18 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource BEET SUGAR. Description An account of the resource It is time that all interested in agriculture, or commerce, or politics, should direct their attention to the subject of making sugar of beets. The notion was communicated to Bonaparte, on the 19th of March, 1811, by a Mr. Ishard; and by a decree of the Emperor, experimental factories were at once erected. Since that date, with some vicissitudes, this business has increased with extraordinary rapidity in France. At this time, it is computed that there are in France three hundred manufactories, producing annually, from 18 to 20,000,000 pounds of brown sugar, being about one-third of all the sugar used in that country; and so great is the ardor and success with which the business is prosecuted, that in three or four years, it will furnish the whole amount for home consumption, and begin to export. That this is true appears evident, from the notice which the French Minister of Finance, D'Argout, has given it, in bringing forward a bill imposing heavy taxes upon the sugar, and alleging as a reason, that unless some such duty belavied upon it, the colonial sugars (i.e. cane sugar) cannot compete with it, and the trade in sugars from the ladies must be entirely destroyed. Certainly the amount mad and making must be immense, to threaten the old colonial establishments with ruin! The beet contains on an average, about ten per cent, saccharine, and three per cent, molasses.  Three distinct objects are had in view in cultivating the beet. 1. The making of sugar. We give an abstract of the expenses and profits of one establishment. 500 tons of beet, at 83 20                       $1,000 00 Hire of laborers                                            400 40 Fuel                                                                   473 20 Material used in manufactory                 813 60 Rents, Sundries, &c.                                   392 80 Interest on capital borrowed                   450 00                                                                        ------------                                                                       $4,130 00 Received from sale of molasses,            pumices, &c.                                            750 00 Deducting this from the expendi-           tures, the outlay stands at            $3,380 00 This outlay has produced 50,000          pounds of sugar. 36,000lbs          of which, at 15 cents, and          14,000 do. 19 cents. produce,      $6,800 00                            Deducting                            3,380 00                                                                        ---------------                                    Profit.                        $3,420 00 2. The feeding of cattle.--Cattle, horses and sheep, fatten better on the pumice of beets, than upon any other food. 3. The improvement of the soil.--The weeding and working of the soil, in raising beets, produced a most healthful effect upon it. In these three respects, the cultivation of the beet is regarded as of the highest importance. It has already been introduced into our country. An association has been formed at Philadelphia (we believe) and has sent a gentleman to France to learn the process of sugar making. Quantities of seed have been sent thence, and distributed in this country; and preparations are being made for extensive manufacturing. The effects of this new business is to be felt in more ways than upon our commerce. 1. It will connect the fattening of cattle, stock-growing, with sugar and molasses making, as more profitable than distilling, and thus give a sidelong blow to the employment of capital in the manufacture of spirits. But-- 2. It is to have a very much higher bearing upon another subject. If it shall outrun the West India sugar, then our market will be supplied by two competing sugar departments, the Northern and the Southern. This brings Northern and Southern enterprise into competition, and fairly tries the relative values of slave-labor and free labor. It is said in France, that the beet will hold out acre for acre with the cane; but will slave labor on cane sugar, equal free labor upon beet sugar? If not--if Northern free labor can undersell Southern slave labor, and take from her the sugar market, it will cripple the Southwestern States in a very essential degree, and reduce the value of slaves; and very strongly tend to make them worthless. If, in addition, free labor could compete with slave labor on cottons, or some substitute, slave property would be an enormous taxation, rather than profitable, and would soon go into disuse. These changes in business afford much food for reflection, and much room for benevolent enterprise. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Liberator 6:38, p. 1 (also published in the Cincinnati Journal and Christian Secretary) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.17.1836 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free or Slave Labor Description An account of the resource In the first page of this paper, I have copied from a work, published a few years since, by Daniel Raymond, Esq. some remarks on the "Influence of Slavery upon National wealth." Something further, from the same source, will be given hereafter; and before the subject is dismissed, I shall endeavour to show the impropriety and inutility of employing slave labour, in any portion of our country, instead of that of free-men, as exemplified in numerous instances. It is true that I have but little respect for those who consciences are carried in their pockets; but it is necessary, at time, to pay some attention to them. PROGRESS OF VIRTUOUS PRINCIPLE. An esteemed correspondent writes as follows: the conduct of those, to whom he alludes, most truly "speak volumes." Let them persevere in this course, and we shall see whether it will not have a beneficial tendency. "Although many of our strick and steady Quakers say they own no slaves, and have little or nothing to do with the Manumission Societies but to wish them success; yet the words PORT AU PRINCE, &c. may be seen on their coffee sacks, and many are heard enquiring, at stores, if the sugar or coffee is from Hayti.--This speaks volumes. I wish success to a fashion and spirit of that kind--it will work miracles." While on this subject, it may be remarked that Jeremiah Thompson of New York, offers a permium on cotton raised in our southern country by free labor. Charles Collins, also, of New York, keeps an extensive Grocery Store, consisting wholly of articles which are produced by free labor. I am informed that report is industriously circulating, representing that this paper is mainly supported by the society of Friends--that it is under their direction, and that few others have taken any interest in the establishment. This is one of the miserable shifts which the advocates of slavery are under the necessity of resorting to, when they wish to exercise their vituperative talents, or issue their splenetic ffusions against the friends of emancipation. It is well known to many, that the paper is patronized by a considerable number of respectable citizens, of different religious denominations; and further, that no person whatever except the editor himself, has the least degree of interest in, or control over it. I shall notice this subject more fully in a future Number. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 1:4, p. 28 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.17.1825 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Cotton Growers in the Slave States Description An account of the resource The readers of the Citizen, and, in fact, the community generally, are aware that there are a great many free labor producers scattered through the Southern States, who grow cotton in small quantities with their own hands. It is probably that 100,000 bales are grown in this manner, and mixed with the common product of the country on its way to the Northern States or to Europe. The Free Labor Produce Association of Philadelphia has taken great pains to find out that addresses of above a hundred of these small growers, and to purchase their cotton, and keep it free from contact with slavery on its way to that city. Up to within a few weeks, not one had been found who produced more than six bales a year. But a friend has just shown us a letter from his sister, the wife of a free labor farmer in Texas, which communicates a very interested fact. She write: "Tell Elihu Burritt that Mr. L. made twelve bales of cotton, weighing 450 lbs. each, six or seven hundred bushels of corn, &c., without a negro on the place, and with only his three young boys to help; and Mr. L. was sick last fall for five or six weeks, so that he could not be with them in picking cotton." The oldest of these sons is but fourteen; so this very interesting case shows the productive capacity of free labor in growing this important staple. This is by far the largest crop produced in this way on one farm, of which we have as yet heard. We have written to this farmer to inquire if there are others doing like him in his vicinity. Speaking of the industry of her oldest son, Mrs. L. observes: "He can pick 250 lbs. of cotton in a day, and even Amos can pick 170." "Texas," she adds, "would be a great country if we had railroads to bring up our groceries from the Gulf, and for the convying of our cotton to the different ports. As it is now, they charge more freight on groceries than a planter can afford to pay. We yesterday received three barrels, viz., sugar, flour and molasses, one sack of coffee, one of salt, and the charge form Indianola, ninety miles distant, was $30. They ask $2 50 per hundred for hauling at this season of the year, as the roads are bad. Flour costs $16 or $18 by the time we get it here, and sometimes $20. Wheat will grow in the northern part of Txas, and some people in this section raise it." The Germans in Texas, almost to a man, adhere firmly to the economy of free labor. There are now nearly 30,000 of them in the western portion of the State, constituting a living wall of opposition to the extension of slavery into Mexico. They plant themselves in compact communities, establish journals, schools and other institutions, and create and enjoy a high state of intelligence and civilization. Their language "is all Greek" to the native Americans around them; so they are allowed a liberty of tongue and pen which is forbidden to any other class of residents. Some of these Germans are highly educated gentlemen, having distinguished themselves in their own fatherland. One of them, in response to a letter addressed to a friend of his for information, writes: "I see with pleasure that our brethren in sentiment at the North begin to help us practically. There is no State in the southern section of the Union more fit for producing cotton and sugar by free labor than Texas, allowing with her genial climate the European and northern laborer to work hard without apprehension of sickness. The Texas cotton equals in quality, if not excels, every other. Negro labor being at a high price, white labor has an advantageous competition. If, nevertheless, free has not yet disputed the ground with negro labor, it may be imputed to the following causes: First, the largest portion of our population depending on free labor in Texas, live further off from the coast, and consequently from the market, than the other. Second, The prices of corn in this upper country have been so high hitherto as to render its production as profitable as that of cotton. Third, It is every where difficult to introduce new branches of industry, the results of the old one always being before one's eyes, while those of the new are only problematical. There is a good basis in Western Texas for establishing the free labor cotton production on a large scale." We could fill an entire number of the Citizen with interesting communications from Germans in Texas on the subject of free labor farming. We hope this correspondence may be largely extended, and that we shall find most valuable co-workers in this numerous and increasing portion of the population of that State. But the Germans can live and labor as safely and successfully in the upper portions of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi as in Texas, and they are finding their way into those States also. It would fully and well employ one man's time to correspond with these scattered communities, and communicate to them the stimulus of northern sympathy, and perhaps of material assistance, or of some facilities which would be helpful. We should be glad to receive from our readers any information they can give bearing on this subject; or the address of any persons of their acquaintance in the South from whom such information may be obtained. Perhaps some one who may see these lines may be disposed to engage as one of the pioneers in free labor farming in the Slave States. If so, we should be highly gratified to hear from him by, post. All communications for the Editor of the Citizen should be directed to New Britain, Conn. --Burritt's Citizen of the World. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Reprinted from Burritts Citizens of the World. Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal 9:38, p. 598 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.31.1856 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource ARE YOU OPPOSED TO SLAVERY! Description An account of the resource Pithy, fearless and sound. We offer our best acknowledgments to the anonymous author, and solicit a continuance of favors. <xsl-text></xsl-text>For the Liberator <xsl-text></xsl-text>. ARE YOU OPPOSED TO SLAVERY! Scarcely a man can be found, north and east of Maryland, who will not tell you he is heartily opposed to slavery, and would do <xsl-text></xsl-text>almost <xsl-text></xsl-text>any thing to put an end to it. But is it <xsl-text></xsl-text>slavery <xsl-text></xsl-text>to which we are so much opposed? or is it rather to the <xsl-text></xsl-text>colored people? <xsl-text></xsl-text>Perhaps it would be well for us to know which. If the former, why not use some effectual measures, instead of raising money to <xsl-text></xsl-text>send away <xsl-text></xsl-text>FREE BLACKS, as well as slaves, to Liberia? Do we not deceive ourselves in <xsl-text></xsl-text>thinking <xsl-text></xsl-text>our opposition is to slavery? Suppose the <xsl-text></xsl-text>only <xsl-text></xsl-text>way (almost) to put an end, an everlasting end to the evil, should be proposed— (and it may have been a hundred times, for aught I know) and that, too, a method which would cost us but <xsl-text></xsl-text>few <xsl-text></xsl-text>dollars and cents— would we <xsl-text></xsl-text>adopt <xsl-text></xsl-text>it?— would YOU adopt it, reader? I fear we should falter; and the multitude of opponents of slavery, would dwindle into a very small number, if they did not 'vanish into thin air.' The truth is, this subject has not been <xsl-text></xsl-text>talked <xsl-text></xsl-text>of enough. We have not sounded each other's opinions on it sufficiently; and there is no way to beget a habit of <xsl-text></xsl-text>thinking <xsl-text></xsl-text>on any thing, like frequent conversations. Our powers of thought and speech are as much improved by exercise, as is the memory. We may deplore the evils of slavery, form Colonization Societies, and now and then talk of the criminality of the oppression; but so long as we do nothing more— so long as we <xsl-text></xsl-text>use their products <xsl-text></xsl-text>— men will be held in involuntary servitude. This is the whole secret. Are you opposed to slavery? then neither 'tough, taste, nor handle,' the price of blood. Do you ask, 'How can I do this, seeing many of the comforts of life are the product of their labor?' Go to work--form Societies, pledging each member neither to buy, sell, nor use slave productions: get as many to join you in the effort as you can: and when it is seen that men are taking such a stand, FREE LABOR will become as fashionable at the south as in our own state; and cotton, rice, sugar, molasses, &c. &c. will be furnished to equal the demand, produced by free men. Let the benevolent rich men, (and there is an occasional anomaly of the kind) establish manufactories to work none but free cotton--establish warehouses and stores for the sale of their goods and other free productions--and the poor will bear a proportion of the loss for awhile, should there be any, in purchasing at the small additional cost that may accrue thereby. This is the way. Call the idea 'chimerical,' or what else you please--your conscience will hold you to its correctness. Some of the articles, commonly produced by slave labor, are already to be had by a little trouble, with which the tears and blood of the oppressed are not mingled. And it is for us to call for them. We can get some sugar, molasses, coffee, a little cotton, and, perhaps, rice,--raised by free men. And should we fail to get enough, no matter at how low a rate the slave articles may be procured, do without. But I live in the country; I can get none of these things unless such as were raised by slaves. Then it is time something was done. Stop where you are for humanity's, for conscience sake! Is oppression wrong? Is slavery an evil--an crime!-- Could you "Have a slave to fan you when you sleep, And tremble when you wake?" The man who secretes or partakes of stolen goods is ranked with the theif, and punished with the thief. Would you not secrete stolen property--and will you perpetuate slavery, by using the price of blood? Does your appetite rise in opposition to your better judgment, reasons, and conscience, and reply--'What have I to do with the labor by which the articles I want are produced?' Hear not its depraved and guilty demands, lest it drive thy opposition to slavey far from thee; lest it compel thee to smile, while the unfortunate descendant of Africa is loaded with chains and stripes; lest it make thee willing to oppress thy fellow for a cup of coffee, a little sugar, molasses, or rice! Ay, and it may be, that while you are professing religion--that which requires us to 'do unto others as we would they should do unto us.' What is past we may have done in ignorance; even so that it hath been winked at--but God now commandeth all men every where to repent of this, as well as other wrongs. Whatever was done in that darkness may not be persisted in: the excuse is now taken away. See to it that you go to work. ANTI-SLAVERY. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Genius of Universal Emancipation 3:5, p. 79 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Liberator 7.16.1831; Genius 3.1833 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Repository. Philanthropic and Literary. THIS DEPARTMENT IS PRINCIPALLY SUPERINTENDED BY A LADY. Description An account of the resource LADIES' FREE PRODUCE SOCIETY. We have received the November report of this society, and have now the pleasure of presenting it to our readers. We feel particular gratification in noticing the proceedings and increasing usefulness of this society, because it is a proof of how much may be effected by small means, if people wil but make the commencing effort. The first few individuals by whom this association was established, did not reason nicely on practicabilities or inconveniences--they did not coldly pity the slave, yet continue to revel in all the luxuries extracted by his sufferings, nor delay all active exertions in his favor because there was no probability of their effecting important results:--but they felt that slavery was a national and an individual crime, and they came at once to offer a sacrifice of atonement upon the altar of justice, that the stain of blood-guiltiness might be removed far from them. This faithfulness to their duty has so prospered, that they have been able to procure almost all necessary articles "uncontaminated by the taint of slavery." When will more of our sex do after this manner? Have their hearts become hard--have they lost the compassionateness of their natures, that the cry of the miserable is so strangely unattended to--or responded only by the voice of inactive lamentation? REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF "THE FEMALE ASSOCIATION OF PHILADELPHIA FOR PROMOTING THE MANUFACTURE AND USE OF FREE COTTON." In conformity with the object of their appointment, the committee have kept in view the various concerns of the association. The knitting and sewing cotton, mentioned in our last report, is now complete and for sale at John Townsend's, No. 94, Fifth above Cherry-street, where either can be had in large or small quantities to suit purchasers. We have contracted with a weaver to have a few pieces of muslin made of the cotton yarn on hand. In our last report we stated that we had contracted with a person to manufacture some into laps or batting for quilts and wadding. 170 lbs of laps and 57 lbs of wadding have come to hand. The laps we have disposed of, at cost, to James Pierce, grocer, cormer of Noble and Third streets,--who has engaged to [?] them at a small advance, And although the price will be something more than the price of a similar article made of slave cotton, it must be remembered that this is more substantial; being manufactured from clean, cotton, while the other is generally made of the fly-off or waste cotton. We have also sent information to different parts of the country that these articles can be obtained, and where they are deposited. The committee consider it a duty incumbent upon them to encourage our members, and others, as way may open, to aid this righteous cause by promoting the use and giving the preference to goods of every description which can be obtained free from slave labor. Fully believing if those who are opposed to slavery would be willing to make this sacrifice, that, (to adopt the language of a late interesting writer on the subject) "small and insignificant as the sacrifice may appear, it would give a death blow to slavery;--for when there is no longer a market for the productions of slave labor--then, and not till then, will the slaves be emancipated." Philadelphia, 11th mo. 9th, 1829. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 4:12, p. 92 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.27.1829 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Items: Free labor produce. Description An account of the resource Free labor produce.--Liberia Coffee was offered for sale in Richmond, Virginia, some months since, by "Otis Dunlop, & Co." This coffee was shipped by the late Rev. Lott Carey--the production of Free Labor, of course. We hope to hear of more such shipments. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Reprinted from Genius of Unviersal Emancipation Western Luminary 6:19, p. 75 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.11.1829 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Senator Wilson's Vindication of Free Labor. Description An account of the resource Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, having denounced the laboring men of the North as the mere mudsills of Society, Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, who passed his youth and early manhood at hard and honest toil, said in reply: But the Senator, filled with magnificent visions of Southern power, crowns cotton "king," and tells us that if they should stop supplying cotton for three years, "England would topple headlong, and carry the whole civilized world with her, save the South!" What presumption! The South--which owns lands and slaves, the price fluctuating with the production, use and price of cotton, having no other resource or means of support--would go harmless, while the great commercial centres of the world, with the vast accumulations of capital, the products of ages of accumulation, with varied pursuits and skilled industry, would "topple" to their fall! Sir, I supposed the coffee-planters of Brazil, the tea-growers of the Celestial Empire, and the wheat growers on the shores of the Black Sea, and on the banks of the Don and the Volga, indulge in the same magnificent illusion. I would remind the Senator that the commercial world is not governed by the cotton planters of the South, the coffee planters of Brazil, the tea-growers of China, nor the wheat producers of Eastern Europe. I tell the Senator that England, France, Germany, Western Europe and the Northern States of this Union, are the commercial, manufacturing, business and monetary centres of the world; that their merchants, manufacturers and capitalists grasp the globe; that cotton and sugar, and tea and coffee, and wheat, and the spices of the isles of the Oriental seas. are grown for them. Sir, the cotton-planters of the South are simply their agents, and they perform their task under a necessity quite as great as their own slaves perform theirs under the taskmaster's eye. I would remind the Senator that the free States, in 1850, produced $850,000,000 of manufactures, and that only $52,000,000 of of that vast production--only about one-seventeenth part of it--was made up of cotton. Our manufactures and mechanics arts now must exceed twelve hundred million dollars, and cotton does not make up more than seventy million dollars. Does the Senator think the free States would "topple" down if they should lose one-seventeenth part of their productive industry? The productive industry of Massachusetts, a State that manufactures more than one-third of all the cotton manufactured in the country, was in 1855, $350,000,000, about $280 per head for each person, would perish if she should lose $26,000,000 of that vast production? It is no matter of surprise that gentlemen who live away off on cross-roads, where cotton blooms. should come to believe that cotton rules the world; but a few months' association with the great world would cure that delusion. "You are our factors!" exclaims the Senator. "You bring and carry for us. Suppose we were to discharge you? Suppose we were to take our business out of your hands, we should consign you to anarchy and poverty!" Sir, suppose, when the Senator returns from this chamber to the cotton-fields, his slaves should in their simplicity, say to him "Massa, you only sell de cotton; we plant; we hoes; we picks de cotton! 'Spose we discharge you!" The unsophisticated "mudsills" would be quite as reasonable as is the Senator. The Senator seems to think the cotton planters hold us in the hollow of their hands; if they shake them, we tremble; if they close them, we perish. But the Senator from South Carolina, after crowning cotton as king, with power to bring England and all the civilized world "toppling" down in the yawning gulfs of bankruptcy and ruin, complacently tells the Senate and the trembling subjects of his cotton king that "the greatest strength of the South arises from the harmony of her political institutions;" that "her forms of society are the best in the world;" that "she has an extent of political freedom, combined with entire security, seen nowhere on earth." The South, he tells us, "is satisfied, harmonious, and prosperous," and he asked us if we "have heard that the ghosts of Mendoza and Torquemada are stalking in the streets of our great cities; that the inquisition is at hand, and that there are fearful rumors of consultations for vigilance committees?' Sir, this self-complacency is sublime! No son of the Celestial Empire can approach the Senator in self-complacency. That "society is the best in the world" where more than three millions of beings, created in the image of their God, are held as chattels--sunk from the lofty level of humanity, down to the abject condition of unreasoning beasts of burden! That "society is the best in the world" where are manacles, chains and whips, auction blocks, prisons, bloodhounds, scourgings, lynchings and burnings, laws to torture the body, shrivel the mind and debase the soul; where labor is dishonored and laborers despised! "Political freedom" in a land where woman is imprisoned for teaching little children to read the Holy Scriptures, where professors are deposed and banished for opposing the extension of slavery; where public men are exiled for quoting in a national Convention the words of Jefferson; where voters are mobbed for appearing to vote for free territory; and where booksellers are driven from the country for selling a copy of that master work of genius, "Uncle Tom's Cabin!" And land of "certain security," where patrols, costing, as in Old Virginia, more than is expended to educate her poor children, stalk the country to catch the faintest rumor of discontent; where the bay of the bloodhound never ceases; where but little more than one year ago rose the startling cry of insurrection; and where men, some of them owned by a member of this body, were scourged and murdered for suspected insurrection! "Political freedom" and "certain security" in a land which demands that seventeen millions of freemen shall stand guard to seize and carry back fleeing bondmen! The Senator from South Carolina exclaims, "The man who lives by daily labor, your whole class of manual laborers, are essentially slaves--they feel galled by their degradation." What a sentiment is this to hear uttered in the councils of this democratic Republic! The Senator's political associates, who listen to these words which brand hundreds of thousands of the men they represent in the free States and hundreds of their neighbors and personal friends as slaves, have found no words to repel or rebuke this language. This language of scorn and contempt is addressed to Senators who were not nursed by a slave, whose lot it was to toil with their own hands--to eat bread, not by the sweat of another's brow, but by their own. Sir, I am the son of a "hireling manual laborer," who, with the frosts of seventy winters on his brow, "lives by daily labor." I too have been a daily laborer. I too have been a hireling manual laborer. Poverty cast its dark and chilling shadow over the home of my childhood, and want was there sometimes--an unbidden guest. At the age of ten years--to aid him who gave me being in keeping the gaunt spectre from the hearth of the mother who bore me--I left the home of my boyhood and went to earn my bread by "daily labor." Many a weary mile have I travelled, "To beg a brother of the earth To give me leave to toil." Sir, I have toiled as a "hireling manual laborer" in the field and in the workshop; and I tell the Senator from South Carolina that I never felt "galled by my degradation." No, sir--never! Perhaps the Senator who represents that "other class which leads progress, and civilization, and refinement," will ascribe this to obtuseness of intellect and blunted sensibilities of the heart. Sir, I was conscious of my manhood; I was the peer of my employer; I knew that the laws and institutions of my native and adopted States threw over him and over me alike the panoply of equality; I knew, too, that the world was before me, that its wealth, its garnered treasurees of knowledge, its honors, the coveted prizes of life, were within the grasp of a brave heart, and a tireless hand, and I accepted the responsibilities of my position, all unconscious that I was a "slave." I have employed others, hundreds of "hireling manual laborers." Some of them possessed, and now possess, more property than I ever owned; some of them were better educated and better read, too, than some Senators on this floor; and many of them, in moral excellence and purity of character, I could not but feel, were my superiors. I have occupied, Mr. President, for more than thirty years, the relation of employer, and while I never "felt galled by my degradation" in the one case, in the other I was never conscious that my "hireling laborers" were my inferiors. That man is a "snob" who boasts of being a "hireling laborer;" or who assumes any superiority over others because he is an employer. Honest labor is honorable; and the man who is ashamed that he is or was a "hireling laborer" has not manhood enough to "feel galled by degradation." Having occupied, Mr. President, the relation of either employed or employer for the third of a century; having lived in a Commonwealth where the "hireling class of manual laborers" are the depositories of political power; having associated with this class in all the relations of life; I tell the Senator from South Carolina, and the class he represents, that he libels, grossly libels them, when he declares they are essentially slaves! There can be found nowhere in America a class of men more proudly conscious or tenacious of their rights. Friend or for has ever found them. "A stubborn race, fearing and flattering none." The Senator tells us, Mr. President, that slaves are "well compensated!" South Carolina slaves "well compensated!" Why, sir, the Senator himself, in a speech made at home, for home consumption, entered into an estimate to show that a field hand could be supported for from eighteen to nineteen dollars per annum on the rice and cotton plantations. He states the quantity of corn and bacon and salt necessary to support the "well compensated" slave. And this man, supported by eighteen dollars per annum, with the privilege of being flogged at discretion, and having his wife and children sold from him at the necessity or will of his master, the Senator from South Carolina informs the Senate of the United States is "well compensated!" Sir, there is not a poor house in the free States where there would not be a rebellion in three days if the inmates were compelled to subsist on the quantity and quality of the food the Senator estimates as "ample compensation" for the labor of a slave in South Carolina. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal 11:35, p. 550 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.8.1858 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource What Can Be Done for the Slave? Description An account of the resource Never perhaps before did the question come spontaneously to so many hearts, "What can we do?" Never was there such a disposition abroad to in the world to unite in some great effort for the abolition of slavery from under the light of the sun. The present is a remarkable juncture for such an effort. What shall it be? This is a question of vast importance. It should be a catholic measure, in which the abolitionists of all countries might freely unite. It should be one divested of all connection with national politics; one which would be carried into execution without asking the aid or consent of any Parliament, Congress, National Assembly, Cortes, or Diet. It must be based upon the convictions of the individual conscience, and worked by the spontaneous energy and determination of individual effort--an undertaking in which abolitionists of Great Britain, France, Germany, and other continental nations may join, without encountering any governmental obstacle, or raising any political antagonism. It must be a measure which shall involve something more than talk, however loud; more than the most eloquent expression of inactive sympathies for the slave, either from the pulpit, platform, or from the most powerful columns of the newspaper press. Then what shall it be? Let a slaveholder himself describe the measure which, he declared, "would abolish the system as surely as day follows night:--Touch not, taste not, handle not the produce of slave labor." This was the glove of defiance thrown down at the feet, not only of all the abolitionists in America, but in Europe, by a slaveholding member of the United States' Congress. This, he affirmed, would not only effect this object, but would do it in a way against which the slaveholders could not utter any just complaint. To be sure, he felt that the inhuman system was safe enough from any danger in this direction. He fully believed that the abolitionists would not venture to pick up the glove and accept this challenge of their sincerity. It would put them to some inconvenience to do it--perhaps to a little additional expenditure in matters of household economy--and he was sure they would not do it; and he taunted them with the discrepancy between their practice and professions. And, although many conscientious friends of the slave, on both sides of the Atlantic, now deem it a duty to abstain from the products of his labor, the great majority of abolitionists have looked upon this course as one that could not be effective, because it could not be generally adopted. Even if nearly all the produce of slave labor could be excluded from use in Great Britain, it would find a larger market on the Continent, they argued, so that there would be as great a demand for it as before. If the free men and women of the world supplied the markets of Great Britain, all the slaves would toil for the markets of continental Europe, they said, and thus the amount of produce stained with the sin of slavery would not be diminished, though it might be separated from that of sinews never bought and sold. Now, if this argument had ever any truth or force, it no longer possesses either in reference to this measure. Surely something mighty and noble may be done, if the almost universal flood of sympathy be taken at its tide, and brought to bear upon one great effort for the abolition of slavery. And upon what one measure could it be more fully and powerfully concentrated, than upon the exclusion of slave-grown produce from the markets of the world, by voluntary abstinence from its consumption? Here is a measure which involves no legislation, no petitions to Parliaments, National Assemblies, Congress or Cortes. It trenches upon no principle of political economy, of any treaty or compact, or commercial arrangement. The freest free-trader could not object to this measure. Here, then, is the first great advantage of this measure--the people of all countries may unite in carrying it out, without encountering any political obstacle or objection--without asking any legislative aid. This is a great consideration. It would also work nobly for the brotherhood of nations, if they culd unite in one common sympathy and in one great enterprise of humanity. It would be an effective measure, dealing a mortal blow to slavery throughout the world. If it did not the first year drive the produce of slave-labor from the markets of Europe, it would diminish the demand for it by a ratio of reduction which would be fatal to slavery. It would draw immediately a moral line of demarcation between the products of the slave's toil and those of free sinews and free soil. It would stimulate the productions of the latter in all parts of the world by an earnest and constantly increasing demand. If that line were drawn to-day, probably more than one half of the sugar, coffee, and rice in the markets of Europe would fall on the free labor side; and that proportion would be augmented by the product of each suceeding year. There is scarcely a difficulty in reference to these important articles. They can be found in almost every town and village. The great article of cotton would present the greatest obstacle, but this would soon be overcome before the pressure of public opinion which the measure would create. Already, powerful commerical bodies are endeavouring to increase its production by free labour, in every region of the world in which it can be grown. There is, at the present moment, an effort to form a great organization for the navigation of the shallow rivers of India by flat-bottomed boats propelled by steam, in order to collect and convey to the sea, the cotton produced in the countries they intersect. The manufacturers of Lancashire are looking, with an eager eye of business, toward Africa, Australia, the East and West Indies, for a supply of this important staple of the manufactures of Great Britain. An irresistible energy would be given to the efforts to stimulate its production in these countries, if such a movement were set on foot as we have described. Thus, in a very few years, the institution of slavery would bleed to death at every vein. Then it should be remembered that this movement would not be a substitute for any other anti-slavery effort; it would not displace or weaken any other agency directed against slavery. It would be in addition to them all; giving them a new power and energy. It is a measure in which every man, woman, and child, in any country in Europe, may take part, and do something at every meal; thus associating every repast with a remembrance of the slave in his bonds--a remembrance that shall fall upon his fetters like a dew, eating them asunder by its quality of corrosion. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal 6:20, p. 315 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.29.1853 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource THE SLAVE MARKET: From the Berean. Description An account of the resource THE SLAVE MARKET In the following article, the principle, long contended for in this work, is clearly and distinctly embraced. The slave market must be abolished, or the "slave trade" can NEVER be destroyed. It is also equally true that, were the cotton and sugar purchasers to confine their dealings to articles which are the exclusive production of free labour, the system of slavery itself would soon be done away. From the Berean. We some time ago published extracts from a pamphlet on West India Slavery, wherein the disuse of West India produce is ably advocated as an efficient means of putting an end to the evil. The following extract of a letter from "an intelligent planter of South Carolina," lately published in the "National Gazette," may serve to show that the disuse of cotton and rice, would be equally effectual in abolishing American slavery. The subject is well worth the attention of the christian, the philanthropist and the patriot. There never will be an end to the slave-trade, whilst a market is to be found for slaves. Those who bear a testimony against war, offensive and defensive, must have their minds forcibly arrested by a remedy for slavery and the slave trade, so pacific and so entirely consistent with their principles. Frequent appeals have been made to government, on the subject of the slave trade, and a murderous naval force has been sent out; force has been opposed to force; and the ocean stained with blood. Do the friends of peace perceive no objection to the use of such means, which after all, can only lop off the branches of the corrupt tree?--Will they not prefer a course, which, whilst it violates no principle, human or divine, strikes at the very root of the evil? The extract, &c.--"The commercial and agricultural interests, of this section of the Union, are in a very prosperous condition. Slaves have taken a great rise, ALONG WITH COTTON AND RICE, The value of prime negro labourers is almost as great as it was ten years ago. The resolutions of Mr. King and Mr. Tucker, offered to Congress, are considered here as nearly chimerical. As LONG AS THE SOUTHERN ARTICLES OF PRODUCE SHALL COMMAND A GOOD PRICE, NEGRO SLAVES WILL NOT ONLY BE VALUABLE, BUT NECESSARY TO THEIR OWNERS." Now let the consumers of "southern articles of produce," who profess to be the friends of injured Africa, "bind these words for a sign" upon their hands, and let them be as frontlets between their eyes--when they walk by the way, when they lie down, and when they rise up, let them "talk of them:" but especially let them "talk of them," when they sit in their stores, and when at the festive board. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 4:9, p. 136 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.1825 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource THE EXPENSE AND STERILITY OF SLAVE LABOR Description An account of the resource There is not an aspect in which slavery can be considered that does not show a deleterious working of the system upon the best interests of the southern States. We have already dwelt at length upon some of these features. There is one to which all honest-minded men of those States, who have visited the North, must be fully sensible. This is the sterility of the slave labor system in the matter of home comforts and convenience. To our mind, it is astonishing that southern planters and farmers can be willing to receive back so little for their money. There are thousands and thousands of journeymen mechanics in New England whose houses are palaces compared with the dwellings of hundreds of slave-holders in the South. During our recent tour in that section of the Union, we saw and heard enough to justify this statement. We were assured that many a planter, with fifty and sometimes with a hundred slaves, still lived in a low log house, without any of the little elegancies and comforts which fill and surround the homes of northern artisans. A gentleman whom we visited on his estate, a man of refined taste, education and manners, and who owned seventy or eighty slaves, dwelt with much feeling upon this difference. He had sojourned for awhile during the previous summer in a small, busy manufacturing town in one of the most sterile of the New England States, and had been deeply impressed with the appearance of wealth and competence which the homes of the farmers presented to his view. In every direction from the centre, or village part of the town, he saw their large white houses, with green windowblinds, generally embowered in graceful shrubbery, festooned with flowers and shaded by rows of maple or elm trees--all looking like the abodes of elegant luxury, thrift and wealth. And these establishments were often facing each other from opposite sides of the same road. It seemed a marvel to him that so many homes of such a character could be sustained on so small a space. Here were a dozen all in sight, occupying, in the aggregate, hardly a thousand acres; yet the smallest and poorest of them quite equalled his own in convenience and comfort, though he owned about two thousand acres in the South, and nearly one hundred negroes. There was the bright, white school-house, in which the children of these farmers, and every child in the district, recived an education that fitted them for all the ordinary occupations of life. What an agricultural community this to be planted upon a thousand acres of naturally thin-soiled land! What a yeomanry to stand up, in all the strength and sterling attributes of intelligence, virtue and independence, in a space half the size of his own plantation! What a crop of large two-story houses, capacious and well filled barns and out-houses, cattle, sheep and swine, horses, carriages, and properties real and personal, for such an area! What a growth of mind, genius, vritue and human individuality to be spread over such a small compass of territory! No one better than a southern planter could appreciate the difference between such a district and one of equal size occupied by a single white family and one hundred slaves. We believe from the observations of the gentleman to whom we have alluded, that Southern men of intelligence, who visit the northern States, carry back with them the impressions which he received. If these lines should, perchance, reach a few of their number, we would earnestly and respectfully invite them to review with us two or three points of difference between the working of the slave labor system and that industrial economy which produces results so surprising to them in the Northern States. Let us look together more closely at the elements of that thrift, prosperity and comfort which seems to surround and fill the home of the free-labor farmer of New England. Perhaps he owns one hundred acres of mountain, meadow, arable and pasture land. The winters are long and cold, and large stocks of fuel for his house and fodder for his cattle must be provided. He may owe a few hundred dollars for his farm, and its whole value be $3000. He is a man perhaps of forty years of age, with a family of half a dozen children; the oldest son being sixteen. His yoke of bright-eyed Devonshire steers, and horse of all work, constitute the rest of his labor-material. For six months of the year, his own hands, and those of this boy, and the strength of this "three cattle team," perform unaided all the work bestowed on his one-hundred-acre farm. They plow and cross-plow the land for all the grain-crops in fall and spring. The axes of father and son keep stroke at the root of the mountain oak or maple, in winter, and they convey it home, compactly corded on the ox-sled, down the winding path of beaten snow. All the work of winter, early fall and spring, they themselves perform. No expenditure, of any account, is incurred for hired labor during this period; while, for at least three months, all the children are at school. About the first of May, perhaps, the farmer engages an industrious, able bodied man to work for him for six months--to plant, hoe, mow and reap. Probably he is a young, unmarried man, who is taken into the farmer's house as one of the family; he sits with them at the same table, rides to church in the same carriage, and sits in the same pew on the Sabbath. He is perhaps training himself and laying up money for owning and tilling a farm. He is practising the most rigid economy; and endeavors to take up as little of his wages as possible during the term for which he is engaged, that he may have it all in a lump at the end, to deposite in the savings-bank, or to loan out on interest. Perhaps he will not draw more than $10 for the whole period of six months. If he is unwell, and loses a few days, the loss is deducted from his wages. Thus the farmer has all the value of his labor for the best half of the year, with but very little expenditure during that period. He realises its full results before he is called to pay the stipulated wages. He "turns over" the value of that labor once or twice, before the full pay-day. He sells all he can spare of the crops sown, planted, and gathered by the aid of his hired man, before this disbursement. So far from paying for his labor in advance, as does the southern planter, his hired man virtually lends it to him for several months without interest. And this is the best agricultural labor in the world. It is the intelligent, faithful, trusty industry of a man who intends to cultivate a farm of his own some time or other. The farmer works with him. Their hoes keep stroke with each other in the cornfield; their scythes in the meadow, their sickles in harvest. This parity and fellowship gives a dignity to agricultural labor in New England, and in the Free States generally, which it wears in no other country, in no other occupation on the face of the earth. The broad blue sky of heaven seems to look down with its blandest smile and blessing upon this copartnership; and Heaven grant it may never be dissolved; that none of the heartless artificialities that are slowly introducing the castes of European civilization, may mar the pure beauty of this New England syste. This is the first jewel of her glory; and long as her green hills look the blue firmament in the face, may they wear each around its brow this peculiar coronet of human industry. May this glory never, never depart from her. May she guard it as the apple of her eye. If our voice could reach the men of her hills, we would implore them to hold to this old Puritan democracy or labor as the peculiar jewel of the New World. They cannot conceive how it thrills and swells the heart of a New Englander with emotions of gladness and virtuous pride, while travelling through the agricultural districts of Europe, to turn away in thought from the caste condition of labor which he sees in every field, to that noble fellowship of industry that sows and reaps the harvests of his native land. Whatever changes and habits increasing wealth and its appetite for luxuries may introduce into the large sea-board towns of the North, far-reaching back among the virtuous hills and green vallies, Heaven grant that this old Pilgrim-father democracy of toil may exist unchanged. There may the labor which Providence demands as its copartner in feeding, clothing and blessing man--may that labor never be out-housed or side-tabled or badged with any caste-mark by those who employ it.  We believe our southern readers will excuse this parenthetical digression from the argument to which we had intended to confine our observations. They may easily conceive that the Free-Labor Farming system of the North may inspire such sentiments of admiration in those who have grown up in daily view of its working and results. We have adverted to the impressions which a cotton planter received from a glance at the condition of a dozen homesteads planted upon half the space of his own estate. Almost in his own words, we have expressed the surprise he felt on seeing such a society of intelligent families, with children enough to fill a district school, living in a state of comfort and elegance unknown to himself, and all deriving their support and competence from a farm not exceeding, in the aggregate, a thousand acres of land. We have endeavored to show that this remarkable production of human sustenance and comfort must be ascribed, not to the superior nature of the soil, but to the character of the labor applied to its cultivation. This, we are confident, they will clearly see and freely admit, and deduce from the fact that inference which should be so useful to themselves. If, for a moment, they entertain a doubt in reference to the real cause of the contrast between the results of their industrial economy and that of the Free States, let them imagine their own system applied to New England agriculture. Suppose that each of the dozen farmers to whom we have adverted, were obliged to buy an able-bodied slave to begin with, and pay in advance a thousand dollars for him; that is, to pay down on the spot, at the out-set, for labor to be performed twenty or thirty years hence, if the man lived so long--to buy a precarious human life, which might terminate in a month, at such a price! Not one of those farmers, if the law permitted it, could afford to till his land in this way. Under slavery, few one-hundred-acre homsteads could be sustained in the North. The system would decimate the agriculturists; so that there would not be families enough in a space of ten square miles to fill a district school. Look at its inevitable working for a moment. Here is a man who has purchased or inherited a farm in New Hampshire or Connecticut, worth, say, $3000. Assume that his house, barn and agricultural implements are in satisfactory condition for the first year, that he has provisions enough to carry his family on to the next harvest, and sufficient fodder for his cattle. The spring opens, and planting time is at hand. With $50 ready money in hand, he may safely commence operations. With this small sum, and a credit to the same amount at the village store, he may hire an able-bodied young man to labor for him until his crops are gathered in the autumn. A few dollars, perhaps, on an average, $3 per month, are all that he may be asked to pay for wages until these crops are sold. How small the capital invested in labor under this system! Now change it for that of the South, and see what would become of that farmer. You bring him a human being, subject to all the sudden and fatal ills which flesh is heir to, and say: "Buy this man, and pay $1000 down for him, before he has struck a blow or earned a cent for you. He is strong and sound, and may live to work on your farm many years; but it is true he may sicken and die next week, or run away to-morrow. Inasmuch as he is not to have a farthing of his purchase-price himself, or any compensation for his toil, you must extort with the scourge what hope of reward would induce him to perform." Is it not easy to conceive how a New England farmer would reply to this proposition? Would he not be likely to say, "It is impossible for me to invest so much money in labor in advance of its performance, even if the law or my own conscience would allow me to purchase and hold a man as a slave. A thousand dollars to be paid down for labor spread over a space of twenty or thirty years, if the man lives, and to terminate in a month if he should then die or run away! It is impossible. I cannot raise the money, nor run such a risk if I had the means. I would sell my farm before I would undertake to cultivate it at such an outlay and hazard." And doubtless he and thousands like him would sell their farms rather than till under such a system. We are confident that one-third of all the farmers in New England would change their occupations, if each were obliged to pay in advance on the first of May the wages of one hired man for six months; not that each could not raise $200 for such a purpose, but from the repugnance which they would feel to the principle, and from the great inconvenience in carrying it out. The difference between Southern and Northern Agriculture, and the difference between the two sections in almost every fact and feature, should be ascribed to the labor employed in each, and not to difference of sun and soil. There is no reason on earth why ten cotton farms may not be planted on a space of one thousand acres in Georgi and Alabama, supporting ten white families with children enough to fill a district school. There is no more necessity for planters living in log houses, in either of those States, than there is for the farmers of Massachusetts or Vermont doing the same. There never can be an intelligent yeomanry, or an agricultural population of sufficient compactness of residence in the Southern States to form a coherent society, support schools, churches, &c., until the Free Labor system is fully adopted. Under Slavery the whole agricultural territory of those States will be occupied by a few great planters, being hardly within telescopic sight of each other, and a few miserably poor and ignorant white families, supporting themselves by hunting, fishing, and growing vegetables on their small patches of land. Free Labor would change all this, and cover all the South with those homesteads which make the glory and greatness of New England. Burrit's Citizen of the World Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Reprinted from Burrit's Citizen of the World Friends' Intelligencer 14:43, p. 680 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.9.1858