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                <text>Free Produce Societies (Article)</text>
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                <text>Having given in our last, extracts from the proceedings of the Free Produce Societies, we feel induced to throw some thoguhts, which have suggested themselves, before our readers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Why do any say that abstinence from the products of slave-produce can effect nothing? Surely, they do not reflect; for in the first place, is it not something to the individual, to know that he has washed his hands of the guilt of oppression? That which is done intelligently and conscientiously, makes a better man; and as men become consistently better, their influence is extended--others observe the advantages they have from a rigid compliance with the requisitions of duty, and it is impossible but that they should desire those advantages for themselves--this desire very naturally will lead them, as it led those, to whose condition they aspire--for the peace here spoken of, is only to be had on the common terms--namely; to ascertain&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;intrinsic right&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;and&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;conform&lt;/em&gt; to it. All truths are facts, or directly deduced from them. The sentiment just expressed, that the examples of the virtuous, though silent, and often unperceived, is nevertheless operative, is a well attested fact. To whose mind it was first suggested, that the consumer of the products of slave-labor was accessary to oppression, is not known; it is known, however, that but few years have elapsed since it claimed the attention of some isolated indivudals, who, however highly they ranked in other respects, had the lustre of their greatness obscured in the vision of their admirers, by this speck of innovation--this mist of enthusiastic, it may be, fanatic ccentricity. Now, hundreds bear the same testimony, and thousands have it under serious consideration. If, twenty years ago, the example of a conscientious man convinced his neighbor in a year--the two, each his man in the next, and so on, in a geometric series, whose annual ratio of progression is two, (and this it is believed existing associations will establish, up to this time) how long would it take to convince every one whose pecuniary interests are not opposed?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let it not be inferred that there is any implied indifference to other modes of arresting the enormous evil of slavery; the distinct object of this article is to defend&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;abstinence&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;in those who practice it, and to&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;recommend&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;the propriety of it to the consideration of others.--&lt;em&gt;ib&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Liberator&lt;/em&gt; 1:36, p. 1</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Newcastle on Tyne, England, Oct.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;12, 1850. To the Editor of the Non-Slaveholder.</text>
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                <text>Henry Highland Garnet's letter on the influence of the free produce movement in Britain</text>
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                <text>I am happy to inform you that our good cause is increasing daily in importance to the minds of the British people. The willingness which they manifest to hear the subject, has surprised even the most sanguine of our friends. No one pretends to say that we are wrong, and therefore we have only to arouse the generous feelings of the people; and convince them of the practicability of our measures, and we see them mustering into our ranks with such alacrity as to assure us that success awaits us. Very many who heretofore had placed the slave system in foreign countries far beyond their reach, are beginning to see how they may remove some of the chief pillars from the concern, and are prepared to act in consistency with their convictions. Our meetings are invariably crowded, and we have the satisfaction of seeing much spirit and determination in the formation of "Free Labor Associations," which is usually attended to in meetings more private and social. Already with four weeks labor we have formed eight flourishing Associations, which are connected with the Ladies' New Castle Anti-Slavery Society. &#13;
&#13;
The following is a brief statement of our movements:&#13;
Sept. 13 We commenced our Anti-Slavery campaign. The first meeting was held at Wallsend. It was well attended, and our cause was warmly received.&#13;
14th. At 2 o'clock I addressed a large concourse of children at Tuthill Stairs, Baptist chapel, New Castle, and impressed upon the minds of my little hearers, the condition and claims of the slave children of America.&#13;
16th. A large and spirited meeting was held in the evening at Gateshead. Rev. Mr. Anderson presided--the large school belonging to the Methodist chapel was crowded.&#13;
17th. Went to South Shields, called the "Heart of Old England." We were welcomed to the house of Thomas Scott, a gentleman much devoted to our cause. The meeting was held in the Wesleyan chapel, the largest house in town. Robert Ingham, Esq., ex. M.P. presided, and made an able address. Mr. Ingham is one of the most popular and beloved gentlemen in this part in the country. The church was filled to overflowing, and we were informed that many were compelled to leave the doors, not being able to gain admittance. It is estimated that more than 1200 were present. Mr. Wm. Harper did much towards the meeting. He is a ship owner, but will not employ his vessels in any way that will promote slavery. The venerable Dr. Winterbottom could not attend the meeting, but sent word that "he had a black man's heart"--the precise language used by the venerated friend of the oppressed, Gerrit Smith Esq.&#13;
&#13;
18th. Attended a private meeting at 11 o'clock, at the Wesleyan chapel, and formed a large and influential Association. At 3 P. M. joined a "Tea Party" at Rev. Mr. Pottenger's Baptist chapel, in Tuthill near New Castle. It was an Anti-Slavery gathering--and all the delicacies were fre labor of course. The meeting was in every way cheering and grateful to the hearts of the friends of the cause.&#13;
19th. Spent a part of the day with Jonathan Priestman, an esteemed minister of the Friends' in New Castle. In the evening attended a Free Labor Tea Party, kindly given me by the Wesleyan ladies at the Blenheim street chapel; a large number of gentlemen and ladies were present. The meeting was in every way delightful. Several speeches were made after the tables were cleared.&#13;
20th. An enthusiastic meeting at North Shields. The Mayor, Capt. Linskill, took the chair, and made a warm and able speech, approving the measure. Dr. Pennington joined me here and took part in a meeting.&#13;
27th. Met a private gathering in Gateshead, at the house of Mr. Brady to form a Free Labor Association. Several high-minded and influential persons were present.&#13;
30th. At 7 o'clock, went to our meeting at Smyrna chapel in Sunderland, and found the house filled, and scores standing around the doors. We entered, and were welcomed by a hearty greeting. The Union chapel some hundred rods distant was opened to receive the surplus congregation, and it was soon filled. Both Dr. Pennington and myself spoke in each meeting. We never saw more enthusiastic meetings. The next mornign a large Association was formed. &#13;
Oct. 1. Attended the second meeting at South Shields, which was even larger than the first. The Wesleyan chapel was kindly opened. The meeting was full to overflowing.&#13;
2d. Went to Hartlepool, and found the friends not expecting a good meeting, but was agreeably disappointed. Next morning a good Association was formed.&#13;
3d. Held a meeting at Friends' meeting house at Stockton. The house though large was crowded. There we also formed an Asosciation.&#13;
4th. Spoke at Middlesburgh in the Town Hall. The house could not hold the people who desired to hear. The next day we saw a good society started.&#13;
8th. We reached the beautiful town of Darlington. The place has several of the most "stately homes of England." The residences of several "Friends" are lovely beyond description. I would mention those of the Peases and Backhouses. We had a warm and cordial reception, and really our hearts were cheered to see those whose opulence and distinguished names give them so much influence joining in this infant Reformation with such spirit. Our meeting was held in the Central Hall, which was quite full. An association was formed the next day.&#13;
10th. Attended another meeting at Blagdon, which was not a whit behind the others for interest.&#13;
In most of these meetings at which associations were formed, we were aided by our friend A.H. Richardson. The demand for free labor articles is increased daily. Help us, dear friends in America, to satisfy that demand.&#13;
H.H. GARNET</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>11.1850</text>
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                <text>The Rev.S.R. Ward delivered an interesting Anti-Slavery Lecture at the Castle Inn, Woodford, Essex, on Friday the 21st July ult., Stephen Bourne, Esq., late Stipendiary Magistrate in Jamaica and British Guiana, presiding. The meeting was numerously and respectably attended, and much sympathy was excited by the appeals of Mr. Ward. The object of the meeting was to promote the formation of a local Anti-Slavery Society, to co-operate with the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Ladies' Free-labour Association&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;at Walthamstow, the members of which are working single-handed, and would be glad of a little assistance from the gentlemen of the immediate neighbourhood.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Ward gave especial prominence to the fact that those who consume slave-labour produce are parties thus far to keeping up Slavery: and enjoined those who professed anti-slavery sentiments to act consistently, by abstaining, as far as lies in their power, from consuming articles the product of slave-labour. He also showed how, by developing the resources of our East and West-India Colonies, and by promoting the cultivation of cotton there, in Africa, Australia and elsewhere, and thus augmenting the supply of free-labour staples, slave-holders would eventually be thrust out of the markets of the world by the more sucessful enterprises of free-labour.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Chamerovizow, Secretary of the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;also addressed the meeting. He pointed out in what manner the system of slavery reacted on the people of this country, as, to wit, in the case of the law relating to coloured seamen, and indicated the course which the American church has observed in abstaining from taking action against slaveholders. He also referred to the various instrumentalities that might be employed, to break down the system, amongst which, he stated that the religious bodies in this country might become the most powerful, by remonstrating with their American co-religionists who either uphold slave-holding or do not speak against it, and by refusing to receive such into church-fellowship. This course, he observed, would awaken a sentiment in the American churches against Slavery, which it was to be regretted does not exist.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Provincial Freeman&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>9.23.1854</text>
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                <text>Chittenango Falls, Dec. 20. 1849</text>
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                <text>Letter from A.W. Nourse to Samuel Ringgold Ward on free labor</text>
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                <text>BRO. WARD,--I have long been convinced that it is inconsistent for me to pray, and talk, and vote against slavery, and then bolster up that diabolical system, by purchasing and consuming the products of slave labor. It is one of the plainest of all plain questions, that if the slaveholder could find no market for his plunder, he would be glad to let the oppressed go free. Who then are responsible for the existence and extension of slavery, if those who purchase and use this worse than stolen property are not? I have been pained and almost vexed at the course abolitionists take on this question; while they profess abundance of sympathy for the poor, suffering, bleeding slave,--while they denounce the slaveholder and his abettors in no measured terms; they themselves will use those very articles to produce which the slave suffers and bleeds; and the oppressors arm is strengthened to ply the gory lash.&#13;
&#13;
Among the arguments used in favor of consuming the products of slave labor, are, that those articles are more easily and cheaply obtained; that the products of free labor cost too much, that they are difficult to be got hold of. Now to me it looks as though every pound of cotton produced by slav labor, costs more than all the gold in California could pay for, if the whole territory were a solid mass;--it costs no less than the price of blood.&#13;
&#13;
But to discuss this question is not the chief object of this communication. I wish to inquire of you or some of your correspondents, where and how, those who despise the "gain of oppression," can obtain the products of free labor. Could not a free labor store be established in Syracuse.&#13;
&#13;
Yours, &amp;c.,&#13;
A.W. NOURSE&#13;
This subject deserves attention. Our opinion is that a pedlar of free labor goods, might supply a great many families.--ED IM. CIT&#13;
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                <text>1.2.1850</text>
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                <text>We call the attention of the friends of the free labor movement to the following letter from a gentleman in Boston to Benjamin Coates Esq., of Philadelphia, who kindly furnished us with a copy:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;BOSTON, August 8, 1859.&lt;br /&gt;"BENJ. COATES, ESQ.--&lt;em&gt;Dear Sir:&lt;/em&gt;--Having read your pamphlet upon African Cotton, I think you may be interested to know that I have imported about 4000 pounds from Liverpool, through the agency of Mr. Thomas Clegg, and am now causing it to be spun and woven at a mill under my charge. I shall have the pleasure of soon sending you a small sample of the cotton, and the cloth woven. I write now, as I think it possible you may wish to order some of the cloth, which I shall sell at our regular price; it will be a good honest sheeting of No. 24 yarn. I have tried this experiment in order to substantiate statements regarding cotton, and in the hope of turning the attention of some of our anti-slavery merchants that way.&lt;br /&gt;"Yours very truly, EDWARD ATKINSON."</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Weekly Anglo-African&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>8.27.1859</text>
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                <text>How Free Labor Pays</text>
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                <text>A planter of the Parish of Iberville, La., has addressed the following communication to the Freedmen's Aid Association of New Orleans: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I am a planter of twelve years' experience; this year I am working twelve hands, six men and six women; my laborers are to get one-fourth of the net proceeds of the crops. They have a full understanding of the interest in the said crops. Our contract was made on the 1st of February last, and the results so far is a complete success; we have to-day 85 arpents of corn, all in perfect condition. I don't mention the vegetable crops. Under the old system ten arpents to the and was considered a fair result, and more than three-fourths of the plantations failed to come to that standard. My laborers are all good people behaving well, having good common sense; they are honest and true to their family. Besides the crop in common, they have raised for their private account small crops of corn and vegetables; they have poultry, etc., of their own. Not a single difficulty has occurred among them since they have agreed to work on my farm." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thus, says the Pittsburg&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Dispatch&lt;/em&gt;, is the whole labor problem solved. Deal justly, give the freedmen some interest in their work, and there will be no trouble. In this case fifty per cent more of ground is cultivated under the old system, and the probability is that the planter will make that per cent more. It is probably best to "peg away" at the old slaveholders till they conclude to deal justly, and thus "fight it out on the line." It is nothing but sheer ugliness on their part that causes all the trouble and inflicts all the distress upon the freedmen.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Elevator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.27.1865</text>
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                <text>Henry Highland Garnet delivers an address </text>
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                <text>A crowded meeting of the friends of the Society was held at the Music Hall on Thursday evening, to hear an address from the Rev. H. H. Garnet, a coloured minister from the United States. The Rev. Dr. Marsh occupied the chair, there being also upon the platform, Capt. Beville, G. Rawson, Esq., the Rev. Dr. Wright, Rev. Dr. Young, the Revds. A. Pope, O. Winslow, &amp;c., &amp;c. Dr. Young opened the proceedings by prayer. The Rev. H. H. Garnet, who spoke English with great fluency, then delivered an eloquent address, in which he said there were three millions of slaves in the United States, three millions more in Brazil, and about one million in the West India islands; but the slavery of the United States was the most cruel, and the greatest efforts were mad to give it a long life. He proceeded to sketch the main features of the system, especially viewing it in connexion with the religion of the country. He stated the various sects who held slaves, and the numbers they held; and dwelt at some length upon the enormities of the Fugitive Slave Law, illustrating its working in an interesting and powerful manner. Being a retrospective law, it would, he said, enable a slave-owner to claim an escaped slave, no matter how many years his claim might have been waived; and the owner could also claim the children and grandchildren of this slave, as well as any property they might have acquired. The number of slaves escaped into the Northern States, and consequently subject to the operation of this law, was about 70,000. He thanked God that 50,000 or 60.000 more, who were safe in Canada, could not be touched. The consequences of the Bill was that slaves were flocking in large numbers over in Canada in order to escape re-capture. After demonstrating the unhappy influence exercised on the slave system by the purchase in England of slave produce, which purchase, in fact, only rendered the slave owner the agent of the purchaser, Mr. Garnet concluded his speech by urging the audience to purchase and use only the products of free labour. The meeting was subsequently addressed by the Rev. O. Winslow (who said that having been in America he could substantiate the truth of what had been advanced by Mr. Garnet), the Rev. A. Pope, and Dr. Marsh; each speaker calling upon the meeting to carry out its practical object, namely, not to purchase other articles than those produced by free labour. The Doxology having been sung, the large assembly dispersed shortly after ten o'clock.</text>
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                <text>3.13.1851</text>
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                <text>The Yankee Cotton-Spinner in a Fix. Free Labour Question in America.</text>
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                <text>"I THINK that the Free Labour Question will come before the people of this country in a short time. The Slave States are fast erecting various kinds of manufacturing establishments, but more particularly for the manufacture of cotton goods. This will cause both capitalist and labourers of the Free States to take the side of Free Labour. The slave-holders have already in operation, in the Slave States, a number of establishments. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"In one, they have three hundred women at work. It costs but about twenty-five dollars per year to take care of a slave. They say that they can manufacture cotton goods twenty per cent cheaper at the South, than the free manufacturers of the North. If so, then the Northern manufacturers must stop, or try to keep slave-manufactured goods out of the market. I think the latter will be the case. The question of the impropriety of using slave produce is being discussed in this country in several of our papers. The Pennsylvania Freeman takes, I think, a good stand upon the question."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--&lt;em&gt;Letter from William W. Brown, dated Philadelphia, December&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;30, 1848.</text>
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                <text>William Wells Brown</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Monthly Illustrations of American Slavery&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>2.29.1849</text>
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                <text>American Slavery - The Free Labour Movement</text>
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                <text>Description of Henry Highland Garnet's visit to England and lecture on free produce</text>
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                <text>It is already known to our readers -- for we have repeatedly brought the fact under their consideration -- that a movement is on foot in this country to undermine the institution of American slavery, by withdrawing, as far as may be, its foundation and support -- the consumption of its products -- its cotton, and sugar, and race -- raised by the enforced and unrequited toil of the negro. With this view tracts have been circulated making known to housekeepers what countries and colonies produce their goods by slave labour, and what by free labour -- that, in making their purchases, they may choose the free in preference to the slave -- may prefer, for instance, the sugars and coffees of the British West Indies to those of Cuba or the Brazils, the rice of Patras or Java to that of Carolina, the cocoa of Trinidad or Grenada to that of Brazil. But the friends of the free-labour movement have chiefly endeavoured to promote the cultivation and supply of cotton by voluntary and remunerated industry, as the most effectual means of competing with the American slaveholder, and wounding him to the quick. There are great difficulties in the way of this enterprise; but they are not insurmountable, and already some wholesale mercantile houses have placed themselves in a condition to supply free-labour goods to retail tradesmen. Moist sugar, coffee, and rice, the produce of voluntary labour, may be obtained from any wholesale house; loaf sugar, from Stantin &amp; Fry, London; prints for ladies' dresses, Crewdson's fine shirtings, Morris's white and grey calicoes, coloured glazed linings, sewing cottons, tapes, &amp;c., from J.F. Browne &amp; Co., Manchester; white and grey calicoes, knitting cottons, &amp;c., from Barrow &amp; Satterthwaite, Lancaster; hosiery, from J. &amp; R. Morley, Wood-street, Cheapside, London; Strutt's three-thread knitting cottons, from Burtenshaw &amp; Gaude, London. In Newcastle, Richardson &amp; Coxon and Mr. Charles Bragg, and in Gateshead Mr. F. Clark, drapers, keep free-labour goods; and other tradesmen will doubtless also procure them -- and the more readily if their fair customers ask for them.&#13;
&#13;
To induce our countrywomen on whom the success of this movement mainly (we might say altogether) depends, to make this request -- to desire the shopkeeper to serve them with goods that have been freely procured for market wages, in preference to those the slaveholder has raised by the labour of his bondsmen -- not only, as we have already stated, has the press been set in motion, but MR. HIGHLAND GARNET, a coloured gentleman, of pure African descent, born in slavery, but now happily emancipated, has been induced to visit this country, and appeal from the platform for sympathy and support. His arrival in this country was announced in a previous number of the Gateshead Observer, and we have not to report his first appearance before a public meeting. This was held on Monday evening, the 16th inst., in the Weslyan school-room, Gateshead--the most spacious apartment in the borough, yet crowded from end to end. A hymn had been sung, prayer was offered up by the Rev. Mr. RATTRAY, of Swalwell, and the Rev. T.K. ANDERSON, Presbyterian minister, was called upon to take the chair.&#13;
&#13;
Mr. GARNET was most kindly and cordially received when he rose to address the meeting. After a few words of introduction, he stated that he appeared before an English audience on behalf of an oppressed and injured race on the continents of America and Africa, and of countless numbers on the islands of the ocean, who lifted up their fettered hands to Heaven, and prayed for liberty. He was there as their advocate, not only because he was of the same race, every drop of blood in his veins being African; but also because he was a man. (Applause.) Mr. Garnet read a letter -- one of the last letters ever written by John Wesley -- which was on the subject of slavery, and was addressed to William Wilberforce, animating him to renewed zeal and courage in his philanthropic enterprise, and stigmatizing American as the worst form of slavery which had ever existed under the sun. The institution thus justly described by Mr. Wesley had now three millions of victims; or, in other words, there were as many human beings held in bondage in the United States as there were inhabitants -- men, women, and children -- in all Scotland. (Sensation.) And the physical horrors of slavery -- on which it was not his intention to dwell -- were not its worst and most appalling consequences. Its moral effects were still more fearful and lamentable. Yet of these the slaveholder was accustomed to make his boast. When he had blotted out from his victim the natural, inborn love of liberty; when he had extinguished within him all those high and holy aspirations and affections which gave dignity to human nature; then, with his foot upon the neck of his prostrate slave, he exulted in his work, and proudly proclaimed that the crouching and abject serf was -- CONTENT! (Hear, hear.) But, as a class, they were not content. If they were, how came it that thousands of them fled the house of bondage? The slaveholder bitterly complained of the loss of his property--he was angry that they sought and found an asylum in Canada -- that, flying from the shadow of the Republic, they took refuge under the shelter of the English Monarchy. (Applause.) But what would have become of the United States, if the forty thousand negroes now in Canada had ben retained in bonds? Canada, in fact, was the safety valve of American Slavery -- the protection of the Republic from a destructive explosion. Thither it was that the aspiring negro, whose resolve was liberty or death, directed his fugitive feet; and woe to the United States if no such asylum existed for the mounting and untameable spirits of his (Mr. Garnet's) race! (Applause.) Virginia and Maryland, Mr. Garnet stated, were states whose chief exports were slaves; and the average duration of an exported negro's life did not exceed from five to seven years. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Garnet exhibited one of the whips wielded by the drivers-- a whip, he said, which had frequently been used in lashing men and women. He also produced the chains imposed upon the necks and limbs of the slaves. But, he said, for these he was indebted, not to America, but to England. Yes! Birmingham was the place in which the shackles were forged which the manstealer placed upon his prey. (Sensation.) But let the forgers beware! Lord Brougham, in. 1840, obtained a law which made it felony to aid and abet the Slave Trade; and the men who made these chains, and who were well known, might be transported. (Applause.) While America built the fleetest vessels in the world -- the Baltimore clippers -- to waft the poor negro from slavery, Portugal and Spain supplied the crews, and England wove the fabrics that were given in exchange for the captive African, and forged his chains. (Hear, hear.) A rude song, said to be the composition of a slave, was frequently sung in the United States on the occasion of processions of the captured gangs. He (Mr. Garnet) had no pretensions to be considered a vocalist, but h would sing the words:--&#13;
&#13;
See these poor souls from Africa&#13;
Transported to America.&#13;
We are stolen, and sold to Georgia:&#13;
Will you go along with me?&#13;
We are stolen, and sold to Georgia:&#13;
Come sound the jubilee!&#13;
&#13;
See wives and husbands sold apart:&#13;
Their children's screams will break my heart.&#13;
There's a better day a-coming:&#13;
Will you go along with me:&#13;
There's a better day a-coming:&#13;
Go sound the jubilee!&#13;
&#13;
O, gracious Lord! when shall it be&#13;
That we poor souls shall all be free?&#13;
Lord, break them slavery powers:&#13;
Will you go along with me?&#13;
Lord, break them slavery powers:&#13;
Go sound the jubilee!&#13;
&#13;
Dear Lord! dear Lord! when slavery'll cease,&#13;
Then we poor souls will have our peace.&#13;
There's a better day a-coming:&#13;
Will you go along with me?&#13;
There's a better day a-coming:&#13;
Go sound the jubilee!&#13;
&#13;
(These simple lines, set to a plaintive air, produced a marked impression on the meeting.) Mr. Garnet proceeded to say, that the only way in which Britain could, legitimately assist in the emancipation of the American slave, was by argument; and the most powerful argument would be the discontinuance, as far as possible, of the consumption of slave-labour products. A former generation gave up, for the sake of the negro, the use of slave-grown sugar; and this was done when free labour sugar was not to be had. A less sacrifice was now demanded of the British public. It was simply asked of them to prefer free-labour to slave-labour sugar, coffee, cotton, rice, &amp;c. This he believed they would many of them do. He had been encouraged at Frankfort, while visiting that city as a delegate to the Peace Congress, by the request of the chief magistrate that an anti-slavery meeting should be held. This suggestion was carried out, and it was resolved that free-labour stores should be established in Germany. Mr. Garnet exhibited cottons and cotton prints the products of free labour, now on sale in Newcastle, Gateshead, and elsewhere. There were British colonies, he said, which could produce cotton with even more advantage than the United States; and he trusted that every encouragement would be given by Britons to this branch of British industry. (Applause.) Mr. G., of whose address we give but a bare outline, resumed his seat amidst loud cheers, -- We find that we have omitted to allude to one of the dark features of American slavery, presented by Mr. Garnet the law by which the negro child is bound to follow the fortunes, not of its father, but of its mother. If the mother was born free, so was the child. The motives of the lawmaker was obvious. If, the father being free, the child was free also, the licentious slaveholder would lose much "property." It was therefore decreed that the child must be a slave, if its mother was a slave; and hence there were many men and women in bondage who were as fair as any of the ladies and gentlemen whom he had the honour of addressing. In illustration of this portion of his lecture, Mr. Garnet exhibited several daguerrotype portraits of fugitive slave-girls, "guiltless of a skin not coloured like our own;" yet all the Saxon blood that circles in their vein does not atone, in the eye of the American, for the slight remaining taint of the African.&#13;
&#13;
At the close of the meeting, a collection was made in aid of its object; and thanks having been voted to Mr. Anderson, and to the trustees for the use of the room, a benediction was pronounced and the proceedings closed.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Anti-Slavery Reporter&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.01.1850</text>
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                <text>On Free Produce</text>
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                <text>Frances Ellen Watkins Harper describing how Solomon Northrup's narrative led her to "embrace the Free Labor doctrine most thoroughly"</text>
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                <text>Having read the narrative of Solomon Northrup (12 years a slave), she was led to embrace the Free Labor doctrine most thoroughly; and in a letter dated at Temple, Maine, Oct. 20, 1854, after expressing the interest she took in the annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society of that state, she [Frances Harper] remarked: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I spoke on Free Produce, and now by the way I believe in that kind of Abolition. Oh, it does seem to strike at one of the principal roots of the matter. I have commenced since I read Solomon Northrup. Oh, if Mrs. Stowe has clothed American slavery in the graceful garb of fiction, Solomon Northrup comes up from the dark habitation of Southern cruelty where slavery fattens and feasts on human blood with such mournful revelations that one might almost wish for the sake of humanity that the tales of horror which he reveals were not so. Oh, how can we pamper our appetites upon luxuries drawn from reluctant fingers? Oh, could slavery exist long if it did not sit on a commercial throne? I have read somewhere, if I remember aright, of a Hindoo being loth to cut a tree because being a believer in the transmigration of souls, he thought the soul of his father had passed into it ... Oh, friend, beneath the most delicate preparations of the cane can you not see the stinging lash and clotted whip? I have reason to be thankful that I am able to give a little more for a Free Labor dress, if it is coarser. I can thank God that upon its warp and woof I see no stain of blood and tears; that to procure a little finer muslin for my limbs no crushed and broken heart went out in sighs, and that from the field where it was raised went up no wild and startling cry unto the throne of God to witness there in language deep and strong, that in demanding that cotton I was nerving oppression's hand for deeds of guilt and crime. If the liberation of the slave demanded it, I could consent to part with a portion of the blood from my own veins if that would do him any good.”</text>
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                <text>Frances Ellen Watkins Harper</text>
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                <text>William Still,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Underground Railroad&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;(1872) in A Brighter Coming Day, 44-45</text>
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