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                <text>A Good Man Gone.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;A recent arrival from England brings us intelligence of the death of Mr. GEORGE RICHARDSON, at Newcastle-on-Tyne, which occurred on the 9th ult., in the 89th year of his age. The deceased was a member of the Society of Friends, and a consistent advocate of Peace, Temperance and Freedom. He early espoused the cause of the oppressed of the West Indies, and quit using the products of slave labor as one of the means of bringing about emancipation. In him the American Abolitionists had a firm and unwearied coadjutor. He labored zealously and most successfully for the amelioration of the condition of the poor in his own town. His door always opened to welcome the stranger, no matter of what country, clime, or color. In each outspoken action of his life one sentiment was ever prominent, and that the noblest one that ever actuates a human soul, the sentiment of duty. Few indeed have trodden with more care and less weariness "the straight and narrow path," or followed more faithfully that light which lighteth every man into and through the world. The outcast and needy of Newcastle will not soon find another George Richardson. The young may well imitate his character, while all can view his life as a beacon calling them on to higher and holier duty in the great work of making the world better. No unkind thought will follow bin to his grave, but it will be a place sought out by the pilgrim from a distance, as well as by the poor that loved him so well while living.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;br /&gt;"Thus, sleep the good, who sink to rest,&lt;br /&gt;By all their country's wishes blest&lt;br /&gt;When Spring, with dewy fingers cold,&lt;br /&gt;Returns to desk their hallowed mould,&lt;br /&gt;She there shall desk a sweeter sod&lt;br /&gt;Than Fancy's feet have aver trod.&lt;br /&gt;There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray,&lt;br /&gt;To bless the turf that wraps their clay,&lt;br /&gt;And Freedom shall a while repair,&lt;br /&gt;To dwell a weeping hermit there."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;W.W.B.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;We most fully unite with the grateful tribute thus rendered to our late venerable friend, Mr. GEORGWE RICHARDSON, of New Castle upon Tyne. 'A good man gone' may well be said of him,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Goodness&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;, was the main feature of his life, and all who were brought into contact with him were impressed with the goodness reflected from every line of his broad benevolent countenance. Privileged often to visit him sixteen years ago, and again two years, ago, we always felt like saying when contemplating him; 'Mark the perfect man behold the upright for the end of that man is peace.' He was emphatically the friend of the whole human family. Every man in need or in suffering whom he could, soothe, succor and relieve was his neighbor. He had counsel for the ignorant and erring, sympathy for the oppressed and an open band to the poor and needy. He was among the last living representatives of that noble body of good men in England who held up the hands of CLARKSON, WILBERFORCE, and Sir FOWELL BUXTON, while they carried the British nation up to she act of Emancipation. The dose of a life to long and so well spent, leaves no room for mourning, but rather leads to a feeling of peaceful gratitude that such a friend, has lived so long to serve and bless all within the reach of his influence.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator; Douglass' Monthly&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Liberator&lt;/em&gt; concludes at the W.W.B. signature.&lt;em&gt;&amp;nbsp;Douglass' Montly &lt;/em&gt;adds the final paragraph of the article.&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Liberator &lt;/em&gt;9.26.1862&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Douglass' Mothly &lt;/em&gt;10.1862&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>W.W.B.</text>
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                <text>To purify their wine, some people bleed &lt;br /&gt;A lamb into the barrel, and succeed; &lt;br /&gt;No nostrum, planters say, is half so good &lt;br /&gt;To make fine sugar, as a&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;negro's&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;blood.&lt;br /&gt;Now&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;lambs&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;and&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;negroes&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;both are harmless things,&lt;br /&gt;And hence perhaps this wondrous virtue springs,&lt;br /&gt;'Tis in the blood of innocence alone--&lt;br /&gt;Good cause why planters never try thir own.</text>
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                <text>William Cowper</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Slave's Friend: &lt;/em&gt;8, p. 20</text>
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                <text>1.1.1836</text>
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                <text>For Frederick Douglass' Paper (Letter to the Editor)</text>
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                <text>Letter advocating for free labor</text>
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                <text>AURORA, N.Y., March 14, 1855.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
FRIEND DOUGLASS: - On looking over your paper of March 9, I see a piece entitled a New Association ; and as you thereby invite the thoughts of your readers as to how slavery shall be got rid of, I venture to give you mine on the subject, (hoping you will have many thoughts form others also, for in the multitude of counselors there is safety.) We all know it is a great work, and a mighty opposition may reasonably be expected; but happily for, us the world affords us one example of such a work being effected; (I mean the English emancipation;) and in this work, no one person can expect to work alone, but everyone may help, and a most effectual help I conceive it would be, if everyone would thoroughly wash their hands of participation in the guilt and sin of slavery, as this seems a very plain question; that as the slave-owner steals the labor to produce the fruits of the earth, such goods, whether cotton, tobacco or sugar, or anything else, are stolen goods; and the indisputable proverb, that the receive is as bad as the thief, seems to hold good, if he knew it to be stolen I would suggest, then the propriety of something like a pledge to be signed by every person, man, woman or child, capable of knowing the purpose, not to sue in any way, slave produce . If only a goodly portion of the inhabitants of the Northern States would sign such a pledge, and strictly keep it, then we might reasonably appeal to the masses of England to cooperate in the work; and I have no doubt that a vast number of the inhabitant of England would, if appealed to on the subject, enter into it heartily; for I believe that full ninety-nine out of a hundred of the English are opposed to slavery, and would do any reasonable thing to help exterminate it. If, then, the people of the free States here, and then the people of England, could be brought to refuse slave goods, and let slave produce accumulate in their wharves and warehouses, till they were all full, and hard to find a market anywhere, then, when we had made our efforts felt in the right quarter, begin to think of getting up petitions to Congress to do away with slavery, and relieve the Southerners of this difficulty in not being able to sell their produce ; and, after all, I believe it would be the greatest blessing to the South, in the long run, if it could be expected it is easy to suggest this plan on paper, but it would require a long pull, as strong pull, and a pull all together, to carry it out in practice.&#13;
&#13;
I hardly see how anyone can object to this plan, let him belong to what denomination, sect or party he may, if he professes the religion of the Bible; and if anyone feel like stumbling at the laws of this land, in regard to slavery, he would do well to remember the words of Peter and other apostles in the 5th ch. Of Acts, 29th verse: "We ought to obey God, rather than men;" and I would ask, what would become of slavery if all professing Christians would obey this one precept in the 58th ch. Of Isaiah, 6th verse: "Is not this the fast that I have chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free , and that ye break every yoke?" and the next verse is in direct opposition to the carrying out of the Fugitive Slave Law. Ah! that a people boasting of their freedom would obey God rather than man. I know that some try to excuse, palliate, or even justify slavery from the Bible; but I think on one, with any knowledge of the precepts of Christianity, need fear to take up the weapons of his warfare against such blind leaders of the blind.&#13;
&#13;
Wishing success to every effort for truth and righteousness, I bid you a hearty and affectionate farewell,&#13;
&#13;
WILLIAM EMPSON.</text>
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                <text>William Empson</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Frederick Douglass' Paper&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>4.20.1855</text>
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                <text>Letters from the Editor. No. I.</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="right" style="text-align: left;"&gt;NORTHAMPTON, July 14, 1843.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;MY DEAR FRIEND—Before coming to this place, I had heard such encomiums bestowed on the beauty of its position and appearance, as to excite high-wrought expectations and a lively curiosity in my breast, in regard to it. These have been abundantly realized; so that I, too, am prepared to join the throng of admirers, and to concede to Northampton the palm for romantic loveliness and the most charming scenery over every other place that I have yet visited in our flourishing Commonwealth. I have long claimed for Newburyport, my own beloved native place, an unrivalled location, and attractions of the most bewitching character; but, on the whole, Nature has showered her gifts with a more prodigal hand on Northampton. Each of these places has features peculiar to itself, which place it beyond comparison. Here I miss the Merrimack river, rolling majestically in its broadest dimensions towards the Atlantic, and also the sight of that great ocean in the distance; but ample compensation is made in the proximity of the Connecticut river, and in view of the sublime range of hills which surrounds this place on every side. Ride in whatever direction you choose, if you have any taste for the sublime or beautiful, you will be filled with delight, and constantly induced to exclaim, in the devout spirit of the royal singer of Israel,—'O Lord, how manifold are thy works! in wisdom hast thou made them all: the earth is full of thy riches...Thou greatly enrichest it with the river of God, which is full of water; thou waterest the ridges thereof abundantly; thou settlest the furrows thereof; thou makest it soft with showers; thou blessest the springing thereof. Thou crownest the year with thy goodness; and thy paths drop fatness.' At first, the atmosphere seemed to be so laden with perfume as to be almost oppressive, so great was the contrast with the rank smells of our crowded city. The pride of this place, as furnishing the finest sites for dwellings, is Round Hill, which is indeed a gem of exceeding beauty, and which reminds me of English scenery in connexion with princely opulence. The highest elevations are Mount Tom and Mount Holyoke; of which the latter is the popular resort, though the altitude of the former is somewhat greater, and the view from which, (in the opinion of a friend who has been something of a traveller on both sides of the Atlantic,) is surpassingly magnificent. I intend visiting them before my return; for though 'the eye is never satisfied with seeing,' it is the medium through which an immense amount of satisfaction is conveyed to the mind. I will then give you my 'impressions.' Having seen the Welch and Scottish mountains, and stood on the summits of the Green mountains of Vermont and the White mountains of New-Hampshire, these do not strongly affect my imagination, as their height, I believe, does not exceed one hundred feet. Yet in appearance they approach to the sublime, and form a striking contrast with the intervales and meadows in their vicinage.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;This is the residence of SYLVESTER GRAHAM, who has encountered his share of the world's obloquy for attempting to reform it from some of its beastly habits, but who has displayed a martyr's spirit and front in giving utterance to his convictions of truth, as it relates to the bodily as well as spiritual redemption of mankind. Though not a convert to all his views, I admire his firmness, his courage, and his manifest desire to bless mankind by showing them how, in his opinion, they best can 'glorify God in their bodies and spirits, which are his.' Comparatively few have been found disposed to adopt his dietetic theory, in all its minutiae; but tens of thousands of persons have been happily affected by his lectures and writings, and saved from the direful effects of a vitiated appetite; though, of this great multitude, few, I am apprehensive, are disposed to acknowledge their indebtedness to him. Shame on them for their lack of gratitude and magnanimity! But this is the fate of every reformer, in his day and generation. Time and posterity will take care of his memory.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Our able and vigorous anti slavery coadjutor, D.L. CHILD, is still here, but expects to leave for New York (via Boston) in all next week, to assume the editorial management of the Standard. Success has not crowned his efforts in the sugar-beet cultivation, but the has probably done all that any one could have done, in his circumstances, and deserved something more than success. He has toiled early and late, in season and out of season, not 'like a slave,' but like a freeman and 'with a will,' and far more severely than a human being ought to toil. He has exhibited immense energy and resolution, and, especially for one 'bred to the law,' and fond of literary pursuits, astonishing industry. The location of the land which he has tilled is very pleasant, and he has made some substantial improvements on it. I regret, for the sake of humanity, as well as for his own sake, that his experiment has failed; for an additional blow would be given to slavery, if free sugar could supplant that which is raised by slave labor—as it will, unquestionably, at a day not far distant. The Standard, under his care, cannot fail to be an ably conducted journal. He has great qualities of mind, and has been identified with the anti-slavery cause from an early period. Standing aloof, as he does, from every religious sect and political party, (though of religion and politics he has his own views,) I confide in him to pursue an impartial course, as editor of the Standard,—to give credit to whom credit may be due,—to regard the success of our cause as paramount to all questions of national policy,—and to give no quarter either to spiritual or political wickedness in high places. It is to be hoped that Mrs. CHILD will be a liberal contributor to the Standard, especially to its literary department, and that the distinguishing elements of their character will be blended together in the management of the paper.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;The town of Northampton (by which term I now mean the houses, stores, &amp;amp;c.) wears an air of dilapidation, and will not compare in architectural taste and beauty with many other places in the State, though it has a few handsome buildings. Aside from its delightful location, it presents no features either of an impressive or interesting character. The spirit of enterprise appears to be exiled from it, and it has the misfortune to be under the control of a few wealthy men, who, having more than a sufficiency of this world's goods, have long since retired from business, and seemingly wish not to be disturbed in their repose even by the hum of prosperity. A rail-road is talked of between this place and Springfield, and some steps have been taken towards its commencement; but how soon it will be completed, is extremely uncertain.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Inviting as is Northampton to all tourists and sojourners from our great cities during the summer season, I am told that the hotels are yet vacant, and that the prospect is, that they will continue to remain so. Let it be made accessible by a rail-road, and no doubt multitudes would be induced to visit the place, who now 'pass by on the other side.'&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;My present location is about three miles from the centre of the town, in a spot quite rural and...that I can report nothing of their civil hospitality. Besides my unpopularity as an abolitionist in this region, religious bigotry reigns with despotic sway over the minds of the people, and inflames their prejudices against me on account of my contending for that liberty wherewith Christ makes his followers free. It is melancholy to see those, whom God has made to serve him, so priest-ridden, and bewitched by carnal observances, and misled by sectarian creeds. Thought I find 'none so poor' (with scarcely an exception,) as to give me a friendly welcome to the town, yet I have no complaint to make, but feel happy in the assurance that I am not slighted for any evil that I have done, but for my fidelity in exposing the religious and political impostures of the times. With the amiable Cowper, I can rejoicingly say—&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;'Tis my happiness below,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Not to live without the cross,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;But a Saviour's power to know,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Sanctifying every loss.'&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;There are a few choice anti-slavery spirits here, but these reside chiefly in the 'Community.' Some days prior to the fourth of July, we resolved to celebrate that day by an anti-slavery meeting in the town; and accordingly deputed a committee (Dr. Hudson and James Boyle) to apply for the town hall, for that purpose. The person who has charge of the hall was seen by them, and agreed to let us have it. Notices of the meeting were sent to the different clergymen, to be read from their pulpits; but none complied with the request, excepting the Baptist and Unitarian. Some fifty handbills were printed, and posted in various parts of the town, informing the people of our intentions, and inviting them to attend; but these were torn down by the lawless spirit of pro-slavery almost immediately, so that comparatively few persons were notified of the meeting. The morning of the 'glorious fourth' came, and a small band of us assembled at the town hall, but found the doors closed against us, and no one to tell us for what cause! The friends of impartial liberty were thus turned into the street, rudely and dishonorably, with this alternative—either to hold their meeting in the open air, or to shake off the dust from their feet on the town, and go elsewhere. Nothing daunted, they immediately organized in front of the hall, under two finely over-shadowing elm trees, by calling that unblenching friend of human rights, Prof. WILLIAM ADAM, to the chair, and appointing DAVID LEE CHILD secretary. I then addressed the assembly at some length, after reading a portion of the first chapter of Isaiah, making my remarks as applicable to the day and the occasion as it was in my power, and exposing the awful guilt and hypocrisy of the American people in pretending to be worshippers at the shrine of Freedom, and to be praising God for their deliverance from a foreign yoke, while they were keeping in abject bondage a population larger than that of all New-England! The words that I uttered were those of 'truth and soberness'—and though they were calculated to make the ears of the wicked to tingle, and the hearts of the hypocritical to writhe in agony, yet they were such as the oppressed in all ages and in all climes have loved to hear, such as became a freeman, such as exhibited slavery in its true colors, and such as left the whole country without excuse for its abominable deeds. It was the first time that I ever mounted literally a stump as a rostrum from which to address the people, and I found much more freedom of spirit on it than I had ever found in a pulpit. James Boyle followed me in a speech of great cogency and power, in which he went into an examination of the religious aspects of our cause, and demonstrated that, for the continuance of slavery in our land, the American church and clergy are pre-eminently guilty, and deserve to be abandoned by all who fear God or regard man. He made some very pointed allusions to the pro-slavery position of the clergy in Northampton, and their subserviency to public opinion. 'You will find them all ready enough,' he said, 'to countenance the temperance picknick, to be held this afternoon, because the popular gale sets strongly in that quarter; but not to attend a meeting like this, or to advocate a cause so unpopular as ours.' It was the intention of Dr. Hudson and D.L. Child to be among the speakers on the occasion, but they both felt unwilling to offer any remarks, lest (as they said) they should weaken, rather than deepen the impressions that had been made on the minds of the audience. The broadest invitation was repeatedly given to all who were present, to participate in the proceedings, and especially to deny (if they could) the soundness of any of the positions that had been assumed, or the arguments that had been offered, or the allegations that had been made; but no one ventured to appear in defence either of Church or State. An elderly gentleman, named Taylor, (not a resident of the town, I believe,) stepped forward, and said that he was as much of an abolitionist as any body, and hated slavery as much as Mr. Garrison did; that I had spoken in 'unmeasured terms' of slavery, but he had no fault to find on that score; but that I had not told the people what they could do to abolish the system. He thought we had nothing to do with it; it was a part of the compact, and incorporated into the Constitution; and it was our duty to support it until that Constitution should be amended, though he was decidedly opposed to all political action on the subject! After premising that I knew not how to speak in&amp;nbsp;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;measured&amp;nbsp;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;terms of a system so unclean and impious as is slavery, and that they who have an object to effect are seldom found lamenting that they know not what to do, and that the grief of abolitionists is, that so much is to be and can be done, and that there are so few to do the work, I proceeded to show in what manner and on what grounds the people of the North were justly chargeable with upholding slavery, and, consequently, how they might extricate themselves from their present guilty relations. But, if I satisfied others on that point, I did not convince Mr. Taylor, who shook his head, and reiterated his declaration, that, slavery being sanctioned by the Constitution, we were bound to sustain it as law-abiding citizens. He argued that, so long as it was in the statute book, the law of the land was of paramount authority to the law of God. I admired his honesty in avowing this monstrous doctrine—a doctrine which is practically enforced as orthodox by the great body of our religious and political leaders, though in the abstract conceded to be heretical. He was quite certain, moreover, that the abolitionists had retarded the abolition of slavery many years—an assertion which Messrs. DcDuffie, Calhoun, Clay &amp;amp; Co. would rejoice to see demonstrated as a fact, and which indicates either profound ignorance or consummate effrontery, by whom soever made. This was easily disposed of, and the meeting was then dissolved.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Our audience was probably twice as numerous as it would have been in the hall, from the novelty of the gathering in the open air. Among the listeners, I am told, was the Rev. William Allen, D.D. formerly President of Bowdoin College. I wish he had taken the stump, and defined his position on this momentous question. The weather was delightful, and the proceedings throughout were perfectly orderly; not the slightest disrespect being shown, in a single instance.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;There are three newspapers published here—two whig, and one democratic. The Courier and Gazette (both whig) took no notice of the meeting,—whether from motives of policy, or in the spirit of contempt, I don not know, but in giving, as they did,...served in the town, their silence in regard to a meeting held under such peculiar circumstance, in so public a manner, and with such a noble object in view, is certainly not creditable to their humanity or courtesy.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;In the Democrat,—which has for its motto, as if purposely to illustrate its rottenness, 'Uncompromising hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man,'—appeared an editorial sketch of the meeting, which was chiefly confined to a personal attack upon myself, and to a broad caricature of what was said and done on the occasion, expressed in the language and spirit of the lowest blackguardism. I send you a copy of the paper, containing the article, which I wish you to place in the receptacle provided for such ebullitions in the columns of the Liberator. It furnishes additional evidence of the fact which has long since been demonstrated to the world, that there is nothing under heaven so devoid of principle, so callous to shame, so reprobate in spirit, so profligate in practice, so impudent in pretension, so hypocritical in conduct, so heartless in feeling, or so villanous in design, as the existing DEMOCRACY of the United States, falsely so called.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Who can with patience for a moment see&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;The medley mass of pride and misery,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Of whips and charters, manacles and rights,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Of slaving blacks and democratic whites,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;And all the piebald policy that reigns,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;In free confusion, o'er Columbia's plains?&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;To think that man, thou just and gentle God,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Should stand before thee with a tyrant's rod,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;O'er creatures like himself, with souls from thee,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Yet dare to boast of perfect liberty!!'&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Alluding to me, the editor of the Democrat politely says—'He began with a lie in his mouth, by saying that he was refused admittance into the town hall.' The facts respecting our being excluded from the hall are precisely such as I have already mentioned. The plea now made, in order to get rid of the odium which must ever attach to such unworthy conduct, is, that the hall had been previously engaged to the ladies engaged in the Temperance celebration on that day. But it avails nothing—for, first, the hall was not occupied during the forenoon, if at any other period in the day, either by the ladies or by others, but remained empty and locked throughout our meeting; secondly, it was a piece of deception to give us the assurance that we should occupy the hall, if it had been already promised to others; and, thirdly, whether such an agreement had been made in behalf of the ladies, or not, no one presented himself to enlighten us on this point, or to prevent any misapprehension that might arise under the anomalous circumstances of the case, or to correct any of our statement. 'Finding that no one contradicted him in his falsehood,' continues the editor—I give you his name, 'Rinaldo R. Taylor'—'he made the most of it by a long harangue against the town, (a false assertion,) and thanked heaven that he was allowed to speak in the open air— (that is true.) 'He said that $5000 had been offered for his poor head by some lynching characters at the South.' Those lynching characters were the Senate and House of Representatives of Georgia, backed up in legal form by the Executive of that State. This atrocious attempt, by the offer of a large bribe, on the part of a sovereign State, to secure the abduction and subsequent murder of a citizen of Massachusetts guiltless of any and every crime, and simply for advocating universal liberty and equality, is treated by this 'democratic' traducer as a capital joke, but which, in the matter of dollars and cents, he thinks was carried a&amp;nbsp;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;little&amp;nbsp;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;too far—for, 'judging from the effect of his preaching here, we should say that it was a very extravagant offer.' Ha! ha! ha! What can be more droll or witty? Now, it may be safely affirmed that the man who can thus treat an offer so murderous, needs nothing but the opportunity and the courage to perpetuate any crime within the scope of human transgression. With his own hands he tears off the mask of his profession, and reveals himself in his true character. But the editor adds—'Indeed it is our firm belief, that if these lynchers were to pay Wm. L. Garrison, editor of the Boston Liberator, and David L. Child, editor of the New-York Standard, the $5000 to keep their heads on their shoulders, and employ them in delivering lectures about the country, it would be a better speculation (for slavery, of course,) than to chop off their heads.' Slang like this is the popular 'democratic' currency. But, mark the argument! D.L. Child and W.L. Garrison will do more to perpetuate slavery, by 'delivering lectures about the country,' than the chopping off of their heads would do to secure the same end; therefore, let them live! But, should the 'lynchers' be, after all, the more sagacious in this matter, why then the heads of these fanatical abolitionists ought to be chopped off, by a just regard for our 'constitutions and laws,' and as a good 'specution'!&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;I am next charged with having used 'disgusting language, not only against departed patriots, both clerical and laymen, but against the constitutions and laws framed by them,' &amp;amp;c. Why did not this patriotic democrat expose the injustice of my remarks on the spot? Why did he skulk from manly discussion, and by silence give his consent to the accuracy of all that was advanced by the speakers? Doubtless, on that occasion, he felt that discretion was the better part of valor, as did a certain redoubtable here of old, whose lies, like his own, were 'gross as a mountain, open, palpable.' Why, in giving an account of the meeting, does he suppress the fact, that all persons who were present, whether friendly or hostile to the anti-slavery movement, were invited to give utterance to their sentiments; and that, though charges of a grave character were urged against both Church and State, and repeated solicitations made to have them corrected if they were not true, no one came forward—no, not even to screen the clergy of the place from condemnation, or to convict me of 'lying,' in regard to the town hall? He knows that when our opponents were called on to say in what manner we had disturbed the truth—&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;'There was silence, deep as death,&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;And the boldest held his breath&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;For a time'—&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;until he could utter his ribaldry through the medium of the 'Northampton Democrat.'&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Again—'The clergy came in for the greatest share of abuse, and were told to extend the solemnization of the marriage vow to the horses in the stables, the cattle in the yards, and the pigs in the pens.' This the critic calls 'disgusting balderdash,' but, in the true spirit of knavery, he does not state in what connexion this language was used; that it was simply an illustration—the&amp;nbsp;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;argumentum ad hominem&lt;/i&gt;—to show the folly of those who, while they maintain that slaves are justly the chattels personal of their masters, affect to regard the suppression of the marriage institution among them as a great evil! As if property stood in virtuous need of the marriage vow!&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;But I must close. Let the article in the Democrat appear in the next number of the Liberator, without abridgment, and send a copy to its courteous and veracious editor.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Yours, for free discussion,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>William Lloyd Garrison</text>
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                <text>The Yankee Cotton-Spinner in a Fix. Free Labour Question in America.</text>
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                <text>"I THINK that the Free Labour Question will come before the people of this country in a short time. The Slave States are fast erecting various kinds of manufacturing establishments, but more particularly for the manufacture of cotton goods. This will cause both capitalist and labourers of the Free States to take the side of Free Labour. The slave-holders have already in operation, in the Slave States, a number of establishments. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"In one, they have three hundred women at work. It costs but about twenty-five dollars per year to take care of a slave. They say that they can manufacture cotton goods twenty per cent cheaper at the South, than the free manufacturers of the North. If so, then the Northern manufacturers must stop, or try to keep slave-manufactured goods out of the market. I think the latter will be the case. The question of the impropriety of using slave produce is being discussed in this country in several of our papers. The Pennsylvania Freeman takes, I think, a good stand upon the question."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--&lt;em&gt;Letter from William W. Brown, dated Philadelphia, December&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;30, 1848.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Monthly Illustrations of American Slavery&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>2.29.1849</text>
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                <text>Slave Labor Produce.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;SLAVE LABOR PRODUCE.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Providence, July 7&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;, 1836.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;WM. LLOYD GARRISON:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Respected Friend&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;,—It is so important that every thing should be done that can be done, consistent with christian principles, for the liberation of the slaves, that it is very painful to witness an unwillingness to renounce, as much as possible, the use of articles of slave produce, and a disposition on the part of any, in the least degree, to discourage others from so laudable a course. Where the path of duty appears so plain, we might suppose that every&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;christian&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;, and every&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;abolitionist&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;, would be very careful to keep aloof, as much as possible from contamination: even if it subjected him to the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;total&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;relinquishment of certain articles usually deemed important in the family, in short that nothing but the risk of health and of life should induce him to partake. But when we reflect that substitutes can generally be procured, and often of a quality and price as favourable; that Free Produce stores have been established in some of the larger cities, and that others would immediately be established if the patronage would authorise, there is no longer any reasonable excuse.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have been informed this day of a man in Burrillville, in this State, who refused to sign any paper to promote African emancipation, because he was apprehensive it would raise the price of molasses! He acted on the principle that it was better to perpetuate the bondage of two and a half millions of his fellow men, than that he should be subjected to the expense of a few cents extra on the gallon for the molasses he might want to use in his family! How far from this principle do those differ, who, rather than incur any additional expense and trouble for the articles they consume in their families, give all their patronage to those who traffic in the bodies and souls of men?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I look upon this as a very important part of that system of means now happily in use for the attainment of your great object. I have been impressed with this sentiment for more than 15 years, and I am ashamed to say, and it should lead me to the deepest repentance, that during this long period, I have but occasionally and partially, lived up to that course which I knew to be right. When in N. York, in May, hearing the remarks made on the resolution to which allusion has been made by Judge Jay and Gerrit Smith, Esq., I resolved that with the Divine assistance, I would endeavor to avoid, as much as possible, the use of those articles, and in so doing up to this time, I can truly say I have had that satisfaction which the world does not afford, that satisfaction which the luxurious do not enjoy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have copied with some slight variation for your examination, and insertion in the Liberator, if you think proper, the following from a monthly publication, published in Tennessee, in 1820, by Elihu Embree, of the Society of Friends, and which served to enlighten my mind in regard to this subject.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With much respect,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;WM. DROWN.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>An Experiment of Free Labor</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;IBERVLLE PARISH, La., Aug. 1, 1865.&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;To the Freedmen's Aid Association of New Orleans&lt;/i&gt;:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;GENTLEMEN—I am a planter of twelve years' experience. This year I am working twelve hands, six men and six women; my laborers are to get one fourth of the net proceeds of the crops. They have a full understanding of their interest in the said crops Our contract was made on the 1st of February last, and the result so far is a complete success; we have to day 85 arpents of cotton; 25 arpents of sugar&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;canes; 75 arpents of corn, all in perfect condition. I don't mention the vegetable crops.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Under the old system ten arpents to the hand was considered a fair result, and more than three fourths of the plantartions failed to come to that standard.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;My labores are all good people, behaving well, having good common sense; they are honest and true to their family. Besides the crop in common, they have raised for their private account small crops of corn and vegetables. They have poultry, etc. of their own.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Not a single difficulty has occurred among them since they have agreed to work on my farm.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I remain, gentlemen,&lt;br /&gt;respectfully yours,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;X.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>8.25.1865</text>
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                <text>FREE LABOR GROCERIES. - See advertisement in another column of Perkins &amp; Town's, free labor Tea and Sugar store 141 Bowery. Messrs Perkins &amp; Town are friends of our cause and keep constantly on hand free labor Molasses, Sugar , Rice and Coffee, which can be relied upon as really free , of an excellent quality and very cheap. Our people and the friends of the slave generally ought to make it a matter of conscience not to partake of the slaveholders deeds by eating of the fruits of slave labor . We ought to forego a little distance to purchase such articles. We invite our people to give them a call and examine for themselves. Friends from the country will have their orders attended to with care. Remember the No. 141 Bowery.</text>
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                <text>The Colored American</text>
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                <text>10.10.1840</text>
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                <text>FREE LABOR sugar , molasses, coffee, rice, &amp;c. constantly for sale in lots to suit purchasers, at the Sugar Store, 141 Bowery, by PERKINS &amp; TOWNE Sugar , Tea, &amp; Coffee Dealers. N.B. Goods carefully put up and set at any part of the city or country.</text>
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                <text>NEW GOODS just received. General reduction in prices.&#13;
&#13;
Fine 4-4 Prints, various styles.&#13;
New styles of Prints of medium quality, usual width.&#13;
Fine and wide Paper Muslins. Also Colored Cambrics.&#13;
&#13;
Curtain Calico. Superior fine Chintz Umbrellas. Oil&#13;
Cloths.&#13;
Satinets, good and cheap. Also on hand, mostly at&#13;
reduced prices, Ginghams, various qualities and styles.&#13;
Fine and heavy Shirting, Sheetings, and Pillow Muslins.&#13;
Striped Cambrics. Fine 6-4 Plaid Muslin.&#13;
Muslin de Laine, plain and neatly figured, all wool.&#13;
Linens, warranted free from cotton.&#13;
Flannels 4-4 good and price low. Canton flannels,&#13;
white and colored.&#13;
Table Diaper and Cloths, of different styles.&#13;
Apron and Furniture Check. Cotton Handkerchiefs.&#13;
Cotton Twilled Pantaloon Stuffs. Also Linen Drilling,&#13;
&amp;c.&#13;
Long and half Hose, fine and heavy.&#13;
Knitting Cotton, various Nos., bleached, brown, and&#13;
colored.&#13;
Wadding, white and colored Cotton Laps. Also,&#13;
Refined Loaf, Crushed, and Pulverized Sugar .&#13;
Brown Sugar , good quality, of various grades.&#13;
&#13;
The whole stock exclusively Free Labor Goods, to which the Subscriber would invite the attention of country merchants, as well as his friends and the public generally.&#13;
Much pains is taken by the Managers of the Free Produce Association, to assist the Subscriber to enlarge the assortment from time to time.&#13;
&#13;
GEORGE W. TAYLOR.&#13;
Northwest corner Fifth and Cherry-sts.&#13;
Philadelphia 2d mo. 1st, 1848.</text>
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                <text>The North Star</text>
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                <text>6.30.1848</text>
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