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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;OBITUARY.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Died of paralysis, on the 21st inst., at his residence, Fairmount, Ohio, JACOB HARRIS, aged 78 years. The subject of this obituary, without making any pretension to unusual sanctity, endeavored to&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;practice&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;the precepts of Christianity. He was opposed to war and the taking of human life, and, believing the enforcement of all legal enactments to be based upon the use of the sword, he had not, for that reason, voted for the last thirty years. He was opposed to oppression, and on that account he had abstained from the use of the products of slave labor, as far as practicable, for many years. He was a zealous advocate of the Temperance cause. He aimed to be just in his dealings, having frequently refused to take, though it was offered, more for an article than he thought it was really worth.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The National Era&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>11.5.1857</text>
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                  <text>Poetry</text>
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                <text>Oh Press Me Not To Taste Again (Poem)</text>
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                <text>Oh press me not to taste again&#13;
Of those luxurious banquet sweets!&#13;
Or hide from view the dark red stain,&#13;
That still my shuddering vision meets.&#13;
&#13;
Away! 't is loathsome! bear me hence!&#13;
I cannot feed on human sighs,&#13;
Or feast with sweets my palate's sense,&#13;
While blood is ‘neath the fair disguise.&#13;
&#13;
No, never let me taste again&#13;
Of aught beside the coarsest fare,&#13;
Far rather, than my conscience stain,&#13;
With the polluted luxuries there.</text>
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                <text>Elizabeth Margaret Chandler</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The poetical works of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler: with a memoir of her life and character,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;the &lt;em&gt;Genius of Universal Emancipation,&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;the &lt;em&gt;Liberator, Juvenile Poems for the Use of Free American Children of Every Complexion&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Lemuel Howell</text>
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                <text>1836</text>
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                <text>On Free Produce</text>
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                <text>Frances Ellen Watkins Harper describing how Solomon Northrup's narrative led her to "embrace the Free Labor doctrine most thoroughly"</text>
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                <text>Having read the narrative of Solomon Northrup (12 years a slave), she was led to embrace the Free Labor doctrine most thoroughly; and in a letter dated at Temple, Maine, Oct. 20, 1854, after expressing the interest she took in the annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society of that state, she [Frances Harper] remarked: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I spoke on Free Produce, and now by the way I believe in that kind of Abolition. Oh, it does seem to strike at one of the principal roots of the matter. I have commenced since I read Solomon Northrup. Oh, if Mrs. Stowe has clothed American slavery in the graceful garb of fiction, Solomon Northrup comes up from the dark habitation of Southern cruelty where slavery fattens and feasts on human blood with such mournful revelations that one might almost wish for the sake of humanity that the tales of horror which he reveals were not so. Oh, how can we pamper our appetites upon luxuries drawn from reluctant fingers? Oh, could slavery exist long if it did not sit on a commercial throne? I have read somewhere, if I remember aright, of a Hindoo being loth to cut a tree because being a believer in the transmigration of souls, he thought the soul of his father had passed into it ... Oh, friend, beneath the most delicate preparations of the cane can you not see the stinging lash and clotted whip? I have reason to be thankful that I am able to give a little more for a Free Labor dress, if it is coarser. I can thank God that upon its warp and woof I see no stain of blood and tears; that to procure a little finer muslin for my limbs no crushed and broken heart went out in sighs, and that from the field where it was raised went up no wild and startling cry unto the throne of God to witness there in language deep and strong, that in demanding that cotton I was nerving oppression's hand for deeds of guilt and crime. If the liberation of the slave demanded it, I could consent to part with a portion of the blood from my own veins if that would do him any good.”</text>
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                <text>Frances Ellen Watkins Harper</text>
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                <text>William Still,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Underground Railroad&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;(1872) in A Brighter Coming Day, 44-45</text>
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                <text>ORIGINAL: Slave-Grown Produce.</text>
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                <text>The golden rule of our Divine Law, giver, is, "Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." Were this precept carried out practically, justice and mercy would be observed towards every human being, and a strict regard to the rights, physical, mental and religious, of every intelligent creature, irrespective of sect, sex, color, or clime. To this truth we sometimes yield a ready assent, and we liberally censure those who, through the influence of a misguided education, assume the title of ownership in&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;man,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;who would reduce to &lt;em&gt;chattles,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;created intelligencies formed like ourselves to glorify the Creator, subjecting their fellow beings to cruelties and indignities and legalized injustice at which humanity&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;shudders&lt;/em&gt;, and revoltes. and&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;mourns&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;for the degeneracy of her race. The system of American Slavery is justly styled by the pious Wesley, the sum of all villainies, the fruitful source of innumerable vices and crimes, a system that would blight every thing lovely in the moral world, that tramples under foot God's holy law of love, and threatens to destroy our country with its pestilential, withering influence.&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;How shall this enormous evil be met?&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;Shall we arry physical force against it? By&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;no means&lt;/em&gt;, says the disciple of the Prince of Peace, this would only be adding sin to iniquity. Let moral suasion, let the potency of Truth, be our most efficient weapons in the moral warfare, seeking for ability and strength from Him, who is mighty to direct our energies and talents in the way most consonant with His will, for its overthrow--slavery is sinful because opposed to the attributes of love and mercy. If it be a truism that what we do by another we do ourselves" are not the slave owner, the [?] of the southern plantation, virtually employed by the consumer of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;slave grown produce&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;to furnish a supply of sugar, rice, cotton and tobacco? and commissioned in our stead to inflict the scorugings, extort the overtasks requisite to produce what we eat or wear of the unrequitted toil of our fellow beings. Let us imagine those who toil beneath the scorching rays of a southern sun to produce those luxuries or comforts to be bone fo our bone, flesh of our flesh. Then think ye we could unhesitatingly partake of or indulge in the consumption of articles purchased by the sighs and tears of our kindred? No, far from it, every feeling would revolt at the bare idea of the fact. To illustrate, a colored woman residing in Cincinnati, who had herself been a slave on a cotton plantation, in a conversation with a devoted and consistent Abolitionist, said, "I would never put on another speck of cotton if I could help it. Dont think I am proud Honey, it aint because I want to dress in silk, but I know how my poor sisters were whipped to make them do their tasts. They whipped my &lt;em&gt;Mother to death&lt;/em&gt;, and my little sister they beat and pounded her head till they made her right foolish. Often have I wished that every white person who wore a speck of cotton that was stained with my blood, would drop down dead. I now know it was wicked, but many is the time I've had this wish." This woman's neck and shoulders bore the marks of the IRON COLLAR and the WHIP. And yet in this enlightened period of Anti-slavery agitation, is it not surprising to see what apathy, what indifference pervade even professed Abolitionists to the subject of abstinence from slave-grown produce? Are we not by such consumption furnishing the means for perpetuating a complicated system of inquity? Yes, a system that subjects&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;woman,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;not only to cruel stripes, (but to what is infinitely&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;more revolting&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;to the pure spirit) to the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;gross indignities&lt;/em&gt;, to the irresponsible will of the sensual and unprincipled? Can we, in view of these dreadful realities, these undeniable truths that force themselves on us? Can we, dear friends, guiltlessly partake of their unpaid labor? Can we longer stifle the conviction of truth and justice in the secret of our suls, in relation to our poor oppressed fellow creatures? Can we consistently ask or expect the slave-owner to emancipate his slaves, in whom, perhaps the greater part of his wealth or possessions consist without&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;any renumerations&lt;/em&gt;? Can we ask of him this pecuniary sacrifice, when we abolitionists, are so unwilling to make, even a trifling sacrifice in a pecuniary way, in procuring articles of paid labor? By uniformly purchasing free labor commodities, we are advancing the principles of love, justice, and mercy, and wash our hands in innocency from a participation in sustaining this unrighteous trafic. A system we are professedly associated to abolish. Let us not then occupy the absurd position of attempting to pull down with&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;one&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;hand, while with the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;other&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;we supply all the master asks, viz. pecuniary aid to sustain and extend to an interminable period, this system of attrocities.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Well may the slaveholder exclaim, "I care not for your idle denunciations so long as you furnish a market for my commodities" and laugh to scorn the hollow profession, of anti-slavery allegiance. Is it not time we should awake from our lethargy and examine the bearing this question has, not only on human rights but&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;human&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;life itself, and see that we are not involved in blood-guiltiness in relation to the vast expenditure of human life as is set forth by the following authentic report exhibited in a letter of David Lee Child, a distinguished Lawyer of Mssachusetts, to wit: "In 1831 the Secretary of the Treasury made a report to the House of Representatives, embracing the statements of a great number of sugar plantations of Louisiana, and other states concerning the expenses and profits of their business. There was a statement by the contral committee of the sugar-planters of Louisiana, one by a committee of the parish county of Plaquemine, containing an immense table of the expenditures and products of 20 plantations in that parish; one from the Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge; several from individuals, including the Hon. J.S. Johnson then a Senator from Louisiana in the Congress of the United States. All these with the exception of Baton Rouge society, set down the annual loss of slave property on the sugar plantations at 5 per cent. That society says 2 1/2 per cent.; but this answer in form relates to "slave property" in general, and is not confined to sugar estates. On the other hand, I have been informed that some sugar planters have admitted that they "use up" seven per cent. of their hands every year. The loss to which I refer is placed in the Secretary's report and in the communications from Louisiana, under the head of risks, decreased value, death and deterioration. The chasms thus made, are to be filled up with new cargoes and coffles from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Kentucky and Tennessee. In order to apreciate and apply these admissions of the adversary, it is necessary to consider that the annual increase of the population of the United States is about 4 per cent. in other words, the vacancies caused by death, are supplied and 4 per cent. nett gain is added, therefore on the sugar plantations of the South, a positive loss of 5 per cent. must be&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;added to the negative&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;loss of 7, making an&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;outright&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;waste of human life, or downright massacre of nine slaves to every hundred every year! The amount on the sugar plantations of Louisiana, to pass over those of Florida, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, is 3150 per annum. These are just as much murdered as if they were shot or massacred, and indeed more inhumanly, inasmuch as death by torture is more terrible."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Issued by direction of the Green Plain Anti-slavery Society, 12th mo. 28th 1842.&lt;br /&gt;JOSEPH A. DUGDALE,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Cor. Sec.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;A Philanthropist&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;7:21, p. 1</text>
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                <text>1.18.1843</text>
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                <text>PEIRCE'S FREE GROCERY STORE, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;South-East corner of 3d &amp;amp; Noble Sts.&lt;/em&gt; PHILADELPHIA. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;C. PEIRCE, grateful for the encouragement heretofore received, in the sale of &lt;em&gt;Groceries raised by Free Labor&lt;/em&gt;, respectfully informs those who give a preference to goods of this description, that he has lately received an extensive assortment of them, of an excellent quality, which he is enabled to sell at prices much lower than any heretofore obtained. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Having made arrangements to import the goods in large quantities, direct from the places where they are manufactured, C.P. would respectfully invite the attention of the country as well as the city store keepers, who wish to keep them, either from conscientious motives, or for the accommodation of those who are desirous of bearing their testimony against &lt;em&gt;Slavery&lt;/em&gt;, trusting that he will be able to supply them on equally favorable terms with any other individual in the United States.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among the articles for sale, the following may be enumerated, viz. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;SUGARS&lt;/em&gt;—West India, received from Porto Rico; retailing price from 8 to 12 1/2 cents per lb.—Calcutta and Canton, White; retailing price from 11 1/2 to 14 cents per lb.— Lump and Loaf, manufactured from East India and Maple Sugar; retailing price from 16 to 18 cents per lb. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;COFFEE&lt;/em&gt;—St Domingo and Java; retailing price from 11 to 16 cents per lb. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;CHOCOLATE&lt;/em&gt;—Manufactured from St Domingo Cocoa; retailing price 20 cents per lb. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;MOLASSES&lt;/em&gt;—West India; received from Porto Rico; retailing price 40 cents per gallon.—Sugar House; manufactured from the East India and Maple Sugar; retailing price 50 cents per gallon. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;COTTON LAPS&lt;/em&gt;—for Quilting, manufactured from North Carolina Cotton; retailing price 18 cts. per lb. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;LAMP WICK&lt;/em&gt;—manufactured from the same; retailing price 25 cents per lb. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;SPANISH, HALF-SPANISH &amp;amp; COMMON SEGARS, &amp;amp; SMOKING &amp;amp; CHEWING TOBACCO&lt;/em&gt;—manufactured from St Domingo, Ohio, Connecticut and Kentucky Tobacco. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Indigo, Sweet Oil, Salt, Salt-petre, Alum, Copperas, Blacking, Spices of various kinds, with a general assortment of all articles pertaining to a Grocery Store, including TEAS of a superior quality,—Spermaceti and Common Oil, Wines, &amp;amp;c. of various qualities,—for sale, wholesale and retail. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;May, 1831. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Orders will be gladly received at the office of the Liberator; the goods immediately procured, and no extra charges made.</text>
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                <text>FREE LABOR GROCERIES. - See advertisement in another column of Perkins &amp; Town's, free labor Tea and Sugar store 141 Bowery. Messrs Perkins &amp; Town are friends of our cause and keep constantly on hand free labor Molasses, Sugar , Rice and Coffee, which can be relied upon as really free , of an excellent quality and very cheap. Our people and the friends of the slave generally ought to make it a matter of conscience not to partake of the slaveholders deeds by eating of the fruits of slave labor . We ought to forego a little distance to purchase such articles. We invite our people to give them a call and examine for themselves. Friends from the country will have their orders attended to with care. Remember the No. 141 Bowery.</text>
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                <text>FREE LABOR sugar , molasses, coffee, rice, &amp;c. constantly for sale in lots to suit purchasers, at the Sugar Store, 141 Bowery, by PERKINS &amp; TOWNE Sugar , Tea, &amp; Coffee Dealers. N.B. Goods carefully put up and set at any part of the city or country.</text>
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                <text>6.15.1839</text>
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                <text>PETERBORO', June 24, 1836</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="right" style="text-align: left;"&gt;PETERBORO', June 24, 1836.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;MR. GARRISON:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I this day saw in the Liberator of 18th inst. a communication from Judge Jay.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I wish to say a few words for the purpose of showing, that it was not a measure of my own to get an expression of the American Anti-Slavery Society on the subject of using the products of slave labor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Whilst in New York last month, I attended several of the meetings of the Anti-Slavery delegates. I witnessed a part of the debate on a Resolution offered by, I know not whom, declaring the ordinary use of such products to be wrong. I took no part in the debate: but seeing, that not a few of the delegates would be dissatisfied with its passage, and being desirous of preserving harmony amongst them, I wrote and presented, as a substitute, the far milder Resolution, on which Judge Jay comments. The substitute was adopted and carried, with but one dissenting voice—that of Charles Stuart, a man, who never consents to sacrifice a hair's breadth of moral principle. 'O si sic omnes.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As I was a new member of the Society, and had found not a little fault with it, I felt that my fellow members might lack, and justly too, perfect confidence in the soundness and maturity of my&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;abolitionism.&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;Having this feeling, I was more willing to listen to others in these meetings, than to present my own views and schemes. The Resolution, which passed in one of these Meetings, respecting 'the present struggle in Texas,' was written by another person, and handed to me to move. Nor should I have taken a part in the proceedings of the late Anniversary of the Society, had not the Committee of arrangements insisted on my doing so.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These remarks, whilst they will acquit me, in the mind of my excellent friend, of the origination of the movement, so exceptionable in his view, will also account to him for the peculiar style and phraseology of the Resolution in question.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It never occurred to me, before reading Judge Jay's communication, that it was less proper for the Delegates in their meetings held&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;after,&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;than in those held&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;before&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;the Anniversary 'to assume to pronounce in the name of the American Anti-Slavery Society:'—and I do not now see that it was.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I am much pleased with the general rules and principles laid down in Judge Jay's communication. They are just and important; and I hope, that the members of the Anti-Slavery Society will not trespass upon them. But I am far from admitting their applicability to the case under consideration. If a portion of our abolitionists think, that the consumption of slave-labor products—especially by abolitionists—stands in the way of the abolition of slavery, is it 'a violation of good faith,' and a violation of the Constitution of the Society for them to say so in the meetings of the Society? For one I have long thought, that there is no single thing, which abolitionists could do, that would contribute so far to the abolition of slavery, as their abstinence from the&amp;nbsp;products of slave labor. Let one hundred thousand men and women in this nation avow, and adhere to their noble determination never to pollute their lips or their persons with that, which is wet with the tears and stained with the blood of 'the innocents'; and I believe, that the testimony of such self-denial would carry more conviction to the minds of slave-holders of the truth and power of anti-slavery doctrines and of the sincerity with which they are held, than all the testimony of types and pens. Judge Jay and I both have written and spoken somewhat for Temperance. But our advocacy of the cause would have been ineffectual, if we had coupled with it the drinking of ardent spirit. Now, I do not say, that the argument against using slave sugar, is as extensive and as conclusive, as that against drinking ardent spirit:—but I do say, that a part of the argument which we are accustomed to employ against the one, may as properly be employed against the other. One object we have in view, in inducing good men to abstain from whiskey, is that, in consequence of their abstinence, the owner of the whiskey-distillery will have such a troubled conscience and will withal become so odious, that he will consent to abandon a business, which destroys his peace and respectability. We hope for a similar effect from abstinence from the&amp;nbsp;products of slave labor. Indeed, were no more than the Ministers of the Gospel in the Southern States to determine to 'touch not, taste not, handle not' these blood-bought things, the inconceivably wicked system, which produces them, would quickly fall before the irresistible power of their example.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And here, Mr. Editor, allow me to make a suggestion for your own benefit. I acknowledge, with pleasure, that I am more indebted to your writings than to those of any other man for my abhorrence of slavery. Nor is the pupil in this case any the less grateful, because the master has occasionally boxed his ears. But, I want you to increase the power and efficacy of your writings and of your uncompromising integrity and fearless vindication of the truth, by your thorough espousal of the doctrine of abstinence from the&amp;nbsp;products of slave labor. It is strange, that you should lack the spirit, which moved your Revolutionary ancestors to seal up their lips against tea. Rely on it, that the Garrisons of that day were not tea drinking men. It is strange, that any of the Garrisons of this day should be eaters of slave sugar.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I did not take up my pen to say a word in favor of abstinence from the&amp;nbsp;products of slave labor. Of this, however, I am fully convinced, that, whenever Judge Jay shall see this abstinence to be one of the means for effectuating the abolition of slavery, he will then see nothing in the Constitution of the Anti-Slavery Society, to forbid his urging it, in the capacity of a Member of that Society. Until he take this view, he will consistently regard the action of the Society on this subject, as impertinent. Judge Jay will, of course, perceive, that the Constitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society, under his strict interpretation of it, gave no liberty to pass a large share of the Resolutions, which were passed along with the Resolution in question. I cannot believe, however, that he construes this instrument so rigidly, as it might be inferred he does, from the sentence in his communication beginning with the words: 'Now on examining.' Judge Jay's communication has manifestly proceeded from his misapprehension, that the Delegates undertook to direct the attention of the Society to an object other than its single Constitutional object:—whereas, in point of fact, they were but considering another means of promoting this one single Constitutional object. I readily admit, however, that the peculiar language of the Resolution in question, and his ignorance of the circumstances under which it was offered, go far to account for and to excuse his misapprehension.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;GERRIT SMITH.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>American Free Produce Association &#13;
&#13;
The first annual meeting of the American Free Produce Association will be held in Philadelphia on the 15th of October. Societies auxiliary to this are requested to send large delegates and the friends of the cause generally are invited to attend. On behalf of the Executive Committee.&#13;
&#13;
ABM. L. PENNOCK, Chairman,&#13;
DANL. L. MILLER, Secretary.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;American Free Produce Association.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;The first annual meeting of the American Free Produce Association will be held in Philadelphia on 15th of 10th mo. at Clarkson Hall. Societies auxilary to this are requested to send large delegations, and the friends of the cause generally are invited to attend. On behalf of the executive committee.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ABM. L. PENNOCK, &lt;em&gt;Chairman.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;DANL. L. MILLER, Jr.&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Secretary&lt;/em&gt;.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Friend; a Religious and Literary Journal&lt;/em&gt; 13:2, p. 12</text>
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