15 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Advertisements Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource L.B. & WM. H. Allen. (Advertisement) Description An account of the resource THE CHEAPEST Tea, Sugar , and Coffee Store west of the Bowery at No. 293 Spring Street, between Greenwich and Washington Streets, on the right hand side leading to the river. The subscribers would inform their colored friends, that they have removed their Store from 141 Centre Street to the above place, and keep constantly on hand an assortment of FREE LABOR SUGAR , Teas, Coffee, Spices, &c. and will dispose of them at LOWER RATES that can be purchased at any other place. Boarding House Keepers and heads of families are invited to call and examine our goods before purchasing elsewhere. Goods sent to any part of the city free of expense. L.B. & WM. H. ALLEN, 293 SPRING St. 293 right hand side leading to the river. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Colored American Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.13.1839 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Advertisements Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource L.H. Nelson (Advertisement) Description An account of the resource L.H. NELSON, Grocer and Tea Dealer, No. 53 Anthony Street, N. York. GOODS free from slave labour. Keeps constantly on hand a general assortment of good groceries , which he offers to his friends and the public on accommodating terms. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Weekly Advocate Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.14.1837 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Anti-Slavery Fair. Description An account of the resource LADIES' ANTI-SLAVERY FAIR. We anticipate a thronged attendance at this Fair on Wednesday and Thursday of next week. Free Labor and Liberty have wrought a multitude of beautiful, useful and ornamental articles, to be offered for sale on the occasion, and the Genius of Philanthropy is to regulate the proceedings. The gifts forwarded from England and Scotland are exceedingly elegant and valuable, and cannot fail to attract much attention. The place for holding the Fair is very central--see advertisement. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.15.1837 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Department: Constitution of the Female Anti-Slavery Society of Philadelphia. Description An account of the resource LADIES' DEPARTMENT. (For the Liberator.) CONSTITUTION OF THE FEMALE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF PHILADELPHIA. ADOPTED 12th mo. 14th, 1833. Whereas more than two millions of our fellow creatures of these United States are held in abject bondage; and whereas we believe slavery, and the prejudice against color, are contrary to the laws of God, and to the principles of our far famed Declaration of Independence; and recognizing the right of the slave to immediate emancipation:—We deem it our duty, as professing <xsl-text></xsl-text>Christians<xsl-text></xsl-text>, to manifest our abhorrence of the flagrant injustice and deep sin of slavery, by united and vigorous exertions for its speedy removal, and for the restoration of the people of color, to their inalienable rights. For this purpose, we, the undersigned, agree to associate ourselves, under the name of 'The Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society,' to be governed by the following rules: ARTICLE 1. The object of the Society shall be to collect and disseminate correct information of the character of slavery, the actual condition of the slaves and of the free people of color; for the purpose of inducing the community generally, and our sisters particularly, to unite in removing this foul stain from our boasted land of liberty, and to adopt such measures as may be in our power, to dispel the prejudice against the people of color, to improve their condition, and to bring about the speedy abolition of Slavery. ART. 2. Any female uniting in these views, and contributing to the funds, shall be a member of the Society. ART. 3. The management of the concerns of the Society, and the disposition of the funds, shall be entrusted to a Presiding Officer, a Recording Secretary, a Corresponding Secretary a Treasurer, and Librarian, who, together with six other members, shall constitute a Board of Managers, whose duty it shall be, to consider and adopt the means best calculated to promote the objects in view, and report the same to the Society at each stated meeting. They shall have power to fill any vacancy that may occur in their board until the next stated meeting. ART. 4. The Recording Secretary shall keep a record of the transactions of the Society, and notify all meetings of the Society, and of the Board of Managers. ART. 5. The Corresponding Secretary shall keep all communications directed to the Society, and manage all the correspondence with any other bodies or individuals, according to the directions of the Society, or of the Managers. ART. 6. The Treasurer shall collect the subscriptions and grants to the Society, make payments according to its directions and those of the Managers, and present an accurate account of the funds at each annual meeting. ART. 7. The Librarian shall take charge of all books and pamphlets, belonging to the Society, and conform to the rules and regulations, prescribed by the Society for the management of the Library. ART. 8. The Managers shall meet once a month, or oftener if necessary, on a day fixed by themselves, and stated meetings of the Society shall be held quarterly on the 2d day in the 1st, 4th, 7th, and 10th months. The officers shall be elected annually in the 1st month. ART. 9. It is especially recommended, that the members of this Society should at all times, and on all occasions, give the preference to free produce to that of slaves—believing, that the refusal to purchase and use the products of slave-labor is one of the most efficient means of abolishing slavery. OFFICERS FOR THE ENSUING YEAR. ESTHER MOORE, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Presiding Officer<xsl-text></xsl-text>, LUCRETIA MOTT, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Corresponding Secretary<xsl-text></xsl-text>. MARGARET FORTEN, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Recording Sec.<xsl-text></xsl-text> ANN BUNTING, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Treasurer<xsl-text></xsl-text>. LYDIA WHITE, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Librarian<xsl-text></xsl-text>. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.19.1834 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Department. DIALOGUE. No. II Description An account of the resource LADIES' DEPARTMENT. For the Liberator. <xsl-text></xsl-text>DIALOGUE. No. II. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Ella. <xsl-text></xsl-text>It would have reflected greater creditors Pennsylvania, if, instead of countenancing a bill introduced into the State Legislature, for the removal of free persons of color, a liberal appropriation had been made for procuring raw cotton, cultivated by freemen; and establishing a manufactory for that description of cotton, to the exclusion of all other;—also for the offering of premiums for free rice, sugar, &c.; this would have been going forward and foremost, as Pennsylvania always should. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Anna. <xsl-text></xsl-text>How patriotic! Surely the forests of Pennsylvania must be congenial to the growth of female lawgivers. As for the appropriation, men may settle that; I meddle not with legislation; but seriously, does Ella really think, that her self-denial will effect the emancipation of one slave? will cause less sugar to be made, less cotton and rice grown? I admit, that if the whole United States were to adopt the plan, some good might be done; but what beneficial effect can be produced by the efforts of a few in Philadelphia, in Chester County, and New-York, is I confess beyond my comprehension. <xsl-text></xsl-text>E. <xsl-text></xsl-text>I am in a mood too serious, Anna, to feel sarcasm, much less return it. Were I possessed of the positive knowledge that my abstinence would not cause the least diminution is the toil of the slave, nor hasten his liberation; that would not justify me in evil doing. If slavery in the abstract is wrong, (and that we none deny,) it is certainly wrong in any way to countenance, or support the system. Which of us would tell the drunkard that ardent spirits will debase his mind, and destroy his constitution, but his becoming temperate cannot cause the distillation of one gallon less of spirits, and therefore, unless the whole community would at once refrain from using it, he may as well indulge his love of strong drink; the one that would hold such language to a drunkard, may with impunity advance similar to an abolitionist:—every thing must have a commencement my dear Anna, look back only a few years when abstinence was counted a strange thing, when a proposition to have formed a 'Free Produce Society' would have been regarded as the fantasy of a disordered imagination. We do not know but that the little leaven hid in Philadelphia, may continue to increase, until public opinion be completely revolutionized, and not a defendant of the atrocious system be found in the Union. <xsl-text></xsl-text>A. <xsl-text></xsl-text>I should rejoice at the annihilation of slavery, provided the lives of the white inhabitants might not he endangered thereby—but if the slaves ever are emancipated it must be through legislative interference, and that should not concern us, as the enactment of laws belong only to men. I would not endeavor to dissuade my friend from attending to apprehended duty, but would have her guard against cherishing an enthusiastic zeal that may cause her to forget the sphere in which we move, is circumscribed, 'Or deviate from the course decreed, That woman should pursue.' <xsl-text></xsl-text>M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>On my brother's plantation I know the slaves are better off than the free colored population of this state. The life of a slave is not so wretched, his wants are provided for, and he is contented. <xsl-text></xsl-text>E. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Oh! Mary, say not so! tell me not that a man deprived of his liberty can be contented, can be other than miserably wretched. I doubt not but G----- uses his slaves more humanely than many Virginia planters, but while he refuses to restore to them their just rights, (excuse me Mary,) he stands on a level with W-----k the notorious dealer in live stock in a neighboring city. And while we contend for the manumission of the slave, we forget not that the free man of color is disfranchised of his right as an American citizen, without even the imputation of a fault. Thanks, Anna, for the caution,—far from me be fanaticism, but further still, a callous indifference to the misery that surrounds me, to scenes of woe, though distant, always near. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Elizabeth. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Though silent, I have not been inattentive to your conversation; it is therefore with reluctance that I interrupt by reminding you of the hour, perhaps I may have the pleasure of meeting you again. BERA. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.15.1832 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bera Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Repository. Philanthropic and Literary. PRINCIPALLY CONDUCTED BY A LADY. Description An account of the resource ON THE USE OF FREE PRODUCE. This is a subject to which we have already frequently adverted, yet convinced as we are of the utility of that method of opposition to slavery, we believe we cannot err in again placing it before the attention of our readers. The use of Free Produce, though it has become much more general than formerly, is still far too limited. In very many sections of our country, none except the slave cultivated articles can be procured, though many persons in such places would undoubtedly give the preference to those of a contrary character, if they could be readily obtained. This is certainly to be regretted; yet where there is sincerity and steadiness of purpose we believe that difficulties of this kind may be generally, at least in some measure, overcome. If in every neighborhood those families who are friendly to the use of free produce would unite in requesting their storekeeper to procure for them the desired articles, we should suppose self-interest, if no better motive, would induce him to oblige them. Where this arrangement cannot be made, and no other method can be fallen upon, we would earnestly advise the friends of our cause, to provide themselves with no supplies in advance, and to carefully avoid the use of superfluous articles. But, again we repeat, a little exertion is often all that is necessary to obtain the wished for object. To such of our sex as voluntarily give the preference to the products of slave labor, we would offer a word of serious expostulation on the inconsistency of their conduct. They would doubtlessly deny any wish to perpetuate the present condition of the slaves; nay, they will probably assert that their warmest wishes are engaged in behalf of abolition, and that the most active friends of that cause do not exceed themselves, in detestation of slavery. How illy do such protestations accord with their conduct. They abhor the system of oppression, and yet contribute their money to pay the slaveholder for maintaining it! They commisserate the slave, but instead of endeavoring to afford him relief, their whole assistance is given to those who retain him in bondage! They would probably advance many arguments in their justification, but unfortunately the slaveholder makes use of equally strong, and not unfrequently the very same, reasonings in favor of his conduct. And though we would not judge harshly, and are willing to make all due allowances for the effects of education and custom, we believe that both of them are actuated by the same principle of self-interest, though perhaps under different modifications. We entreat them to review more carefully the ground on which they are standing; to reflect on the strange impropriety of the course they are pursuing. How can they reconcile it to themselves that they, christian mothers and wives and daughters, with all the kind and gentle sympathies of woman's nature playing about their hearts, should be accessaries in supporting one of the most heinous systems of oppression ever known in the world? If an entire abstinence from the products of slave-labor is considered impracticable, certainly they ought to make use of them only when it is entirely out of their power to procure those of the other class. And surely this cannot be too much to ask of any one, in support of such a cause as the overthrow of inhumanity and relief of wretchedness. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Unattributed Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 2:8, p. 131 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource January 1832 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Repository. Philanthropic and Literary. THIS DEPARTMENT IS PRINCIPALLY SUPERINTENDED BY A LADY. Description An account of the resource LADIES' FREE PRODUCE SOCIETY. We have received the November report of this society, and have now the pleasure of presenting it to our readers. We feel particular gratification in noticing the proceedings and increasing usefulness of this society, because it is a proof of how much may be effected by small means, if people wil but make the commencing effort. The first few individuals by whom this association was established, did not reason nicely on practicabilities or inconveniences--they did not coldly pity the slave, yet continue to revel in all the luxuries extracted by his sufferings, nor delay all active exertions in his favor because there was no probability of their effecting important results:--but they felt that slavery was a national and an individual crime, and they came at once to offer a sacrifice of atonement upon the altar of justice, that the stain of blood-guiltiness might be removed far from them. This faithfulness to their duty has so prospered, that they have been able to procure almost all necessary articles "uncontaminated by the taint of slavery." When will more of our sex do after this manner? Have their hearts become hard--have they lost the compassionateness of their natures, that the cry of the miserable is so strangely unattended to--or responded only by the voice of inactive lamentation? REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF "THE FEMALE ASSOCIATION OF PHILADELPHIA FOR PROMOTING THE MANUFACTURE AND USE OF FREE COTTON." In conformity with the object of their appointment, the committee have kept in view the various concerns of the association. The knitting and sewing cotton, mentioned in our last report, is now complete and for sale at John Townsend's, No. 94, Fifth above Cherry-street, where either can be had in large or small quantities to suit purchasers. We have contracted with a weaver to have a few pieces of muslin made of the cotton yarn on hand. In our last report we stated that we had contracted with a person to manufacture some into laps or batting for quilts and wadding. 170 lbs of laps and 57 lbs of wadding have come to hand. The laps we have disposed of, at cost, to James Pierce, grocer, cormer of Noble and Third streets,--who has engaged to [?] them at a small advance, And although the price will be something more than the price of a similar article made of slave cotton, it must be remembered that this is more substantial; being manufactured from clean, cotton, while the other is generally made of the fly-off or waste cotton. We have also sent information to different parts of the country that these articles can be obtained, and where they are deposited. The committee consider it a duty incumbent upon them to encourage our members, and others, as way may open, to aid this righteous cause by promoting the use and giving the preference to goods of every description which can be obtained free from slave labor. Fully believing if those who are opposed to slavery would be willing to make this sacrifice, that, (to adopt the language of a late interesting writer on the subject) "small and insignificant as the sacrifice may appear, it would give a death blow to slavery;--for when there is no longer a market for the productions of slave labor--then, and not till then, will the slaves be emancipated." Philadelphia, 11th mo. 9th, 1829. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 4:12, p. 92 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.27.1829 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter from an English Gentleman to Gerrit Smith, Esq. Description An account of the resource Letter from an English Gentleman to Gerrit Smith, Esq. --- GERRIT SMITH: RESPECTED FRIEND: - I feel persuaded that a lengthened apology will not be required of me for this communication. I still feel anxious to observe proper courtesy, while I introduce myself (I hope not for notoriety) and my subject to thy attention. Although not American by birth, I have been long enough in this country, with a large family of children, to believe I am very much American by adoption, though now exclusively so, or I still think I can, without committing an act of treason against my adopted country, entertain the sentiment. "England, with all thy faults, I love thee still," I have for many years believed that my Anti-Slavery principles require me to desist from expending what little patronage I have to bestow upon dealers in slave grown produce, and have labored, in my feeble way, to spread "Free Labor" doctrine. I never supposed myself alone in this sentiment. I now find individuals here and there that have the same views; among these, I reckon my highly esteemed friend, Lewis Tappan, and others. I paid a visit to my friends in England in 1850. When their, I attended several meetings, and took a little part in some, at which Dr. Pennington of New York, was the principal speaker in favor of the free labor movement. I was delighted to find the movement so well approved by many that I conversed with, Joseph Sturge amongst them. Thou knows, probably better than I do, to what extent it is received at the present time in that a country, and the extent of the preparations now making to facilitate its more full development. I learn from good authority that there is ca considerable amount of free grown cotton produced in this country; there certainly is, in this country, too, an increasing demand for it when manufactured, and it seems folly to send it to Manchester to have it converted into clothes, while we have the ills suitable to the work here. I am much inclined to the belief that could the scattered friends of this movement be brought under proper organization, and concentration of their efforts and friends, a large amount of free labor cotton could be procured and the demand increased. Thou knows that individuals, as such, can do but little; that to effect anything of moment, we must have the organization and concentration of our peaceful forces, which may be done, I apprehend, without opening our influence, politically or ecclesiastically. I have been invited to address my neighbors on this subject, which I purpose doing, as soon as I can get the statistical information I am in search of. I can avail myself of the assistance of the "Non-slaveholder," and occasional hints in other newspapers. I am glad to find the "Wesleyan,' is taking up the subject. Fact sand arguments weigh most with some people; with others, the authority of a name is more regarded. J. Wesley Loguen, from Syracuse, has been in this neighborhood, collecting funds of the underground railroad. He informs me that the slaves friend, Gerrit Smith, is a consistent advocate of the Anti-Slavery- enterprise, and assured me I could get his, the approval of our movements, as well as some statistical information of value to us and advised me to write thee, as I now doing. I have seen rice and cotton growing by the aid of free abolitionist in the south eastern counties of Virginia; and, as Napoleon Bonaparte said he could march an army where two men could walk abreast, I cannot see why the little cannot be converted into much, by proper management. Allow me to press upon thy consideration the propriety of our organizing as "The American Free Produce Association;" of holding a Convention during the fall or winter, at some convenient locality. Let us have a demonstration that there is dome "resolution in our resolves," to have no Union with slaveholders, politically, ecclesiastically or commercially. It thou would counsel me in relation to this, I shall esteem in a great favor; and I trust that however feebly I may use it, it will to be productive of harm to any one engaged in a lawful occupation. Waiting thy reply, I am, with high regard, thy friend, HENRY MILES. MONKTON, Vermont, 9th month, 12th, 1853. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.30.1853 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter from Mrs. Stowe Subject The topic of the resource Mention of free produce in letter from Harriet Beecher Stowe to the Ladies' New Anti-Slavery Society of Glasgow Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.20.1854 Description An account of the resource LETTER FROM MRS. STOWE. --- The following letter, received from Mrs. Stowe by the Committee of the Ladies' New Anti-Slavery Society in Glasgow, (Scotland) was read by the Rev. Dr. Robson at a meeting of Committee held in the Religious Institution Rooms, in that city, December 13, 1853. --- TO THE LADIES' NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF GLASGOW. ANDOVER, November 18, 1853. DEAR FRIENDS: - I have had many things on my mind to say to you, which it was my hope to have said personally, but which I am now obliged to say by letter. I have had many fears that you must have thought our intercourse during the short time that I was in Glasgow, quite unsatisfactory. At the time that I accepted you very kind invitation, I was in tolerable health. And supposed that I should be in a situation to enjoy Society and mingle as much in your social circles as you might desire. When the time came for me to fulfill my engagement with you, I was, as you know, confined to my bed with a sickness, brought on by the exertion of getting the Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin through the press during the winter. The labor of preparing that book, simply as an intellectual investigation, was severe; but what a risk of life and health it was for me, no one can appreciate but myself. Nothing could have justified me, with my large family of children , in making such an effort, in the state of health in which I then was, except the deep conviction which I had, and still have, that I was called of God's providence to do it. In every part of the world, the story of Uncle Tom's Cabin had awakened sympathy for the poor American slave, and , consequently in every part of the world, the story of his wrongs had been denied; and it has been asserted that it was a mere work of romance and I was charged with being the slanderer of the Institutions of my own country. I knew that , If I shrank from supporting my position, the sympathy which the work had excited would gradually die out, and the whole thing would be looked upon as a mere romantic excitement of the passions, without any adequate basis of facts. Feeble and reduced as I was, it became absolutely necessary that it should take this opportunity when the attention of the world was awakened, to prove they charges which I had made. Neither could such a work be done slightly, for every statement was to be thrown before bitter and unscrupulous enemies who would do their utmost to break the force of the very thing Writ of Habeas Corpus was said. It was, therefore, necessary that not an assertion should be made without the most rigorous investigations and scrutiny; and, were, as I then was whit the subject, with every nerve sensitive and sore, I was obliged to spend three months in what were to me the most agonizing researches. The remembrance of that winter is to me one of horror. I could not sleep at night, and I had no comfort in the day time. All that consoled me was that it was bearing the same kind of suffering which Christ bore, and still bears, in view of the agonies and distresses of sin in this world. When I came to Scotland, I felt like on out of whom every drop of blood has been drained. If there had been any other way to do, I think I would not have accepted the invitation, but it was absolutely necessary that it should have a change of scene and association , and I did not wish to stay here to read the comments of the press on my labors. I thought that I had had suffering enough without that . With this feeling, I was taken from my sick be on board the ship. I had not the slightest idea of the kind of reception which was to meet me in England and Scotland. I had thought of something involving considerable warmth, perhaps, and a good deal of cordiality and feeling on the part of friends; but of the general extent of feeling through Society, ad of the degree to which it would be publicly expressed, I had, I may say, no conception. I could not keep feeling painfully, while I was with you, how utterly unable I was to return anything in kind, adequate to the very warm feeling which was shown to me. How little I could do ad how little I could say to meet it? I fear that many must have felt disappointed in me, and that my visit must, on the whole have proved and unsatisfactory one to you. This it was my hope in some measure to repair, by making you another visit in the autumn, when my health should be in a set to enable me to receive and return you kind attentions, and to enjoy more of the pleasures of friendly intercourse. This expectation also has by the Providence of God, been disappointed. It only remains from me to supply it as well as I possibly can by letter; and I have delayed thus long writing, because I wished to observe the state of the Anti-Slavery cause in this country, and be able to give you some definite report of it. As your Society were the means of inviting me to you country; it may seem proper that, whatever communications I have to make to friends in England and Scotland, should be made through you. In the first place, then, the question will probably arise in your minds, Has the recent demonstration in Great Britain done good to the Anti-Slavery cause in America? The first result of these demonstrate, all might have been expected, was an intense reaction. Ever kind of false, evil, and malignant report has been circulated by malicious and partisan papers, ad if their is any blessing in having all manner of evil said against one falsely, we have seemed to be in a fair way to come in possession of it. So far as this goes, if simply shows that the testimony was felt. In order to, now whether it did good or evil to the Anti-Slavery cause, it was necessary to inquire not of the enemies but of the friends. I therefore have taken some pains to inquire among leading minds, friendly to the cause, as to their general opinion. My husband, which has watched the course of affairs critically since his return, and my brother, Rev. Henry ward Beecher, who has had extensive opportunities for observation, both consider the results as, Hon. The whole, decidedly good. The same opinion, was expressed to me with equal decision by the Hon. Charles Sumner, by Cassias M. Clay, of Kentucky, by Frederick Douglass, Lewis Tappan, and by others too numerous to mention. I confess this has been a relief and a satisfaction to my own mind; for I am naturally disposed to shrink from public demonstrations, and to question may form of advancing the kingdom of God that cometh with observation. The testimony which England and Scotland took advantage of my response to give, has now become a fixed historical fact, and its effect I trust will in due time become historical. The sanction which was given in this matter to the voice of the people, by the nobility of England and Scotland, has been regarded and treated with special rancor; and yet, in this place, it has been particularly important without it, great advantages would have been taken to deprecate the value of the national testimony. The value of this testimony in particular, will appear from the fact that the Anti-Slavery cause has been treated with especial contempt by the leaders of Society in this country, and every attempt made to brand it with ridicule. The effect of making a cause generally unfashionable is much greater in this world than it ought to be. It operates very powerfully with the young and impressible portion of the community, therefore, Cassias M. Clay very well said, with regard to the demonstration at Stafford House, "It will help our cause, by rendering it fashionable." I may say here that from my intercourse with some members of the aristocracy, I have been led to feel that it was not a mere fashionable caprice, or the passing emotions of an hour, but a deep ad earnest conviction having its root both in religion and humanity. With regard to the present state of the Anti-Slavery cause in America, I think for many reasons, that is has never been more encouraging. And it is encouraging in this respect, that the subject is now fairly up for inquiry before the public mind; and that the systematic effort which has been made for years to prevent its being discussed, is proving wholly ineffectual. I have the best reasons for knowing from different regions in the South, that there is a greater amount of reading and inquiry on the subject, than has ever been known there for years. I could not communicate to you some ver interesting facts which have come to my knowledge, without running the risk of defeating the good thus commenced; for it must be ever borne in mind, that any movement towards the reform of this great abuse, on Southern ground, must at first be a secret one. Some passages, however which I noticed in the Liberator last week, I enclose to you, to show you, the class of casts to which I allude. * * * * * * * * The Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin has sold extensively at the South, following in the wake of Uncle Tom's Cabin. No one fact of statement in its have been disproved, as yet - I have yet to learn of even an attempt toe disprove anything in it. That great numbers of it have been sold and circulated at the South, the publishers accounts must show; that it was not read there with indifference the nature of the work makes sufficiently evident. They are perfectly aware that it is intended to confirm a work with regard to there Institutions, which has gone forth into all the countries of the civilized world, and yet the do not answer it, and the only reason is the feel they cannot! The last number of the North American Review, a periodical which has never been favorable to the discussion of slavery, ah s come out with a review of Uncle Tom's Cabin in Writ of Habeas Corpus, while rating the work very low as a work of art, the y account for its great circulation and success, but he fact of its being a true picture of slavery; and go on to say, that he system is one so inherently abominable that unless the South shall rouse itself, and abolish the principles of chattel ownership, they can no longer sustain themselves under the contempt and indignation of the while civilized world! What is the South to do when this is the best their friends and supporters can say for them? As a consequence of the state of feeling awakened in the South, disclosures are from time to time being made which go powerfully to confirm the statements of the book and the Key; one of these now in press, is the diary of a Physician, who ha been from any years in extensive practice on Southern plantations, being himself a slaveholder. These indications give me hope, that the day is not far off when the South herself will take this matter in hand; and when she does so, we may begin to have rest. I regret to say the movement of the Christian denominations on this subject, are yet greatly behind what they should be. - Some movements have been made by religious bodies, of which I will speak; but, as a general thing, the professed Christian Church is pushed up to this subject by the world, rather than the world urged on by the Church. One religious operations from which I hope much is the American Reform Tract and Book Society. The original American Tract Society, as you aware, declined to publish anything distinctively on the subject of slavery. The Reform Society gives admittance to the subject, as has issued a series of very valuable and efficient tracts, which are circulating with the best possible results. It may be gratifying to you to know the this Society has received id from the Scottish Penny Offering, and that thus by the assistance of Scottish Christians, the silent appeal of live and reason is being made to many consciences and hearts. By the like of the same offering I have been enabled to place a thousand copies of Uncle Tom's Cabin, and a thousand of the Key, in the hands of as many home missionaries. These men are the most devoted soldiers of the Cross which our country contains. Like the Apostles of old, struggling in necessity, poverty and self denial, they are yet unflinching supporters of ever good worked, that of Anti-Slavery among the rest. Their extreme poverty renders them unable to purchase books for themselves; but a better investment of the sauce could not be made than by lodging Anti-Slavery documents in their hands; they will be sure to be efficiently used. I may mention here, father, that tone thousand dollars of the same fund have been appropriated of the support of Miss Miner's school for colored females in our National capitol. Miss Miner has been for many years a heroic and most indefatigable laborer for the colored people at Washington. - She has been gifted by nature with singular talents for this work, and endowed by God's grace with a courage zeal and devotion such as are given to but few. When her school was yet in its infancy, it excited bitter opposition. A man one day called upon her and told her that a mob was organized to destroy her school room, as they were determined that her school should no longer exist. "What good will it do to destroy my school room? Was the reply. "I shall only get another, and go right on." "But" said he, "we will frighten your scholars so that they will note dare to come to you." "No, you will not," she said. "Wherever I dare to go to teach, they will dare to come to learn." The, fixing her eyes very decidedly on the man, she added, "You may tell your associates, that destroying an number of school houses will not stop my school; you cannot stop it, unless you take my life." The man retired and the school room remained unmolested. This school has exerted a great influence on the minds of many slaveholders, who, on visiting it , have been struck with the capabilities under education, of the very people whom they hold in slavery. A more particular account of Miss Miner's school will, ere long, appear in Frederick Douglass Paper , which I commend to your notice and attention. The colored people in this country are rapidly rising, in every respect. I shall request Frederick Douglass to send you the printed account of the recent colored Convention, it would do credit to any set of men whatever, and I hope you will get some notice taken of it in the papers of your United Kingdoms. It is time that the slanders against this unhappy race should be refuted; and it should be seen how, in spite of every social and political oppression, they are rising in the scale of humanity. In my own opinion, they advance quite as fast, taking all their disadvantages into account, as any of the foreign faces which have found an asylum among us. While my husband and myself were in England, our attention was turned very seriously towards the subject of encouraging as far as possible, free labor produce in preference to the produce of slave labor. We has not before attended to the subject, but it struck us very favorably, as suggesting and opening which might, through Divine Providence, be improved to yet wider results. It is generally conceded that God has so made the world, that right doing is, in the long run, always more conducive to profit than wrong doing. Slave labor is as wasteful and unprofitable compared with free labor, as it is immoral. In every branch of labor, where the two come fairly into competition, the free labor invariably runs out the slave labor. Thus it happens that the shoes and the blankets, the tubs, the pals, the axes, and innumerable other necessary articles on Southern plantations, are made by Northern free labor, simply because, being free , it can do the thing better and cheaper than it can be done under the operation of slavery. The immense price of slaves now, renders the stocking of a plantation with slave labor a most exorbitant outlay. At the same time, through the immigration of the Chinese on to our Western shores, a very cheap and industrious free labor population is begin introduced into our country. Coincidentally with this, it is being discovered that cotton of prime quality can be raised in Liberia, in Australia, in the British provinces in India, in all these countries it can be raised as the result of free labor. I our Southern states, there are many small planters, who, either from poverty or principles, cultivate cotton entirely through free labor. An association exists in this country, of some standing who receives this cotton and a large amount of raw material is thus produced by free labor. Movements are now being made to organize manufacturing companies to work this up into the various forms necessary for domestic consumption. Does not this combination of circumstances present the subject of free labor to the Christian philanthropist in a most interesting point of view? If a certain number of planters at the South are laboriously endeavoring to produce cotton by free labor, should not the Christian community encourage them, by giving a preference to what is thus produced over what is grown by slave labor. If the subject of free labor is presenting itself already to planners who are thinking of stocking plantations, will it now much more present itself, should they see that a general demand is riding in the Christian world for free instead of slave produce ? That such thoughts are presenting themselves to the minds of slaveholders, will be made evident from such facts as these, which begin to appear in our public prints: - "SLAVE LABOR vs WHITE LABOR. - We yesterday conversed with a planter from the Northern part of Georgia, who has come on here to engage men to work on his plantation. He has commenced harvesting, and requires additional help; but the enhanced valley of slaves since the abolition agitation places it beyond his ability to purchase a larger supply, and white labor can be employed more economically than that of hired slaves. 0 New York Journal of Commerce. We learn on the authority of the New York Tribune, that "The farm of Cassias M. Clay, who emancipated his slaves some eight years ago, is now yielding him handsome returns, whereas before it used to run him constantly in debt. He has no difficulty in procuring white men as laborers, though he hires a portion of his old slaves. He cuts more hay, has better stock than formerly, and his experiment, which was made under the sot embarrassing circumstances has proved, in every way, eminently successful." I cannot leave this branch of the subject, without relating to you one incident. On board the shop, when I came over from England, was a professed slave trader, and a thoughtless, gay young man, who is a large slaveholder. The grader apparently gloried in his shame and seemed to take delight in relating, within hearing of my bother, scenes in which he had hunted down Negroes with dogs, and otherwise practices upon them the horrors of his trade. The young slaveholder declared some of these things "really too bad." "The fact is," said the young man, "this slavery is a bad thing, and it is bound to come to an end." "It never will come to an end," said the trader, "so long as grass grows, or water runs; it never will come to an end," he added, hesitating, "unless they get something that will do in the place of cotton. So long as all the world must have cotton, So long they will have slaves." Now, if we consider that there are immense tracts of cotton growing land in America not yet taken up - and it is yet to be decided whether this land shall be appropriated to slave of free labor - does not this show a reason why a general movement should be made on the part of the Christians to patronize free labor produce ? The last encouraging symptom which I will mention, in relation to our cause it the progress of the Temperance movement. - This gives me as much hope as an one thing. The great fear that I had was, that he insidious influence of slavery had destroyed the moral tone of the country, so that there was no longer energy, enterprise, or courage to come up to a great and self denying work. But when we see that the state of Maine has enterprise and courage, as a state, to rise up and pass laws excluding intoxicating drunks from her borders, when we see the majority of the population, some of them as real pecuniary sacrifice, united in supporting and enforcing this law; and in consequence of it, the prisons being empties, the dockets of courts almost clear of cases of crime, pauperism, becoming a thing unknown, we cannot but feel encouraged that there is yet a restoring force in our country. It has now become a moral certainty that Maine will never recede from this law. And as long as she holds to it, her example will tell on every part of the Union; and there will be a great moral conflict in every state, until it extends over our whole Union. It is a remarkable fact, that, where ver the Maine Law conflict arises, a just Anti-Slavery sentiment generally goes with it. The two reforms appear to be twin brothers, and the support of the one very naturally leads to the support of the other. When a man's principles of right have been so strengthened, that he will give up a lucrative business from conscientious considerations, he necessarily gains in moral force; and the same principles which he has applied to the rum traffic, apply also to the traffic in slaves. When the Temperance reform has awakened the courage, energy, and virtuous feelings of the community, the evil of slavery is more likely to be seen and felt. They find that the same arguments apply to the slave traffic and to the rum traffic; the at they have the same class of opposers and the same class of defenders and I trust it will price but a sept from the one to the other. It would much assist our cause, if all the friends of Anti-Slavery in Great Britain would earnestly and prayerfully consider the comas of the Temperance cause. According the observations which we made among you, nothing but Intemperance now stands in the way of your lower classes being as happy and as well of in every respect as any in the world. Could you once see the results which have been exhibited in the state of Maine, where the temptation of intoxicating drinks has been entirely banished you could never doubt this. We grieved to learn that some of our Anti-Slavery friend ins end look with coolness upon the Temperance cause, and even utter unfriendly sentiments with regard to it. Nothing could be greater grief to the friends of the slave in this country, because it exceedingly lessens the moral force of their testimony against slavery. Excuse the freedom of these remarks, made in all Christian earnestness and affection. May God so guide us in all things, that our good be not evil spoken of, and that we be left to defend nothing which is opposed to his glory and the good of man. It remains that I close this too large epistle by presenting, once more my affectionate thanks to those many dear friends in Glasgow, whose kindness made my visit there so delightful. The contents of this letter are designed equally for the Anti-Slavery Societies of Scotland and England. I transmit them through your Society, because through you I received that invitation, which led me to make the pleasing acquaintance of so many friends. You will communicate my letter to them in such a way as you deem expedient. Very affectionately yours, H. B. STOWE. I am happy to add, that the elections which have occurred within a few days, in the great states of Massachusetts and New York, have returned legislators decidedly favorable to the l and that in New York, a decided majority is thus gained for Mr. Seward, the Anti-Slavery Senator to the United States Congress. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letters from the Editor. No. I. Description An account of the resource <div> NORTHAMPTON, July 14, 1843.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>MY DEAR FRIEND—Before coming to this place, I had heard such encomiums bestowed on the beauty of its position and appearance, as to excite high-wrought expectations and a lively curiosity in my breast, in regard to it. These have been abundantly realized; so that I, too, am prepared to join the throng of admirers, and to concede to Northampton the palm for romantic loveliness and the most charming scenery over every other place that I have yet visited in our flourishing Commonwealth. I have long claimed for Newburyport, my own beloved native place, an unrivalled location, and attractions of the most bewitching character; but, on the whole, Nature has showered her gifts with a more prodigal hand on Northampton. Each of these places has features peculiar to itself, which place it beyond comparison. Here I miss the Merrimack river, rolling majestically in its broadest dimensions towards the Atlantic, and also the sight of that great ocean in the distance; but ample compensation is made in the proximity of the Connecticut river, and in view of the sublime range of hills which surrounds this place on every side. Ride in whatever direction you choose, if you have any taste for the sublime or beautiful, you will be filled with delight, and constantly induced to exclaim, in the devout spirit of the royal singer of Israel,—'O Lord, how manifold are thy works! in wisdom hast thou made them all: the earth is full of thy riches...Thou greatly enrichest it with the river of God, which is full of water; thou waterest the ridges thereof abundantly; thou settlest the furrows thereof; thou makest it soft with showers; thou blessest the springing thereof. Thou crownest the year with thy goodness; and thy paths drop fatness.' At first, the atmosphere seemed to be so laden with perfume as to be almost oppressive, so great was the contrast with the rank smells of our crowded city. The pride of this place, as furnishing the finest sites for dwellings, is Round Hill, which is indeed a gem of exceeding beauty, and which reminds me of English scenery in connexion with princely opulence. The highest elevations are Mount Tom and Mount Holyoke; of which the latter is the popular resort, though the altitude of the former is somewhat greater, and the view from which, (in the opinion of a friend who has been something of a traveller on both sides of the Atlantic,) is surpassingly magnificent. I intend visiting them before my return; for though 'the eye is never satisfied with seeing,' it is the medium through which an immense amount of satisfaction is conveyed to the mind. I will then give you my 'impressions.' Having seen the Welch and Scottish mountains, and stood on the summits of the Green mountains of Vermont and the White mountains of New-Hampshire, these do not strongly affect my imagination, as their height, I believe, does not exceed one hundred feet. Yet in appearance they approach to the sublime, and form a striking contrast with the intervales and meadows in their vicinage.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>This is the residence of SYLVESTER GRAHAM, who has encountered his share of the world's obloquy for attempting to reform it from some of its beastly habits, but who has displayed a martyr's spirit and front in giving utterance to his convictions of truth, as it relates to the bodily as well as spiritual redemption of mankind. Though not a convert to all his views, I admire his firmness, his courage, and his manifest desire to bless mankind by showing them how, in his opinion, they best can 'glorify God in their bodies and spirits, which are his.' Comparatively few have been found disposed to adopt his dietetic theory, in all its minutiae; but tens of thousands of persons have been happily affected by his lectures and writings, and saved from the direful effects of a vitiated appetite; though, of this great multitude, few, I am apprehensive, are disposed to acknowledge their indebtedness to him. Shame on them for their lack of gratitude and magnanimity! But this is the fate of every reformer, in his day and generation. Time and posterity will take care of his memory.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Our able and vigorous anti slavery coadjutor, D.L. CHILD, is still here, but expects to leave for New York (via Boston) in all next week, to assume the editorial management of the Standard. Success has not crowned his efforts in the sugar-beet cultivation, but the has probably done all that any one could have done, in his circumstances, and deserved something more than success. He has toiled early and late, in season and out of season, not 'like a slave,' but like a freeman and 'with a will,' and far more severely than a human being ought to toil. He has exhibited immense energy and resolution, and, especially for one 'bred to the law,' and fond of literary pursuits, astonishing industry. The location of the land which he has tilled is very pleasant, and he has made some substantial improvements on it. I regret, for the sake of humanity, as well as for his own sake, that his experiment has failed; for an additional blow would be given to slavery, if free sugar could supplant that which is raised by slave labor—as it will, unquestionably, at a day not far distant. The Standard, under his care, cannot fail to be an ably conducted journal. He has great qualities of mind, and has been identified with the anti-slavery cause from an early period. Standing aloof, as he does, from every religious sect and political party, (though of religion and politics he has his own views,) I confide in him to pursue an impartial course, as editor of the Standard,—to give credit to whom credit may be due,—to regard the success of our cause as paramount to all questions of national policy,—and to give no quarter either to spiritual or political wickedness in high places. It is to be hoped that Mrs. CHILD will be a liberal contributor to the Standard, especially to its literary department, and that the distinguishing elements of their character will be blended together in the management of the paper.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>The town of Northampton (by which term I now mean the houses, stores, &c.) wears an air of dilapidation, and will not compare in architectural taste and beauty with many other places in the State, though it has a few handsome buildings. Aside from its delightful location, it presents no features either of an impressive or interesting character. The spirit of enterprise appears to be exiled from it, and it has the misfortune to be under the control of a few wealthy men, who, having more than a sufficiency of this world's goods, have long since retired from business, and seemingly wish not to be disturbed in their repose even by the hum of prosperity. A rail-road is talked of between this place and Springfield, and some steps have been taken towards its commencement; but how soon it will be completed, is extremely uncertain.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Inviting as is Northampton to all tourists and sojourners from our great cities during the summer season, I am told that the hotels are yet vacant, and that the prospect is, that they will continue to remain so. Let it be made accessible by a rail-road, and no doubt multitudes would be induced to visit the place, who now 'pass by on the other side.'<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>My present location is about three miles from the centre of the town, in a spot quite rural and...that I can report nothing of their civil hospitality. Besides my unpopularity as an abolitionist in this region, religious bigotry reigns with despotic sway over the minds of the people, and inflames their prejudices against me on account of my contending for that liberty wherewith Christ makes his followers free. It is melancholy to see those, whom God has made to serve him, so priest-ridden, and bewitched by carnal observances, and misled by sectarian creeds. Thought I find 'none so poor' (with scarcely an exception,) as to give me a friendly welcome to the town, yet I have no complaint to make, but feel happy in the assurance that I am not slighted for any evil that I have done, but for my fidelity in exposing the religious and political impostures of the times. With the amiable Cowper, I can rejoicingly say— <xsl-text></xsl-text>'Tis my happiness below,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Not to live without the cross,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>But a Saviour's power to know,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Sanctifying every loss.'<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>There are a few choice anti-slavery spirits here, but these reside chiefly in the 'Community.' Some days prior to the fourth of July, we resolved to celebrate that day by an anti-slavery meeting in the town; and accordingly deputed a committee (Dr. Hudson and James Boyle) to apply for the town hall, for that purpose. The person who has charge of the hall was seen by them, and agreed to let us have it. Notices of the meeting were sent to the different clergymen, to be read from their pulpits; but none complied with the request, excepting the Baptist and Unitarian. Some fifty handbills were printed, and posted in various parts of the town, informing the people of our intentions, and inviting them to attend; but these were torn down by the lawless spirit of pro-slavery almost immediately, so that comparatively few persons were notified of the meeting. The morning of the 'glorious fourth' came, and a small band of us assembled at the town hall, but found the doors closed against us, and no one to tell us for what cause! The friends of impartial liberty were thus turned into the street, rudely and dishonorably, with this alternative—either to hold their meeting in the open air, or to shake off the dust from their feet on the town, and go elsewhere. Nothing daunted, they immediately organized in front of the hall, under two finely over-shadowing elm trees, by calling that unblenching friend of human rights, Prof. WILLIAM ADAM, to the chair, and appointing DAVID LEE CHILD secretary. I then addressed the assembly at some length, after reading a portion of the first chapter of Isaiah, making my remarks as applicable to the day and the occasion as it was in my power, and exposing the awful guilt and hypocrisy of the American people in pretending to be worshippers at the shrine of Freedom, and to be praising God for their deliverance from a foreign yoke, while they were keeping in abject bondage a population larger than that of all New-England! The words that I uttered were those of 'truth and soberness'—and though they were calculated to make the ears of the wicked to tingle, and the hearts of the hypocritical to writhe in agony, yet they were such as the oppressed in all ages and in all climes have loved to hear, such as became a freeman, such as exhibited slavery in its true colors, and such as left the whole country without excuse for its abominable deeds. It was the first time that I ever mounted literally a stump as a rostrum from which to address the people, and I found much more freedom of spirit on it than I had ever found in a pulpit. James Boyle followed me in a speech of great cogency and power, in which he went into an examination of the religious aspects of our cause, and demonstrated that, for the continuance of slavery in our land, the American church and clergy are pre-eminently guilty, and deserve to be abandoned by all who fear God or regard man. He made some very pointed allusions to the pro-slavery position of the clergy in Northampton, and their subserviency to public opinion. 'You will find them all ready enough,' he said, 'to countenance the temperance picknick, to be held this afternoon, because the popular gale sets strongly in that quarter; but not to attend a meeting like this, or to advocate a cause so unpopular as ours.' It was the intention of Dr. Hudson and D.L. Child to be among the speakers on the occasion, but they both felt unwilling to offer any remarks, lest (as they said) they should weaken, rather than deepen the impressions that had been made on the minds of the audience. The broadest invitation was repeatedly given to all who were present, to participate in the proceedings, and especially to deny (if they could) the soundness of any of the positions that had been assumed, or the arguments that had been offered, or the allegations that had been made; but no one ventured to appear in defence either of Church or State. An elderly gentleman, named Taylor, (not a resident of the town, I believe,) stepped forward, and said that he was as much of an abolitionist as any body, and hated slavery as much as Mr. Garrison did; that I had spoken in 'unmeasured terms' of slavery, but he had no fault to find on that score; but that I had not told the people what they could do to abolish the system. He thought we had nothing to do with it; it was a part of the compact, and incorporated into the Constitution; and it was our duty to support it until that Constitution should be amended, though he was decidedly opposed to all political action on the subject! After premising that I knew not how to speak in <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>measured <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>terms of a system so unclean and impious as is slavery, and that they who have an object to effect are seldom found lamenting that they know not what to do, and that the grief of abolitionists is, that so much is to be and can be done, and that there are so few to do the work, I proceeded to show in what manner and on what grounds the people of the North were justly chargeable with upholding slavery, and, consequently, how they might extricate themselves from their present guilty relations. But, if I satisfied others on that point, I did not convince Mr. Taylor, who shook his head, and reiterated his declaration, that, slavery being sanctioned by the Constitution, we were bound to sustain it as law-abiding citizens. He argued that, so long as it was in the statute book, the law of the land was of paramount authority to the law of God. I admired his honesty in avowing this monstrous doctrine—a doctrine which is practically enforced as orthodox by the great body of our religious and political leaders, though in the abstract conceded to be heretical. He was quite certain, moreover, that the abolitionists had retarded the abolition of slavery many years—an assertion which Messrs. DcDuffie, Calhoun, Clay & Co. would rejoice to see demonstrated as a fact, and which indicates either profound ignorance or consummate effrontery, by whom soever made. This was easily disposed of, and the meeting was then dissolved.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Our audience was probably twice as numerous as it would have been in the hall, from the novelty of the gathering in the open air. Among the listeners, I am told, was the Rev. William Allen, D.D. formerly President of Bowdoin College. I wish he had taken the stump, and defined his position on this momentous question. The weather was delightful, and the proceedings throughout were perfectly orderly; not the slightest disrespect being shown, in a single instance.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>There are three newspapers published here—two whig, and one democratic. The Courier and Gazette (both whig) took no notice of the meeting,—whether from motives of policy, or in the spirit of contempt, I don not know, but in giving, as they did,...served in the town, their silence in regard to a meeting held under such peculiar circumstance, in so public a manner, and with such a noble object in view, is certainly not creditable to their humanity or courtesy.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>In the Democrat,—which has for its motto, as if purposely to illustrate its rottenness, 'Uncompromising hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man,'—appeared an editorial sketch of the meeting, which was chiefly confined to a personal attack upon myself, and to a broad caricature of what was said and done on the occasion, expressed in the language and spirit of the lowest blackguardism. I send you a copy of the paper, containing the article, which I wish you to place in the receptacle provided for such ebullitions in the columns of the Liberator. It furnishes additional evidence of the fact which has long since been demonstrated to the world, that there is nothing under heaven so devoid of principle, so callous to shame, so reprobate in spirit, so profligate in practice, so impudent in pretension, so hypocritical in conduct, so heartless in feeling, or so villanous in design, as the existing DEMOCRACY of the United States, falsely so called.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Who can with patience for a moment see<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>The medley mass of pride and misery,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Of whips and charters, manacles and rights,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Of slaving blacks and democratic whites,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>And all the piebald policy that reigns,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>In free confusion, o'er Columbia's plains?<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>To think that man, thou just and gentle God,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Should stand before thee with a tyrant's rod,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>O'er creatures like himself, with souls from thee,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Yet dare to boast of perfect liberty!!'<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Alluding to me, the editor of the Democrat politely says—'He began with a lie in his mouth, by saying that he was refused admittance into the town hall.' The facts respecting our being excluded from the hall are precisely such as I have already mentioned. The plea now made, in order to get rid of the odium which must ever attach to such unworthy conduct, is, that the hall had been previously engaged to the ladies engaged in the Temperance celebration on that day. But it avails nothing—for, first, the hall was not occupied during the forenoon, if at any other period in the day, either by the ladies or by others, but remained empty and locked throughout our meeting; secondly, it was a piece of deception to give us the assurance that we should occupy the hall, if it had been already promised to others; and, thirdly, whether such an agreement had been made in behalf of the ladies, or not, no one presented himself to enlighten us on this point, or to prevent any misapprehension that might arise under the anomalous circumstances of the case, or to correct any of our statement. 'Finding that no one contradicted him in his falsehood,' continues the editor—I give you his name, 'Rinaldo R. Taylor'—'he made the most of it by a long harangue against the town, (a false assertion,) and thanked heaven that he was allowed to speak in the open air— (that is true.) 'He said that $5000 had been offered for his poor head by some lynching characters at the South.' Those lynching characters were the Senate and House of Representatives of Georgia, backed up in legal form by the Executive of that State. This atrocious attempt, by the offer of a large bribe, on the part of a sovereign State, to secure the abduction and subsequent murder of a citizen of Massachusetts guiltless of any and every crime, and simply for advocating universal liberty and equality, is treated by this 'democratic' traducer as a capital joke, but which, in the matter of dollars and cents, he thinks was carried a <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>little <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>too far—for, 'judging from the effect of his preaching here, we should say that it was a very extravagant offer.' Ha! ha! ha! What can be more droll or witty? Now, it may be safely affirmed that the man who can thus treat an offer so murderous, needs nothing but the opportunity and the courage to perpetuate any crime within the scope of human transgression. With his own hands he tears off the mask of his profession, and reveals himself in his true character. But the editor adds—'Indeed it is our firm belief, that if these lynchers were to pay Wm. L. Garrison, editor of the Boston Liberator, and David L. Child, editor of the New-York Standard, the $5000 to keep their heads on their shoulders, and employ them in delivering lectures about the country, it would be a better speculation (for slavery, of course,) than to chop off their heads.' Slang like this is the popular 'democratic' currency. But, mark the argument! D.L. Child and W.L. Garrison will do more to perpetuate slavery, by 'delivering lectures about the country,' than the chopping off of their heads would do to secure the same end; therefore, let them live! But, should the 'lynchers' be, after all, the more sagacious in this matter, why then the heads of these fanatical abolitionists ought to be chopped off, by a just regard for our 'constitutions and laws,' and as a good 'specution'!<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>I am next charged with having used 'disgusting language, not only against departed patriots, both clerical and laymen, but against the constitutions and laws framed by them,' &c. Why did not this patriotic democrat expose the injustice of my remarks on the spot? Why did he skulk from manly discussion, and by silence give his consent to the accuracy of all that was advanced by the speakers? Doubtless, on that occasion, he felt that discretion was the better part of valor, as did a certain redoubtable here of old, whose lies, like his own, were 'gross as a mountain, open, palpable.' Why, in giving an account of the meeting, does he suppress the fact, that all persons who were present, whether friendly or hostile to the anti-slavery movement, were invited to give utterance to their sentiments; and that, though charges of a grave character were urged against both Church and State, and repeated solicitations made to have them corrected if they were not true, no one came forward—no, not even to screen the clergy of the place from condemnation, or to convict me of 'lying,' in regard to the town hall? He knows that when our opponents were called on to say in what manner we had disturbed the truth—<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>'There was silence, deep as death,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>And the boldest held his breath<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>For a time'—<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>until he could utter his ribaldry through the medium of the 'Northampton Democrat.'<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Again—'The clergy came in for the greatest share of abuse, and were told to extend the solemnization of the marriage vow to the horses in the stables, the cattle in the yards, and the pigs in the pens.' This the critic calls 'disgusting balderdash,' but, in the true spirit of knavery, he does not state in what connexion this language was used; that it was simply an illustration—the <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>argumentum ad hominem—to show the folly of those who, while they maintain that slaves are justly the chattels personal of their masters, affect to regard the suppression of the marriage institution among them as a great evil! As if property stood in virtuous need of the marriage vow!<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>But I must close. Let the article in the Democrat appear in the next number of the Liberator, without abridgment, and send a copy to its courteous and veracious editor.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Yours, for free discussion, <xsl-text></xsl-text>WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. </div> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.28.1843 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource William Lloyd Garrison