13 10 250 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource ORIGINAL: Slave-Grown Produce. Description An account of the resource The golden rule of our Divine Law, giver, is, "Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." Were this precept carried out practically, justice and mercy would be observed towards every human being, and a strict regard to the rights, physical, mental and religious, of every intelligent creature, irrespective of sect, sex, color, or clime. To this truth we sometimes yield a ready assent, and we liberally censure those who, through the influence of a misguided education, assume the title of ownership in man, who would reduce to chattles, created intelligencies formed like ourselves to glorify the Creator, subjecting their fellow beings to cruelties and indignities and legalized injustice at which humanity shudders, and revoltes. and mourns for the degeneracy of her race. The system of American Slavery is justly styled by the pious Wesley, the sum of all villainies, the fruitful source of innumerable vices and crimes, a system that would blight every thing lovely in the moral world, that tramples under foot God's holy law of love, and threatens to destroy our country with its pestilential, withering influence. How shall this enormous evil be met? Shall we arry physical force against it? By no means, says the disciple of the Prince of Peace, this would only be adding sin to iniquity. Let moral suasion, let the potency of Truth, be our most efficient weapons in the moral warfare, seeking for ability and strength from Him, who is mighty to direct our energies and talents in the way most consonant with His will, for its overthrow--slavery is sinful because opposed to the attributes of love and mercy. If it be a truism that what we do by another we do ourselves" are not the slave owner, the [?] of the southern plantation, virtually employed by the consumer of slave grown produce to furnish a supply of sugar, rice, cotton and tobacco? and commissioned in our stead to inflict the scorugings, extort the overtasks requisite to produce what we eat or wear of the unrequitted toil of our fellow beings. Let us imagine those who toil beneath the scorching rays of a southern sun to produce those luxuries or comforts to be bone fo our bone, flesh of our flesh. Then think ye we could unhesitatingly partake of or indulge in the consumption of articles purchased by the sighs and tears of our kindred? No, far from it, every feeling would revolt at the bare idea of the fact. To illustrate, a colored woman residing in Cincinnati, who had herself been a slave on a cotton plantation, in a conversation with a devoted and consistent Abolitionist, said, "I would never put on another speck of cotton if I could help it. Dont think I am proud Honey, it aint because I want to dress in silk, but I know how my poor sisters were whipped to make them do their tasts. They whipped my Mother to death, and my little sister they beat and pounded her head till they made her right foolish. Often have I wished that every white person who wore a speck of cotton that was stained with my blood, would drop down dead. I now know it was wicked, but many is the time I've had this wish." This woman's neck and shoulders bore the marks of the IRON COLLAR and the WHIP. And yet in this enlightened period of Anti-slavery agitation, is it not surprising to see what apathy, what indifference pervade even professed Abolitionists to the subject of abstinence from slave-grown produce? Are we not by such consumption furnishing the means for perpetuating a complicated system of inquity? Yes, a system that subjects woman, not only to cruel stripes, (but to what is infinitely more revolting to the pure spirit) to the gross indignities, to the irresponsible will of the sensual and unprincipled? Can we, in view of these dreadful realities, these undeniable truths that force themselves on us? Can we, dear friends, guiltlessly partake of their unpaid labor? Can we longer stifle the conviction of truth and justice in the secret of our suls, in relation to our poor oppressed fellow creatures? Can we consistently ask or expect the slave-owner to emancipate his slaves, in whom, perhaps the greater part of his wealth or possessions consist without any renumerations? Can we ask of him this pecuniary sacrifice, when we abolitionists, are so unwilling to make, even a trifling sacrifice in a pecuniary way, in procuring articles of paid labor? By uniformly purchasing free labor commodities, we are advancing the principles of love, justice, and mercy, and wash our hands in innocency from a participation in sustaining this unrighteous trafic. A system we are professedly associated to abolish. Let us not then occupy the absurd position of attempting to pull down with one hand, while with the other we supply all the master asks, viz. pecuniary aid to sustain and extend to an interminable period, this system of attrocities. Well may the slaveholder exclaim, "I care not for your idle denunciations so long as you furnish a market for my commodities" and laugh to scorn the hollow profession, of anti-slavery allegiance. Is it not time we should awake from our lethargy and examine the bearing this question has, not only on human rights but human life itself, and see that we are not involved in blood-guiltiness in relation to the vast expenditure of human life as is set forth by the following authentic report exhibited in a letter of David Lee Child, a distinguished Lawyer of Mssachusetts, to wit: "In 1831 the Secretary of the Treasury made a report to the House of Representatives, embracing the statements of a great number of sugar plantations of Louisiana, and other states concerning the expenses and profits of their business. There was a statement by the contral committee of the sugar-planters of Louisiana, one by a committee of the parish county of Plaquemine, containing an immense table of the expenditures and products of 20 plantations in that parish; one from the Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge; several from individuals, including the Hon. J.S. Johnson then a Senator from Louisiana in the Congress of the United States. All these with the exception of Baton Rouge society, set down the annual loss of slave property on the sugar plantations at 5 per cent. That society says 2 1/2 per cent.; but this answer in form relates to "slave property" in general, and is not confined to sugar estates. On the other hand, I have been informed that some sugar planters have admitted that they "use up" seven per cent. of their hands every year. The loss to which I refer is placed in the Secretary's report and in the communications from Louisiana, under the head of risks, decreased value, death and deterioration. The chasms thus made, are to be filled up with new cargoes and coffles from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Kentucky and Tennessee. In order to apreciate and apply these admissions of the adversary, it is necessary to consider that the annual increase of the population of the United States is about 4 per cent. in other words, the vacancies caused by death, are supplied and 4 per cent. nett gain is added, therefore on the sugar plantations of the South, a positive loss of 5 per cent. must be added to the negative loss of 7, making an outright waste of human life, or downright massacre of nine slaves to every hundred every year! The amount on the sugar plantations of Louisiana, to pass over those of Florida, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, is 3150 per annum. These are just as much murdered as if they were shot or massacred, and indeed more inhumanly, inasmuch as death by torture is more terrible." Issued by direction of the Green Plain Anti-slavery Society, 12th mo. 28th 1842. JOSEPH A. DUGDALE, Cor. Sec. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joseph A. Dugdale Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived A Philanthropist 7:21, p. 1 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.18.1843 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Use of Free Produce Description An account of the resource For the Genius of Universal Emancipation. THE USE OF FREE PRODUCE. "No, dear lady, none for me? Though squeamish some may think it, West India sugar spoils my tea; I cannot, dare not, drink it." New-Orleans sugar possesses the same properties. It is to our taste, and we hope to that of many of our readers, undrinkable; for there are associations connected with it, which its sweetness cannot cover. Yet we, will confess, that it requires, at times, some firmness, and is not a little unpleasant to the feelings, to pronounce decisively the rejecting negative. In a company of strangers, you would gladly escape the kindly meant importunity, which obliges you, though conscious of being, at the moment, a subject of general remark, for those who will consider your opinions affected or singular, to assign a reason for your repeated refusal to partake of anything which is imbued with "the spirit of the cause." And it is still more painful to feel yourself compelled to disappoint the active kindness which, unaware of your scruples, has exerted itself to provide some delicacy for your gratification, or tasked ingenuity to spread before you a board, covered with what, to you, are forbidden viands. Then is the strongest temptation to break through your resolution. You know that so much pains have been taken, solely on your account, you fear that your reasons will not be understood, or felt, and, gratified as you are by the motive which has induced the offering, you cannot bear to think of the look of mortification, and hurt or offended feeling, which you are conscious will meet your meditated refusal. Yet should you weakly yield, and suffer your good nature to induce you to violate your principles, what will you have gained? An exemption from a temporary uneasiness, at the expense of an approving conscience, a consistent example, and probably of the ability to remain firm on a future occasion. While, by persisting in your determination, though you reasons, at first, may not appear satisfactory, or well understood, you will have an opportunity of fairly explaining your sentiments, of engaging in a useful discussion, and, perhaps, bringing light and conviction to some who have never before thought upon the subject. Yet if there be some disagreeable passages occasionally attendant upon this system of abstinence; it has also its redeeming hours, when such trivial embarassment are far more than overpaid. They come in the low-whispered commendation of a satisfied conscience;--in the approbation of those whom you esteem; and in the heartfelt joy of having won over some one whom you love to mingle in the delight of such a moment; you rejoice, not that you have made a convert, but that the slave has gained a friend. While even the slight alloy  of selfish affection, that blends with your pleasure, renders it only the dearer. But in more trifling things than these, there is often a sweet gush of happiness. It comes, though not unmingled, to be sure, in even the tone of regret with which some less scrupulous friend laments the stern rule which dooms the delicacies before you to remain untasted, and your tea to be swallowed sugarless. And still dearer is the kindness, which, bending to your principles, exerts itself to procure you a share of the good things of the festal board, unsullied by the crime for which you reject them. A half formed sigh may mingle with the wish that the table before you was always so spread, but it cannot dispel the pleasure with which you meet the affectionate smile of the eye and lip that bids you partake without fear of the proffered cake, and drink your tea, sweetened as it is, unscrupulously. We have some such remembrances around us now, and we know they will compensate for many an unpalatable meal;--try it for yourself, gentle reader, and prove whether the system of abstinence is a harsh one. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Gertrude Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 1:10, p. 155 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Senator Wilson's Vindication of Free Labor. Description An account of the resource Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, having denounced the laboring men of the North as the mere mudsills of Society, Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, who passed his youth and early manhood at hard and honest toil, said in reply: But the Senator, filled with magnificent visions of Southern power, crowns cotton "king," and tells us that if they should stop supplying cotton for three years, "England would topple headlong, and carry the whole civilized world with her, save the South!" What presumption! The South--which owns lands and slaves, the price fluctuating with the production, use and price of cotton, having no other resource or means of support--would go harmless, while the great commercial centres of the world, with the vast accumulations of capital, the products of ages of accumulation, with varied pursuits and skilled industry, would "topple" to their fall! Sir, I supposed the coffee-planters of Brazil, the tea-growers of the Celestial Empire, and the wheat growers on the shores of the Black Sea, and on the banks of the Don and the Volga, indulge in the same magnificent illusion. I would remind the Senator that the commercial world is not governed by the cotton planters of the South, the coffee planters of Brazil, the tea-growers of China, nor the wheat producers of Eastern Europe. I tell the Senator that England, France, Germany, Western Europe and the Northern States of this Union, are the commercial, manufacturing, business and monetary centres of the world; that their merchants, manufacturers and capitalists grasp the globe; that cotton and sugar, and tea and coffee, and wheat, and the spices of the isles of the Oriental seas. are grown for them. Sir, the cotton-planters of the South are simply their agents, and they perform their task under a necessity quite as great as their own slaves perform theirs under the taskmaster's eye. I would remind the Senator that the free States, in 1850, produced $850,000,000 of manufactures, and that only $52,000,000 of of that vast production--only about one-seventeenth part of it--was made up of cotton. Our manufactures and mechanics arts now must exceed twelve hundred million dollars, and cotton does not make up more than seventy million dollars. Does the Senator think the free States would "topple" down if they should lose one-seventeenth part of their productive industry? The productive industry of Massachusetts, a State that manufactures more than one-third of all the cotton manufactured in the country, was in 1855, $350,000,000, about $280 per head for each person, would perish if she should lose $26,000,000 of that vast production? It is no matter of surprise that gentlemen who live away off on cross-roads, where cotton blooms. should come to believe that cotton rules the world; but a few months' association with the great world would cure that delusion. "You are our factors!" exclaims the Senator. "You bring and carry for us. Suppose we were to discharge you? Suppose we were to take our business out of your hands, we should consign you to anarchy and poverty!" Sir, suppose, when the Senator returns from this chamber to the cotton-fields, his slaves should in their simplicity, say to him "Massa, you only sell de cotton; we plant; we hoes; we picks de cotton! 'Spose we discharge you!" The unsophisticated "mudsills" would be quite as reasonable as is the Senator. The Senator seems to think the cotton planters hold us in the hollow of their hands; if they shake them, we tremble; if they close them, we perish. But the Senator from South Carolina, after crowning cotton as king, with power to bring England and all the civilized world "toppling" down in the yawning gulfs of bankruptcy and ruin, complacently tells the Senate and the trembling subjects of his cotton king that "the greatest strength of the South arises from the harmony of her political institutions;" that "her forms of society are the best in the world;" that "she has an extent of political freedom, combined with entire security, seen nowhere on earth." The South, he tells us, "is satisfied, harmonious, and prosperous," and he asked us if we "have heard that the ghosts of Mendoza and Torquemada are stalking in the streets of our great cities; that the inquisition is at hand, and that there are fearful rumors of consultations for vigilance committees?' Sir, this self-complacency is sublime! No son of the Celestial Empire can approach the Senator in self-complacency. That "society is the best in the world" where more than three millions of beings, created in the image of their God, are held as chattels--sunk from the lofty level of humanity, down to the abject condition of unreasoning beasts of burden! That "society is the best in the world" where are manacles, chains and whips, auction blocks, prisons, bloodhounds, scourgings, lynchings and burnings, laws to torture the body, shrivel the mind and debase the soul; where labor is dishonored and laborers despised! "Political freedom" in a land where woman is imprisoned for teaching little children to read the Holy Scriptures, where professors are deposed and banished for opposing the extension of slavery; where public men are exiled for quoting in a national Convention the words of Jefferson; where voters are mobbed for appearing to vote for free territory; and where booksellers are driven from the country for selling a copy of that master work of genius, "Uncle Tom's Cabin!" And land of "certain security," where patrols, costing, as in Old Virginia, more than is expended to educate her poor children, stalk the country to catch the faintest rumor of discontent; where the bay of the bloodhound never ceases; where but little more than one year ago rose the startling cry of insurrection; and where men, some of them owned by a member of this body, were scourged and murdered for suspected insurrection! "Political freedom" and "certain security" in a land which demands that seventeen millions of freemen shall stand guard to seize and carry back fleeing bondmen! The Senator from South Carolina exclaims, "The man who lives by daily labor, your whole class of manual laborers, are essentially slaves--they feel galled by their degradation." What a sentiment is this to hear uttered in the councils of this democratic Republic! The Senator's political associates, who listen to these words which brand hundreds of thousands of the men they represent in the free States and hundreds of their neighbors and personal friends as slaves, have found no words to repel or rebuke this language. This language of scorn and contempt is addressed to Senators who were not nursed by a slave, whose lot it was to toil with their own hands--to eat bread, not by the sweat of another's brow, but by their own. Sir, I am the son of a "hireling manual laborer," who, with the frosts of seventy winters on his brow, "lives by daily labor." I too have been a daily laborer. I too have been a hireling manual laborer. Poverty cast its dark and chilling shadow over the home of my childhood, and want was there sometimes--an unbidden guest. At the age of ten years--to aid him who gave me being in keeping the gaunt spectre from the hearth of the mother who bore me--I left the home of my boyhood and went to earn my bread by "daily labor." Many a weary mile have I travelled, "To beg a brother of the earth To give me leave to toil." Sir, I have toiled as a "hireling manual laborer" in the field and in the workshop; and I tell the Senator from South Carolina that I never felt "galled by my degradation." No, sir--never! Perhaps the Senator who represents that "other class which leads progress, and civilization, and refinement," will ascribe this to obtuseness of intellect and blunted sensibilities of the heart. Sir, I was conscious of my manhood; I was the peer of my employer; I knew that the laws and institutions of my native and adopted States threw over him and over me alike the panoply of equality; I knew, too, that the world was before me, that its wealth, its garnered treasurees of knowledge, its honors, the coveted prizes of life, were within the grasp of a brave heart, and a tireless hand, and I accepted the responsibilities of my position, all unconscious that I was a "slave." I have employed others, hundreds of "hireling manual laborers." Some of them possessed, and now possess, more property than I ever owned; some of them were better educated and better read, too, than some Senators on this floor; and many of them, in moral excellence and purity of character, I could not but feel, were my superiors. I have occupied, Mr. President, for more than thirty years, the relation of employer, and while I never "felt galled by my degradation" in the one case, in the other I was never conscious that my "hireling laborers" were my inferiors. That man is a "snob" who boasts of being a "hireling laborer;" or who assumes any superiority over others because he is an employer. Honest labor is honorable; and the man who is ashamed that he is or was a "hireling laborer" has not manhood enough to "feel galled by degradation." Having occupied, Mr. President, the relation of either employed or employer for the third of a century; having lived in a Commonwealth where the "hireling class of manual laborers" are the depositories of political power; having associated with this class in all the relations of life; I tell the Senator from South Carolina, and the class he represents, that he libels, grossly libels them, when he declares they are essentially slaves! There can be found nowhere in America a class of men more proudly conscious or tenacious of their rights. Friend or for has ever found them. "A stubborn race, fearing and flattering none." The Senator tells us, Mr. President, that slaves are "well compensated!" South Carolina slaves "well compensated!" Why, sir, the Senator himself, in a speech made at home, for home consumption, entered into an estimate to show that a field hand could be supported for from eighteen to nineteen dollars per annum on the rice and cotton plantations. He states the quantity of corn and bacon and salt necessary to support the "well compensated" slave. And this man, supported by eighteen dollars per annum, with the privilege of being flogged at discretion, and having his wife and children sold from him at the necessity or will of his master, the Senator from South Carolina informs the Senate of the United States is "well compensated!" Sir, there is not a poor house in the free States where there would not be a rebellion in three days if the inmates were compelled to subsist on the quantity and quality of the food the Senator estimates as "ample compensation" for the labor of a slave in South Carolina. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal 11:35, p. 550 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.8.1858 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Items: Free labor produce. Description An account of the resource Free labor produce.--Liberia Coffee was offered for sale in Richmond, Virginia, some months since, by "Otis Dunlop, & Co." This coffee was shipped by the late Rev. Lott Carey--the production of Free Labor, of course. We hope to hear of more such shipments. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Reprinted from Genius of Unviersal Emancipation Western Luminary 6:19, p. 75 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.11.1829 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Repository. Philanthropic and Literary. THIS DEPARTMENT IS PRINCIPALLY SUPERINTENDED BY A LADY. Description An account of the resource LADIES' FREE PRODUCE SOCIETY. We have received the November report of this society, and have now the pleasure of presenting it to our readers. We feel particular gratification in noticing the proceedings and increasing usefulness of this society, because it is a proof of how much may be effected by small means, if people wil but make the commencing effort. The first few individuals by whom this association was established, did not reason nicely on practicabilities or inconveniences--they did not coldly pity the slave, yet continue to revel in all the luxuries extracted by his sufferings, nor delay all active exertions in his favor because there was no probability of their effecting important results:--but they felt that slavery was a national and an individual crime, and they came at once to offer a sacrifice of atonement upon the altar of justice, that the stain of blood-guiltiness might be removed far from them. This faithfulness to their duty has so prospered, that they have been able to procure almost all necessary articles "uncontaminated by the taint of slavery." When will more of our sex do after this manner? Have their hearts become hard--have they lost the compassionateness of their natures, that the cry of the miserable is so strangely unattended to--or responded only by the voice of inactive lamentation? REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF "THE FEMALE ASSOCIATION OF PHILADELPHIA FOR PROMOTING THE MANUFACTURE AND USE OF FREE COTTON." In conformity with the object of their appointment, the committee have kept in view the various concerns of the association. The knitting and sewing cotton, mentioned in our last report, is now complete and for sale at John Townsend's, No. 94, Fifth above Cherry-street, where either can be had in large or small quantities to suit purchasers. We have contracted with a weaver to have a few pieces of muslin made of the cotton yarn on hand. In our last report we stated that we had contracted with a person to manufacture some into laps or batting for quilts and wadding. 170 lbs of laps and 57 lbs of wadding have come to hand. The laps we have disposed of, at cost, to James Pierce, grocer, cormer of Noble and Third streets,--who has engaged to [?] them at a small advance, And although the price will be something more than the price of a similar article made of slave cotton, it must be remembered that this is more substantial; being manufactured from clean, cotton, while the other is generally made of the fly-off or waste cotton. We have also sent information to different parts of the country that these articles can be obtained, and where they are deposited. The committee consider it a duty incumbent upon them to encourage our members, and others, as way may open, to aid this righteous cause by promoting the use and giving the preference to goods of every description which can be obtained free from slave labor. Fully believing if those who are opposed to slavery would be willing to make this sacrifice, that, (to adopt the language of a late interesting writer on the subject) "small and insignificant as the sacrifice may appear, it would give a death blow to slavery;--for when there is no longer a market for the productions of slave labor--then, and not till then, will the slaves be emancipated." Philadelphia, 11th mo. 9th, 1829. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 4:12, p. 92 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.27.1829 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Circular Description An account of the resource It is more than 14 years since the undersigned engaged in the business of providing for the friends of free labor, supplies of both Dry Goods and Groceries, produced without the aid of slave labor. Believing that he was thus promoting a consistent testimony against slavery, and acting the part of a true friend of his country, whose sure prosperity is manifestly linked inseparably with the maintenance throughout the land of honest, compensated labor, and encouraged by true-hearted patrons in all the free States and several of the slave States, he has persevered through many difficulties and discouragements: with what success, as to furnishing a variety of articles of constant consumption, is known to those whosestandard of right prompted them to apply for goods of that character. It may not, perhaps, be improper in this connection to express the sentiment held by the writer, in common, he trusts, with his fellow abstinents from the products of slave labor; that, had even a majority of the people in this an other countries, who think they are opposed to slavery, or who profess antagonism to it, maintained the principle of non-participation during the above mentioned period, not only would our beloved country not have been afflicted with its present trouble, but slavery itself, if at all in existence, would have been too weak and too unimportant as an instrument of power, to claim at this day any consideration. The object mainly of this circular is not to give utterance to sentiments, whether of the writer, or, as he supposes, of his patrons, but to call their attention to the present situation and condition of the free labor movement, and of the free labor supplies.  From causes known to all, we cannot at present obtain free labor cotton from our usual sources, and though efforts, some time ago begun, to obtain this important article from other places, may bring sufficient supplies for the free labor demand, it is not known how long we may have to wait. It therefore becomes my duty to advertise my customers that they will do well to secure without delay from the various stock on hand, such goods as they may need for many months to come; for, the advancing prices will facilitate the early disposal of the present stock to transient buyers; and the interest of the establishment will be best promoted by speedy sales. Those who wish to aid in the concern will kindly bear this needful matter in mind; not only as regards cotton gods and goods of which cotton is a part, but as regards Tea, Coffee, Spices, and a variety of articles, the sale of which is required to sustain the store; and without such patronage the store could not long be continued. With a view to an increase of demand for these auxiliary articles, a pretty good stock of Tea and Coffee has been secured in anticipation of further advance in prices, which will be gladly sold now to the friends of the store before any further advance takes place. From causes which, it is hoped, are only temporary, and not resulting from the troubles of the country, there is at present a very limited stock of free labor raw sugars in the country. In consequence, the stock of refined sugars has been exhausted, which it is hoped may be soon renewed. Patience, as well as self-denial, needs to be practiced by the friends of the slave. Respectfully, GEO. W. TAYLOR, N.W. cor. of 5th and Cherry St. 9th mo. 9th, 1861.   Philadelphia Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Friends' Intelligencer 18:27, p. 430 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.14.1861 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource George Taylor Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource ARE YOU OPPOSED TO SLAVERY! Description An account of the resource Pithy, fearless and sound. We offer our best acknowledgments to the anonymous author, and solicit a continuance of favors. <xsl-text></xsl-text>For the Liberator <xsl-text></xsl-text>. ARE YOU OPPOSED TO SLAVERY! Scarcely a man can be found, north and east of Maryland, who will not tell you he is heartily opposed to slavery, and would do <xsl-text></xsl-text>almost <xsl-text></xsl-text>any thing to put an end to it. But is it <xsl-text></xsl-text>slavery <xsl-text></xsl-text>to which we are so much opposed? or is it rather to the <xsl-text></xsl-text>colored people? <xsl-text></xsl-text>Perhaps it would be well for us to know which. If the former, why not use some effectual measures, instead of raising money to <xsl-text></xsl-text>send away <xsl-text></xsl-text>FREE BLACKS, as well as slaves, to Liberia? Do we not deceive ourselves in <xsl-text></xsl-text>thinking <xsl-text></xsl-text>our opposition is to slavery? Suppose the <xsl-text></xsl-text>only <xsl-text></xsl-text>way (almost) to put an end, an everlasting end to the evil, should be proposed— (and it may have been a hundred times, for aught I know) and that, too, a method which would cost us but <xsl-text></xsl-text>few <xsl-text></xsl-text>dollars and cents— would we <xsl-text></xsl-text>adopt <xsl-text></xsl-text>it?— would YOU adopt it, reader? I fear we should falter; and the multitude of opponents of slavery, would dwindle into a very small number, if they did not 'vanish into thin air.' The truth is, this subject has not been <xsl-text></xsl-text>talked <xsl-text></xsl-text>of enough. We have not sounded each other's opinions on it sufficiently; and there is no way to beget a habit of <xsl-text></xsl-text>thinking <xsl-text></xsl-text>on any thing, like frequent conversations. Our powers of thought and speech are as much improved by exercise, as is the memory. We may deplore the evils of slavery, form Colonization Societies, and now and then talk of the criminality of the oppression; but so long as we do nothing more— so long as we <xsl-text></xsl-text>use their products <xsl-text></xsl-text>— men will be held in involuntary servitude. This is the whole secret. Are you opposed to slavery? then neither 'tough, taste, nor handle,' the price of blood. Do you ask, 'How can I do this, seeing many of the comforts of life are the product of their labor?' Go to work--form Societies, pledging each member neither to buy, sell, nor use slave productions: get as many to join you in the effort as you can: and when it is seen that men are taking such a stand, FREE LABOR will become as fashionable at the south as in our own state; and cotton, rice, sugar, molasses, &c. &c. will be furnished to equal the demand, produced by free men. Let the benevolent rich men, (and there is an occasional anomaly of the kind) establish manufactories to work none but free cotton--establish warehouses and stores for the sale of their goods and other free productions--and the poor will bear a proportion of the loss for awhile, should there be any, in purchasing at the small additional cost that may accrue thereby. This is the way. Call the idea 'chimerical,' or what else you please--your conscience will hold you to its correctness. Some of the articles, commonly produced by slave labor, are already to be had by a little trouble, with which the tears and blood of the oppressed are not mingled. And it is for us to call for them. We can get some sugar, molasses, coffee, a little cotton, and, perhaps, rice,--raised by free men. And should we fail to get enough, no matter at how low a rate the slave articles may be procured, do without. But I live in the country; I can get none of these things unless such as were raised by slaves. Then it is time something was done. Stop where you are for humanity's, for conscience sake! Is oppression wrong? Is slavery an evil--an crime!-- Could you "Have a slave to fan you when you sleep, And tremble when you wake?" The man who secretes or partakes of stolen goods is ranked with the theif, and punished with the thief. Would you not secrete stolen property--and will you perpetuate slavery, by using the price of blood? Does your appetite rise in opposition to your better judgment, reasons, and conscience, and reply--'What have I to do with the labor by which the articles I want are produced?' Hear not its depraved and guilty demands, lest it drive thy opposition to slavey far from thee; lest it compel thee to smile, while the unfortunate descendant of Africa is loaded with chains and stripes; lest it make thee willing to oppress thy fellow for a cup of coffee, a little sugar, molasses, or rice! Ay, and it may be, that while you are professing religion--that which requires us to 'do unto others as we would they should do unto us.' What is past we may have done in ignorance; even so that it hath been winked at--but God now commandeth all men every where to repent of this, as well as other wrongs. Whatever was done in that darkness may not be persisted in: the excuse is now taken away. See to it that you go to work. ANTI-SLAVERY. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Genius of Universal Emancipation 3:5, p. 79 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Liberator 7.16.1831; Genius 3.1833 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Cotton Growers in the Slave States Description An account of the resource The readers of the Citizen, and, in fact, the community generally, are aware that there are a great many free labor producers scattered through the Southern States, who grow cotton in small quantities with their own hands. It is probably that 100,000 bales are grown in this manner, and mixed with the common product of the country on its way to the Northern States or to Europe. The Free Labor Produce Association of Philadelphia has taken great pains to find out that addresses of above a hundred of these small growers, and to purchase their cotton, and keep it free from contact with slavery on its way to that city. Up to within a few weeks, not one had been found who produced more than six bales a year. But a friend has just shown us a letter from his sister, the wife of a free labor farmer in Texas, which communicates a very interested fact. She write: "Tell Elihu Burritt that Mr. L. made twelve bales of cotton, weighing 450 lbs. each, six or seven hundred bushels of corn, &c., without a negro on the place, and with only his three young boys to help; and Mr. L. was sick last fall for five or six weeks, so that he could not be with them in picking cotton." The oldest of these sons is but fourteen; so this very interesting case shows the productive capacity of free labor in growing this important staple. This is by far the largest crop produced in this way on one farm, of which we have as yet heard. We have written to this farmer to inquire if there are others doing like him in his vicinity. Speaking of the industry of her oldest son, Mrs. L. observes: "He can pick 250 lbs. of cotton in a day, and even Amos can pick 170." "Texas," she adds, "would be a great country if we had railroads to bring up our groceries from the Gulf, and for the convying of our cotton to the different ports. As it is now, they charge more freight on groceries than a planter can afford to pay. We yesterday received three barrels, viz., sugar, flour and molasses, one sack of coffee, one of salt, and the charge form Indianola, ninety miles distant, was $30. They ask $2 50 per hundred for hauling at this season of the year, as the roads are bad. Flour costs $16 or $18 by the time we get it here, and sometimes $20. Wheat will grow in the northern part of Txas, and some people in this section raise it." The Germans in Texas, almost to a man, adhere firmly to the economy of free labor. There are now nearly 30,000 of them in the western portion of the State, constituting a living wall of opposition to the extension of slavery into Mexico. They plant themselves in compact communities, establish journals, schools and other institutions, and create and enjoy a high state of intelligence and civilization. Their language "is all Greek" to the native Americans around them; so they are allowed a liberty of tongue and pen which is forbidden to any other class of residents. Some of these Germans are highly educated gentlemen, having distinguished themselves in their own fatherland. One of them, in response to a letter addressed to a friend of his for information, writes: "I see with pleasure that our brethren in sentiment at the North begin to help us practically. There is no State in the southern section of the Union more fit for producing cotton and sugar by free labor than Texas, allowing with her genial climate the European and northern laborer to work hard without apprehension of sickness. The Texas cotton equals in quality, if not excels, every other. Negro labor being at a high price, white labor has an advantageous competition. If, nevertheless, free has not yet disputed the ground with negro labor, it may be imputed to the following causes: First, the largest portion of our population depending on free labor in Texas, live further off from the coast, and consequently from the market, than the other. Second, The prices of corn in this upper country have been so high hitherto as to render its production as profitable as that of cotton. Third, It is every where difficult to introduce new branches of industry, the results of the old one always being before one's eyes, while those of the new are only problematical. There is a good basis in Western Texas for establishing the free labor cotton production on a large scale." We could fill an entire number of the Citizen with interesting communications from Germans in Texas on the subject of free labor farming. We hope this correspondence may be largely extended, and that we shall find most valuable co-workers in this numerous and increasing portion of the population of that State. But the Germans can live and labor as safely and successfully in the upper portions of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi as in Texas, and they are finding their way into those States also. It would fully and well employ one man's time to correspond with these scattered communities, and communicate to them the stimulus of northern sympathy, and perhaps of material assistance, or of some facilities which would be helpful. We should be glad to receive from our readers any information they can give bearing on this subject; or the address of any persons of their acquaintance in the South from whom such information may be obtained. Perhaps some one who may see these lines may be disposed to engage as one of the pioneers in free labor farming in the Slave States. If so, we should be highly gratified to hear from him by, post. All communications for the Editor of the Citizen should be directed to New Britain, Conn. --Burritt's Citizen of the World. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Reprinted from Burritts Citizens of the World. Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal 9:38, p. 598 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.31.1856 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Who wants Sugar at such a cost? Description An account of the resource In an article in the Baton Rouge Gazette, a Louisiana paper, headed "Sugar vs. Cotton," published in 1839, and intended to urge the more extensiv cultivation of sugar in that state, is the following remark:--"The rigorous measures about to be enforced against the African slave-trade, will probably enhance the price of slaves in the Spanish Islands, and diminish the amount of sugar annually made. The natural increase of the slaves in Cuba falls short of the demand, on account of the excessive hard labour to which they are subjected; the men being worked during eight months of the year, twenty hours out of the twenty-four, and consequently short lived. Every thing then seems to be in favour of the sugar planter, and bids him take courage!" I doublted the extent of the atrocious oppression in Cuba, indicated in this cold argument, until I met with R.R. Madden's poem, called "The Sugar Estate." Dr. Madden had abundant facilities for informing himself of Cuban slavery; and his name is high authority for whatever he asserts regarding it. The doctor makes the mayoral, or overseer of a sugar estate, to say:-- "But where, you ask me, are the poor old slaves? Where should they be, of course, but in their graves? We do not send them there before their time, But let them die, when they are past their prime. Men who are worked by night as well as day, Some how or other, live not to be grey; Sink from exhaustion---sicken--droop, and die, And leave the Count another batch to buy; There's stock abundant in the slave bazaars, Thanks to the banner of the stripes and stars! You cannot think how soon the want of sleep Breaks down their strengths, 'tis well they are so cheap! Four hours of rest in time of crop--for five Or six long months, and few indeed will thrive. With twenty hours of unremitting toil, Twelve in the field, and eight in doors, to boil Or grind the cane--believe me, few grow old. But life is cheap, and sugar, sir,--is gold. You think our interest is to use our blacks As careful owners use their costly backs; Our interest is to make the most we can, Of every negro in the shortest span!" Dr. Madden gives it as his opinion, that on sugar estates the annual mortality is about ten per cent., and on coffee estates five per cent. After this statement "That tells a tale of murder largely done," who wants to buy Havana sugar? The superintendent of the free negroes of Trinidad, persons who, during the American revolution, had escaped from bondage into the British service, and were colonized there, gave evidence to the British Parliament, more than twenty years since, as follows:--"I do not think that sugar estates could be carried on entirely by free labour, in the manner the work is done at present; making large quantities of work in a given time; in many instances, working eighteen hours out of twenty-four, which constant labour the free settler will not submit to." Happily British West India slavery has now ceased, and with it this oppressive labour. The motive which induces the holding of slaves is every where the same--the desire of wrongful gain to the holder--wrongful as taking from the holden their moral and natural rights. Under this motive, the question of how much labour may be exacted from the slave, without prejudice to his human existence, will soon degenerate into one of how much that life is worth, not to the man--but to the holder of him, and not to him in its moral, but in its productive aspects! This is the evident result of the downward tendency of a bad commencement. Hence we are not to look any where for a very different condition of the slave in similar subjects of culture, and with the spur to the extortion of labour, which commercial competition furnishes. The "law of trade" is but followed out, when men, coming to regard their fellow-beings as mere chattels, so "use them up," as to get out of them the greatest possible amount of production. It belongs especially to the coerced sugar cultivation to be prodigal of human life,--every where prodigal, yet with such variations of amount us the cost of the human implement, and other adventitious circumstancs may demand. Do we expect a system of sugar cultivation in our Southern country by slave-labour, which shall be essentially more benignant than that which we find is exerted elsewhere? Are our planters more humane than those of Cuba, Brazil, and other foreign places where slave-sugar is produced? What says for their clemency, the burning of negroes alive, and the protection given by the public sentiment, and even the courts of justice, to the perpetrators of such horrid tragedies? We err, if we expect to separate from the American system the evils which belong to universal slavery. What the true facts are of the sugar cultivation in Louisiana, the state in which it most abounds, in reference to the abridgment of human life, is stated below in the language of David Lee Child. "In 1831, the Secretary of the Treasury made a report to the House of Representatives, embracing the statements of a great number of sugar planters of Louisiana and other states, concerning the expenses and profits of their business. There was a statement by the central committee of the sugar planters of Louisiana; one by a committee of the parish [county] of Plaquemine, containing an immense table of the expenditures and products of twenty plantations in that parish; one from the Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge, and several from individuals, including J.S. Johnston, then a senator from Louisiana in the Congress of the United States. All these, with the exception of the Baton Rouge Society, set down the annual loss of slave-property, on the sugar plantations, at five per cent. That society says, "two and a half" per cent.; but this answer, in form, relates to "slave property," in general, and is not confined to the sugar estates. On the other hand, I have been informed that some sugar planters have admitted, that they "use up" seven per cent. of their hands every year. The loss to which I refer, is placed in the Secretary's report, and in the communications from Louisiana, under the heads of "risk," "decreased value," "death," and "deterioration." The chasms thus made are to be filled up with new cargoes, and c[?] from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, &c. In order to appreciate and apply these admissions of the adversary, it is necessary to consider that the annual increase of the population of the United States is about four per cent.--in other words, the vacancies caused by death are supplied, and four per cent. net gain is added; therefore, on the sugar plantations of the South, a positive loss of "five per cent." must be added to the negative loss of four, making an outright waste of human life, or downright massacre, of nine slaves to every hundred, every year! The amount on the sugar plantations of Louisiana, to pass over those of Florida, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, is three thousand one hundred and fifty per annum. These are just as much murdered as if they were shot en masse, and indeed more inhumanly, inasmuch as death by torture is more terrible. In this single branch of slave employment, there is a greater destruction of human life, every year, than there was in the whole French Revolution, bloody as that has ever been deemed. Who wants to buy New Orleans sugar? P. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource P. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Friend; a Religious and Literary Journal 16:8, p. 63 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.19.1842 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Meetings and Events Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource COLORED FREE PRODUCE SOCIETY Description An account of the resource The circumstances of a society having been organized some months since in Philadelphia, under the above title, has been mentioned before in this work. The following is the preamble to their Constitution. We should be glad to insert the articles themselves, but have not room to spare at present. This association may be considered auxiliary to the Pennsylvania Free Produce Society, the proceedings of which have been heretofore noticed. "Whereas, the Constitution of the United States expressly declares, that "all men are born free and equal," but in consequence of the superior wealth and influence of the white population, they have deemed themselves justifiable in establishing and pursuing the notorious practice of holding their colored brethren, who are the children of the same Almighty Parent, and possesed of the same feelings with themselves, mental and physical, in the most abject servitude and oppression--trafficking in their flesh, separating parent from child, husband from wife, and brother from sister, without any regard to those social and domestic enjoyments, which they themselves profess to esteem so highly: And, whereas, it is well ascertained, that self-interest will induce individuals to perform acts for which reason and humanity have long been appealed to in vain; and as every individual who uses the produce of slave labor encourages the slave-holder, becomes also a participator in his wickedness, and rivets the chains of the oppressed more firmly: And, whereas, the substituting of the produce of freemen for that of slaves, is a sure method of lessening the value of slave-labor and destroying the gains of the hardened oppressor, and will, therefore, induce him sooner or later, to restore to the oppressed those inalienable rights, of which they have been so cruelly and unjustly deprived: And, moreover, as it particularly becomes us, who are more closely allied to the sons of Africa, to use our influence to change their present degraded condition, and restore them to the rank which nature and nature's God designed they should occupy: Therefore, we, whose names are hereunto subscribed, agree to form ourselves into an association, to be called the "Colored Free Produce Society of Pennsylvania," that we may the more easily obtain and impart such information, connected with this subjct, as may promote the objects above stated: and for the furtherance of these views we adopt for our government the following Constitution." The annexed proceedings of a meeting of the association, are inserted at the request of the officers thereof. A stated meeting of the Colored, Free Produce Society, was held in Philadelphia, on the evening of the 18th of April, 1831. The meeting was honored by the presence of several of our white friends, who are members of a similar institution. The House being organized, business commenced by calling the roll, after which the quarterly contributions were taken up. The minutes of the preceeding meeting were then read by the Secretary; and the minutes of the corresponding committee were read by their Secretary. A report being presented by the corresponding committee, on motion it was read & adopted. A communication was handed in by one of our white friends:--which was also read. The meeting was then addressed, by Mr. Lundy; he stated many important things, for our encouragement; he was followed by another gentleman, with some very salutary remarks. It was, on motion, resolved, That this society appropriate ten dollars, to be added to the premium offered for Rice, raised by free labor. On motion, resolved, that the thanks of this meeting be given to those white friends, who have honored us with their presence and advice. JAMES CORNISH, Secretary. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. The committee to whom was referred the preparation of a report, relative to the proceedings of the colored Free Produce Society, respectfully state: That they have had the subject under consideration, and cannot regard it in any other light than that of the deepest interest to us--because it looks forward to the annihilation of a practice, which has long been regarded by some of the most enlightened nations in Europe, as piratical, unjust, and anti-christian, in its operations--because it deprives man of those privileges which are inseparable from his constitutional habits, for no other reason than the unalterable color of his skin. Your committee has the satisfaction to observe, that since the formation of this society, the demand and consumption of the articles of Free Produce have exceeded the most sanguine expectations of its friends; and as an evidence of this, we learn, by a statement of Mr. James L. Pierce, a gentleman who is extensively engaged in the sale of articles of Free Produce, that the sales within the last 18 months have been between five and six thousand dollars.--And so warmly have some of the members of this society entered into the spirit of the undertaking, that from 23 to 50 lbs of free sugar have been purchased at a time for family consumption.--And one of them has commenced the sale of Free Cotton articles, upon a small scale. Your committee would further mention, that they hav had repeated interviews with the members of the white Free Produce Society, from which they have drived much satisfaction and information. Your committee humbly hope that they have fulfilled the duty assigned them--and, therefore beg to be discharged. FREDERICK A. HINTON ROBT. PURVIS. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource James Cornish, Frederick A. Hinton, Robert Purvis Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 2:1, p. 6 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.1831