights us, but the constant succession of petty, personal, unnoticed sacrifices we should have to make. Abolitionists are accustomed to encountering and overcoming difficulties;—why, then, should they plead their existence in this particular as a justification for inaction or sinful indulgence. We are told that abstinence is a physical means, a compulsory measure. If the objector means it is a moral truth enforced by the agency of peaceful physical power—by such agents as is the pen of the writer, and the lips and tongue of the oral teacher, it may not be denied. It is such physical means as is abstinence from strong drink in the temperance cause, as is abstinence from the use of warlike weapons in the peace cause, as is abstinence from all sin in the cause of Christianity. Is it compulsion to refuse to purchase a stolen jewel of a thief, or contraband goods from the smuggler? Is it compulsion to refuse to share in the plunder of a pirate, or to hold fellowship with the oppressor? If these be compulsory measures, then, too, may abstinence be ranked as one. God has commanded us “not to be partakers in other men's sin;” and surely if He regards as guilty the slave holder, whose education and habits from early childhood have tended to weaken the natural abhorrence of oppression, and make him to regard slavery, if not as a righteous institution, at least a necessary evil—how much more guilty must we be in His sight, who have seen its iniquity and felt for the captive's wrong, who are professedly anxious for its overthrow, and yet join hands with the oppressor upholding him in his sin, and sharing in his plunder? We would urge upon you total abstinence, not only as a measure of true expediency, which, if carried out by all the professed friends of freedom, would upheave slavery from its base; but as a vital principle which lies at the very foundation of the anti-slavery enterprise. As well might the temperance advocate drink the burning poison—the non resistant preach peace with the sabre by his side, as the abolitionist denounce slavery while partaking of its gains. The drunkard and the warrior could see the inconsistency of the temperance man and non-resistant, as do the slave- holders that of the abolitionists. To them, such inconsistency betrays a lack of confidence in our principles—a want of faith in the cause we advocate. They hear us preaching against slavery with our lips and tongue, while they see us, with our hands, build anew her altars and quicken her consuming fire. What wonder that our southern brethren should doubt our sincerity? We call upon them to free their slaves, refusing ourselves to make a lesser sacrifice, and part with some of the luxuries or conveniences which we derive from the captive's unpaid toil. Did we wholly abstain, and “touch not, taste not, and handle not,” that which is the produce of slave labor, the planter, however much he might condemn our principles and measures, would honor us for our consistency. The words of truth would come pure and unsullied from our lips, made more eloquent by the simple beauty of consistent action. We know how few abstain; but we attribute this, not to the unsoundness of the arguments urged by the advocates of such a course, but rather to an unwillingness on the part of some to make the very many world-unnoticed sacrifices which would be required; and to the impatience of others to see great and immediate results from their actions. Let such remember that the “seed-wheat of humanity” is not planted without toil, nor does it whiten for the harvest in a single day. The laborer in the moral, as in the natural world, must first scatter the seed, and then wait in patience and in faith for the promised harvest. To such as are not satisfied of the correctness of the principles advocated by the friends of abstinence, a plan may be suggested for consideration that has been elsewhere proposed, and which, to be consistent in consistency, should be adopted. It is a measure far more economical and humane than the plan now pursued in reference to the slaves. Create a fund that shall be applied to the purchase of land and negroes. Subscribe liberally for an immense estate and a large gang will be needed. It has been computed that there are 250,000 professed abolitionists in the United States. Deduct from that number ten thousand as consistent total abstinence abolitionists—total abstinence we mean from all that encourages slavery—there remains 240,000 to be supplied with sugar, cotton, coffee, rice, &c.; these will require at least twelve thousand slaves, or one to each twenty. Let some distinguished friend of the colored race be appointed chief overseer of these 12,000; with power to select from the anti-slavery ranks, pious and benevolent drivers, who will not work them too hard, and will whip them but little. Set them to work; and let the holders of the stock be supplied with goods directly from the plantation. This would save the commissions now paid to northern and southern merchants. Not only would there be the satisfaction of knowing that the slaves were moderately worked, seldom whipped, and well fed; but in addition to the pleasure which this reflection would naturally produce, there would be the advantage of buying stolen goods at a trifling advance on cost. Would not this plan be far better than the one now pursued—purchasing indiscriminately of all who offer for sale; ignorant whether their slaves have been kindly treated as slaves, or whether they have wrought out their lives by the seven-years' plan of the Louisiana sugar districts? We fear, brethren, that our guilty inconsistency owes its existence more to the heart than to the head—that the feelings more than the intellect have led us astray. Let not our sympathies he chilled by selfish considerations. We have spoken words of consolation and hope to the perishing bondmen—let not our actions belie the doctrines our head approves. When surrounded by home enjoyment, and freely partaking of all that brightens life, let us not forget the toil-wearied slave. And when our thoughts go out to him, and our soul is made willing to share with him in the sufferings he endures—to partake of the mental and physical anguish that becomes his portion; let us ask ourselves in how much we are responsible for his condition? Whether he toils and suffers that our conveniences may be fulfilled—our luxuries be undiminished? And in the answer we give our own hearts, may we feel that we have acted upon the principle of doing unto others as we would be done by; so shall we be justified in the sight of our Heavenly Father; and the acceptable offering of a pure and spotless heart be received by the Great Parent of all. JAMES MOTT, Chairman of the Ex. Com. of American Free Produce Association. BENJ. S. JONES, Secretary Philadelphia, 1st mo. 1841 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard, reprinted from Pennsylvania Freeman Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.22.1841 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource African Cotton Description An account of the resource We call the attention of the friends of the free labor movement to the following letter from a gentleman in Boston to Benjamin Coates Esq., of Philadelphia, who kindly furnished us with a copy: BOSTON, August 8, 1859. "BENJ. COATES, ESQ.--Dear Sir:--Having read your pamphlet upon African Cotton, I think you may be interested to know that I have imported about 4000 pounds from Liverpool, through the agency of Mr. Thomas Clegg, and am now causing it to be spun and woven at a mill under my charge. I shall have the pleasure of soon sending you a small sample of the cotton, and the cloth woven. I write now, as I think it possible you may wish to order some of the cloth, which I shall sell at our regular price; it will be a good honest sheeting of No. 24 yarn. I have tried this experiment in order to substantiate statements regarding cotton, and in the hope of turning the attention of some of our anti-slavery merchants that way. "Yours very truly, EDWARD ATKINSON." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Weekly Anglo-African Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 8.27.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Free Cotton Description An account of the resource AMERICAN FREE COTTON. - The friends of the Free Produce movement will rejoice to lean, that the first shipment of American Free Cotton this season, arrived week before last; and instead of lying four months in Liverpool, as was the case last year, ninety bales were immediately sold to a trustworthy manufacturer, for making into prints; and the remaining twelve bales are to be made into sewing cotton, tapes, and other small articles. - British Friend. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The North Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.15.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Advertisements Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Free Produce Association (Advertisement) Description An account of the resource MANUFACTURED by the American Free Produce Association , and for sale at No. 31 North Fifth street, Philadelphia: Manchester Ginghams, Checks, Apron and Furniture; Canton, Flannel, unbleached; Muslins bleached and unbleached, of various qualities and width; thin Muslin for linings, brown and colored Bird Eye Towels, black and white Wadding, Cotton Laps, Lamp Wick, Bed Ticking, an excellent article; Calico, Stockings, Knitting Cotton, &c. &c. Orders for Goods, or letters describing information may be addressed to J. Miller McKim, 31 North Fifth street; Daniel L. Miller, Tenth street; or to James Mott, No. 35 Church Alley. A large and handsome assortment of Prints now on hand, at reasonable terms. June 26, 1851. October 30th, 1851. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper, The North Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 8.20.1852