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                <text>Free Goods.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;i&gt;To the Editor of the Liberator.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SIR—In your paper of the 19th of February last, were published some questions proposed by me, relating to the use of the productions of slave labor. Among them were some requesting information respecting the culture of rice, sugar and cotton by freemen, answers to which were obligingly given by the Committee of the Free Produce Society of Philadelphia, and published in the Liberator of June 11th. I was much interested by these answers; and though so long a time has elapsed, am inclined to make some observations suggested by them. I am gratified to see that there is so good a prospect of procuring an abundant supply of cotton raised by free labor. The small quantity mentioned as having been already procured, both of this and other articles, will serve indeed to excite a smile of derision on the countenances of those, who, viewing the whole project of avoiding the use of slave productions as absurd, compare these few bales of cotton and casks of rice with the ship loads which are daily entering our harbors, and filling our ware-houses. They contemptuously ask if it is expected&amp;nbsp;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;thus&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;to turn the established course of trade and commerce. All that has been done in this way, is in truth but a drop to the ocean, a single seed to the produce of the harvest. Yet drop joined to drop filleth the ocean, and the single seed may prove the origin of future abundance. Whether it will be so or not in the present case, whether enough will join in the undertaking to accomplish any thing of magnitude, we know not; but should it not be so, they who have made the effort will have done their part, will have forborne to add their drop to the ocean of iniquity in which the rights of the Africans have been sunk. Experience, teaches not to despise small beginnings. The first protestant Missionary Society consisted of five persons, and the first subscription to it amounted to less than fourteen pounds. The Temperance cause was long considered a forlorn hope, and the plans of its friends pronounced visionary. The present success of both these undertakings is well known. A moral impulse, be it remembered, has a peculiar tendency to propagate itself, and none can tell where it will stop. A moral effort has undeniably checked the trade of distillers; why may it not that of the employers of slave labor? The production of ardent spirits has been diminished to a sensible and important amount; and why may not that of commodities raised by oppression? Are not the sugar and the cotton trade as much within the reach of moral energy as the rum trade? Is the taste for sugar more unconquerable than the taste for rum? It may be said that the sin of using the first is disputable, of the last not so. It may be replied,—the time is not long gone by, since the daily use of spirit in moderate quantities was thought by most persons to be as innocent as the use of sugar, and the moderate use of the former to be as little connected with the prevalence of intemperance, as that of the latter with the continuance of slavery. But I must not enlarge. I will only add here, that judging from the numbers I have myself heard say that they would willingly give up the use of slave produce, could they hope that a sufficient number would do the same to make it of any use, there is reason to believe that the very persons who are of this mind are enough to constitute that sufficient number. It were much to be wished, therefore, that all such would immediately begin what they profess a willingness to do, and multitudes would then surprise each other by starting up, simultaneously, though not by agreement.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The account given by the Committee of the Philadelphia Free Produce Society of rice being raised by free labor in small quantities by many different individuals, and of the premium offered to induce its collection, has led me to reflect on the operation of this and similar measures. It is evident that if the premium leads only to the collection of rice now raised, and not to any additional cultivation of it by free labor, nothing is gained. It is to be considered that the rice collected would have been consumed by somebody if not thus sought after, and those who would have consumed it will in all probability supply themselves elsewhere, that is, with rice raised by slaves. The effect of thus collecting the free article, it is true, may be, and to some extent probably will be, to induce some persons to raise it by free labor, who did not do so before; and so far as it has this tendency, it is useful. But it has occurred to me that other premiums might be offered which would be more direct in their operation of inducing cultivation by free labor; suppose in addition to such an one as has been offered, a higher premium for a certain quantity of rice or other article usually raised by slaves, if raised by free labor on one estate; another and still higher for the same if raised by emancipated slaves, emancipated for the purpose or after the offer of the premium. This last should extend to sugar&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;and cotton as much as to rice, and proportionably to any quantity of them however small, and should if possible be of considerable value. I am ignorant of the means which free produce societies possess of offering such premiums; but surely benevolent individuals exist with abundant ability to aid in doing it, and to whom the inclination would not be wanting, could its utility be clearly manifested. Supposing such a premium as the last proposed were offered, it is plain that if it were gained, something real and valuable would be accomplished and secured; and, at the worst, if no one were induced to obtain it, no harm would be done or loss incurred by the offer. But if large enough, some one would be induced to obtain it. To be&amp;nbsp;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;certain&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;of having procured the emancipation of even one slave, would be no trifling satisfaction; but if that of a larger number should be the result of such an effort, there would not only be the certainty of the direct good of their freedom, but this would be farther valuable as an example, and an experiment proving the practicability of cultivation by freed slaves.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I suggest these, I trust not chimerical projects, for the attention of those who are able to accomplish them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Having been so successful in obtaining answers to former queries, I am encouraged to request from you or your correspondents father information in reply to the following—&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1st. How many Free Produce societies are there in the United States?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2d. How long is it since the first was formed?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3d. How large are they?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;4th. On what principles are they established?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;5th. Do they adopt the principle of total abstinence from the productions of slave labor, or only of procuring free articles in preference when they can?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;6th. If total abstinence is not the principle on which these societies are founded, how far is it adopted by the members as individuals?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of my former questions remains unanswered, viz. What objections are there to giving up the use of articles raised by slave labor? I sincerely wish to see it answered, and that some one of those who do object, would state plainly what is to be said against the reasons which have been brought forward in favor of adopting this measure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;S.T.U.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>1.21.1832</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;To the Editor of the Liberator.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;i&gt;To the Editor of the Liberator.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SIR-I have noticed, in several of your papers, passages from which may be inferred that you approve of abstaining from the productions of slave labor. I hear various and opposite opinions expressed on this subject by persons, who yet are equally desirous of the abolition of slavery. It seems to me a question deserving very serious consideration and thorough investigation; for it is not a merely speculative question, in which error is comparatively unimportant, but one directly bearing upon a specific course of conduct. Would it not he advantageous to have the arguments on both sides fully and fairly presented in your paper?&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;-There is no need to fear discussion of this or any other subject, for the arguments of truth must always be the strongest. It is only by convincing the understanding that you can hope to induce people to abstain&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;from the productions of slave labor. Appeals to their humanity can be of no avail, till it has first been proved that the measure recommended is a measure of humanity. Sneering at the folly or fanaticism of those who adopt this measure proves nothing against it, nor does railing against the selfishness and heartless indifference of those who do not adopt it prove anything in its favor.&lt;br /&gt;I subjoin some questions relating to the subject, aid shall feel indebted to you or any of your correspondents to furnish satisfactory answers, as opportunity may offer. Some of the first being questions of opinion, require to be answered by arguments; the others are questions of fact, on which I an desirous of information, which may also be valuable to others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1. What reasons are there for giving a preference to those articles which are produced by the labor of freeman in our own country, over articles of the same kind produced by the labor of slaves?&lt;br /&gt;2. Are there equally strong reasons for giving up altogether the productions of slave labor?&lt;br /&gt;3. In what manner might this measure be expected to operate?&lt;br /&gt;4. How far is it practicable?&lt;br /&gt;5. What objections are there to it?&lt;br /&gt;6. Is cotton, sugar or rice raised by free labor&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;in any part of the United States? And where? In what quantities?&lt;br /&gt;7. How may they be procured, and what security would a purchaser have that they certainly were raised by free labor?&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;8. Is the supply of such of these articles as are raised by free labor, greater or less than the demand? If less, is there any advantaging increasing the demand?&lt;br /&gt;9. What means and prospects are there of an increased supply?&lt;br /&gt;10. Where any of these articles are raised by the labor, are the laborers black or white?&lt;br /&gt;11. What varieties of cotton fabrics are manufactured from cotton produced by free labor?&lt;br /&gt;12. Is there any manufactory, which is confined to cotton raised by free labor?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Feb.&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;12&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;th,&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;1831.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;S.T.U.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>2.19.1831</text>
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                <text>The Philadelphia Free Produce Association of Friends</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="center" style="text-align: left;"&gt;Selections.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="center" style="text-align: left;"&gt;&lt;i&gt;THE PHILADELPHIA FREE PRODUCE ASSOCIATION OF FRIENDS&lt;/i&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;AT the meeting of this Association [which we copy from the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Friends’ Review&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;], held the 20th ult., the following report from the Board of Managers was read and approved.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;The Board of Managers of the Philadelphia Free Produce Association of Friends, report:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;That, during the past year, the members of the Board have frequently met and given their attention to the subjects connected with the design of their Association; but, in consequence of the arrangement with our friend George W. Taylor, which has existed for two or three years past, the principal labour, both in relation to the manufacture of cotton goods, and a supply of groceries, has devolved upon him. His report, herewith submitted, will furnish a view of the state of the concern in regard to supply and demand.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;And here we may remark, without any disposition to cast unkind reflections upon others who do not take the same view upon this subject, which we have been induced to embrace, that we cannot do otherwise than regret the want of an active and cordial support, on the part of many members of our Society, of the effort thus made to supply consumers with the products of tropical climates, unstained by oppression and cruelty. While Friends, wherever located, and however circumstanced, without exception profess, and no doubt profess with sincerity, an unwavering conviction of the injustice and iniquity of the whole system of Slavery; and while none can deny that the entire burden of this fabric of violence and wrong is supported by the market for the produce of servile toil, still we do not find the active and decided preference to the productions of free labour, which the nature of the case, and the declared opinions of Friends in general, would lead us to expect. If Friends in general could be induced to supply themselves, whenever it can be done, with the products of the free labour, to the exclusion of those which are extorted from the drudgery of slaves, we can readily perceive that the increased demand thus created, would greatly facilitate the supplying of free goods, and reduce their cost to the level of those of a servile origin. With equal advantages and facilities in regard to supply and demand, free-labour can readily compete with that of Slavery. But while the mass of consumers purchase, without distinction, whatever can be found in the market, irrespective of the medium through which it is received, some enhancement of price must attend the production and transit from the producer to the consumer of those articles which are untouched by servile hands.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;At the same time, we have unquestionable and sorrowful evidence that the advocates of Slavery have not, in any degree, relaxed their efforts to perpetuate, and to extend into regions hitherto free, the oppressive, impolitic, and demoralizing system of Slavery. The attempts, now making, to introduce the system into California—the recent legislation in some of the States in relation to the coloured race—the effort, during the present session of the Pennsylvania Legislature, to procure an enactment excluding them from settling in the State, calculated, as it evidently was, to facilitate the capture of real or suspected fugitives from labour—the actual repeal of one section of the law to prevent kidnapping, which was passed in 1847 with almost unprecedented unanimity—and the manner in which the support of an oppressive and disgraceful law has been interwoven into the question of the Presidential election, as well as the subserviency to a slaveholding influence which has been manifested by aspirants to political distinction, may well awaken the anxiety of those who believe that it is righteousness that exalteth a nation, and that sin is not only a disgrace, but a certain precursor of calamity to any people. These circumstances evidently call for the exertion of such influence as we possess, to stem the tide of corruption which Slavery is pouring upon us.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;We have, however, the consolation to believe that the attention of many of the philanthropists of Europe has been unceasingly directed to this branch of the subject—the encouragement of free-labour—and the supply of tropical products by means not dependant upon servile toil. The new settlements on the African coast seem likely to bring various articles of tropical growth, produced entirely by the industry of free men, into successful competition with the products of American Slavery. The experiments recently made upon flax, as a substitute for cotton, furnish ground for a reasonable hope, that the time is not very remote when the products of the North may rival those of the South, in furnishing a cheap and comfortable article of domestic economy.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Although the efforts of this Association have not been productive of any very obvious results, we may take encouragement from the signs of the times, and a thorough conviction of the goodness of our cause, to entertain a humble, yet confiding, hope that they may compose one of those little rills which, widening and deepening with the progress of time, and joining with homogenial streamlets, will at length (probably after we shall all have been gathered to the house appointed for all living) compose a river which shall sweep away this mighty fabric, which now stands a frowning monument of the barbarism of ages that are past, and of the blindness and cupidity of the period in which we live.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On behalf of the Managers,&lt;br /&gt;SAMUEL RHOADES,&lt;br /&gt;Secretary of the Board.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Philadelphia, Fourth month&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;20&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;th&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;, 1852.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>6.3.1852</text>
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                <text>Samuel Rhoades / Rhoads</text>
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                <text>Blackley, near Philadelphia, &lt;br /&gt;2d mo., 5th, 1850. &lt;br /&gt;RESPECTED FRIEND, WM. LLOYD GARRISON: &lt;br /&gt;Looking through some of my exchange papers today, I noticed an article in the Anti-Slavery Bugle, under the title 'Expurgation of Books.' The facts stated are not, of course, new to thee, but I enclose the slip containing them. Abolitionists are well acquainted with the distaste manifested by slaveholders towards any thing which conflicts with their sentiments and interests, and we are accustomed to condemn the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;dough-facism&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;that mutilates books, poems, &amp;amp;c., to suit them.&lt;br /&gt;Pursuing my task, I took up the Liberator, and casting my eye over the report of the proceedings of the Syracuse Convention, copied from the Syracuse Journal, which I had previously seen, I was disappointed, astonished, pained, at finding an 'expurgation" of an incident--the introduction to the meeting of Henry B. Marshall, together with his remarks upon the duty of anti-slavery men to refuse the purchase of cotton, sugar, &amp;amp;c., from slaveholders. This man doubtless&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;felt&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;that for fourteen years he had been robbed of the products of his labor, and he was taught, by his unsophisticated sense of right, that the purchasers of those products are partakers in the wrong committed by the oppressor. I think great weight is to be attached to the feelings and testimony of such a man. I have known other cases of a similar character; Wm. W. Brown is one of them. The first time I saw him was at a large anti-slavery meeting in this State. I offered a resolution affirming the duty of abolitionists to refuse to purchase or use the fruits of the cruel system which they were seeking to overthrow. After two or three had spoken, Brown rose, and, as I was entirely ignorant of his sentiments on the subject, I felt some anxiety; but he soon relieved and delighted me, dclaring that while he was in the condition of a slave, and when he began to reflect upon the character and nature of slavery,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;one of the first impressions on his mind was the wrongfulness of purchasing and using the products of slave labor!&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;Such, too, has been the conviction in the minds of thousands, during their early, fresh, pure anti-slavery life. Such was the early conviction of WM. LLOYD GARRISON! and the writer of this has long believed, that if this champion of freedom has continued, as he began, to earnestly and powerfully advocate the disuse of slave products, in connection with other anti-slavery duties, the downfall of slavery would at this moment be nearer than it is. O! that his eyes were opened to see, as they once saw, that slavery is not sustained merely by the political and ecclesiastical union of the North with the South, but that the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;commercial union&lt;/em&gt;, which at once gives and satisfies the motive for slaveholding, largely contributes to sustain the system, and should be&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;dissolved&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;by every one who would not strike hands with the oppressor. Is it not plain to him, that slavery in Cuba and Brazil is sustained mainly, if not exclusively, by a&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;commercial union&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;between those countries and others, including the United States?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With sentiments of great respect, I am,&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;Very truly, thy friend,&lt;br /&gt;SAMUEL RHOADS&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;P.S. If abolitionists would but go 'onward, hand to hand and heart to heart,' in realizing themselves, and pressing home upon the people in the free States, their INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBILITY in sustaining slavery by purchasing and using its productions, it will not have to be said, after another twenty years' persevering effort, that 'there was not one single village in the country, however small its population, that was thoroughly imbued with the anti-slavery spirit; that there was not an anti-slavery pulpit or church that has a reputable character; and that the leaders in Church and State are still with the oppressor.'--&lt;em&gt;See Proceedings of Mass. A.S. Society.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For a brief rejoined to this complaining letter--this impeachment of our fairness and moral courage--see editorial department.</text>
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                <text>Samuel Rhoads</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Liberator&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;20:9, p. 36</text>
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                <text>3.1.1850</text>
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                <text>For the National Era. &lt;br /&gt;LIBERTY BAZAAR, PHILADELPHIA. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. BAILEY: The Liberty party ladies of Philadelphia organized themselves, about sixteen months since, as an association for raising funds by their own industry in aid and furtherance of the great anti-slavery movement. Their number was small and their resources very limited, but they were heartily in earnest, and determined to succeed. With very little assistance from the country, the products of their own labor yielded about five hundred dollars at their first sale, which was held in December, 1845. This first success, so great in proportion to their means, and the very favorable state of public sentiment which it indicated, induced immediate reorganization for the year that has just closed, and awakened zeal, industry, and hopefulness, proportioned to the cheering results of their first effort. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In addition to the stock produced and collected by the association during the year, they have the pleasure of acknowledging very generous contributions from our friends in England and Ireland. A correspondence was opened early in the season with Mr. Joseph Sturge, of Birmingham, and, chiefly through his agency, a large number of towns in England and the city of Belfast in Ireland, contributed and forwarded a very large, tasteful, and valuable stock of goods for our sale, comprising, among a vast variety of elegant and useful articles, autographs of Lord Brougham, Hannah More, Mrs. Opic, Maria Edgeworth, Father Matthew, Isaac Taylor, Horace Walpole, Louis XV, Mary Howitt, and many others; among which, was the last letter written by Thomas Clarkson; a large and handsome variety of papier mache articles, made specially for our Bazaar; a rich collection of oil paintings, drawings, and superior prints; Colebrookdale castings of exquisite beauty; a large lot of china, with anti-slavery devices; free labor goods, of superior quality and beauty of fabric; splendid shawls, table covers, sofa cushions, and wax dolls; knitting, netting, and crochet work; and a very abundant supply of children's clothing. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These goods, unfortunately, did not arrive until after the sale of our own collection had closed, and the holyday season had passed by, and, with it, the best opportunity for the disposal of them; but they were immediately opened, and offered for sale by the ladies of the Bazaar Committee, in a store room on Chesnut street, in the customary manner of retail merchants, and sales were, in this way, effected in a few days, amounting to about twelve hundred dollars; leaving still upon our hands a considerable balance of these goods undisposed of, but available for our next year's sale. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Our entire receipts from the sales of the season exceed eighteen hundred dollars, which, when reduced by the custom-house duties and incidental expenses, will yet leave us a very handsome fund for the benevolent purposes of our organization. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SARA J. ELDER, &lt;br /&gt;Corresponding Secretary. &lt;br /&gt;JANUARY 30, 1847.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The National Era&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>2.25.1847</text>
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                <text>Sara J. Elder</text>
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                <text>Philadelphia; 10.21.1845 (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>FREE PRODUCE&#13;
&#13;
The Seventh Annual Meeting of the American Free Produce Society will be held in Philadelphia, on third day, the 21st of 10th mo. &#13;
&#13;
All persons interested in the cause of the slave, are earnestly invited to be present.&#13;
&#13;
SARAH PUGH, sec.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;6: 18, p. 3</text>
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                <text>10.02.1845&#13;
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                <text>In the following brief prayer, the wants of the humble Christian are condensed in a manner worthy of Quarles or Herbert:&#13;
&#13;
PRAYER&#13;
BY THOMAS ELWOOD, A QUAKER OF 1600&#13;
&#13;
Oh! that mine eyes might closed be&#13;
To what concerns me not to see--&#13;
That deafness might possess mine ear&#13;
To what concerns me not to hear;&#13;
That truth my tongue might always tie&#13;
From ever speaking foolishly;&#13;
That no vain thought might ever rest&#13;
Or be conceived in my breast;&#13;
That by each word and deed and thought,&#13;
Glory may to my God be brought!&#13;
But what are wishes? Lord, mine eye&#13;
On Thee is fixed, to Thee I cry--&#13;
Wash, Lord, and purify my heart,&#13;
And make it clean in every part;&#13;
And when 'tis clean, Lord, keep it too,&#13;
For that is more than I can do.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;2:2, p. 48</text>
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                <text>1.2.1847</text>
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                <text>"WHAT DOES YOUR SUGAR COST?"</text>
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                <text>We believe, this is a question, which but few have asked themselves--a subject, on which but few have reflected much; but because it has escaped our observation, it does not argue, that it is one of trifling importance. To every conscientious man, who, while passing through this scene of varied ills, is desirous of dealing justly by all men, it is a highly important question. To us, it is doubly interesting, from the known fact, that thousands of our brethren, are the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;victims&lt;/em&gt; who are doomed to wear out a miserable life, in the manufacture of the article, to pamper the visited taste of civilized man.&lt;br /&gt;We abominate slavery, and all its advocates. We consider it as the most iniquitous system of injustice ever set in operation; which must, sooner or later meet its due reward. God is just: and though divine justice may slumber awhile, it will certainly overtake the oppressor. We think it highly becomes&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;each of us&lt;/em&gt;, more especially, to manifest to mankind, our decided disapprobation of slavery and all its concomitant evils: and how can we show, that we are really in earnest on this subject, than by the adoption of such measures as well at once convince the public, of the sincereity of our professions. The idea, that others would use the produce of slave-labour, if we did not, should weigh but little with us: that is a subject, between them and their own consciences.&lt;br /&gt;We ought aver to bear in mind this important fact that&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;every twenty-five individuals&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;who use&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;slave sugar&lt;/em&gt;, require the labour of one poor slave; and according to this ratio, which we believed to be correct, the consumption of slave sugar by the coloured population alone of this city, would require at least the labors of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;fifty&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;of our enslaved brethren, and the whole free population of the United States, the labours of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;two thousand!&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;This is the mere article of sugar. If we take into view others, such as coffee, rice, &amp;amp;c. how much [?] This is a subject worth the candid consideration of every man of colour. Shall we, when our friends and patrons in Europe and America, have set us the example, purchase, and use the produce of slave-labour, when articles, the produce of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;free labour&lt;/em&gt;, equally as good, and equally as cheap, can be purchased in the different cities? Would it not be preferable to prescribe the use of such, than by our system, be the means of strengthening the hand of the slave-dealer, by the purchase of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;slave sugar&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;and&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;coffee?&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;Shall the free coloured population of the United States be the means of finding employment--of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;adding to the labours and groans and stripes of two thousand of their enslaved brethren&lt;/em&gt;? All the divine precepts--all the ties of nature and humanity--all the rules of equity and justice, forbid it. Our present use of the produce of slave-labour is certainly a great evil, which ought to be remedied immediately, and which, we trust, our brethren will take into deep consideration.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Freedom's Journal&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.19.1827</text>
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                <text>Ladies' Repository. Philanthropic and Literary. PRINCIPALLY CONDUCTED BY A LADY.</text>
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                <text>ON THE USE OF FREE PRODUCE. &lt;br /&gt;This is a subject to which we have already frequently adverted, yet convinced as we are of the utility of that method of opposition to slavery, we believe we cannot err in again placing it before the attention of our readers. The use of Free Produce, though it has become much more general than formerly, is still far too limited. In very many sections of our country, none except the slave cultivated articles can be procured, though many persons in such places would undoubtedly give the preference to those of a contrary character, if they could be readily obtained. This is certainly to be regretted; yet where there is sincerity and steadiness of purpose we believe that difficulties of this kind may be generally, at least in some measure, overcome. If in every neighborhood those families who are friendly to the use of free produce would unite in requesting their storekeeper to procure for them the desired articles, we should suppose self-interest, if no better motive, would induce him to oblige them. Where this arrangement cannot be made, and no other method can be fallen upon, we would earnestly advise the friends of our cause, to provide themselves with no supplies in advance, and to carefully avoid the use of superfluous articles. But, again we repeat, a little exertion is often all that is necessary to obtain the wished for object.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To such of our sex as voluntarily give the preference to the products of slave labor, we would offer a word of serious expostulation on the inconsistency of their conduct. They would doubtlessly deny any wish to perpetuate the present condition of the slaves; nay, they will probably assert that their warmest wishes are engaged in behalf of abolition, and that the most active friends of that cause do not exceed themselves, in detestation of slavery. How illy do such protestations accord with their conduct. They abhor the system of oppression, and yet contribute their money to pay the slaveholder for maintaining it! They commisserate the slave, but instead of endeavoring to afford him relief, their whole assistance is given to those who retain him in bondage! They would probably advance many arguments in their justification, but unfortunately the slaveholder makes use of equally strong, and not unfrequently the very same, reasonings in favor of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;his&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;conduct. And though we would not judge harshly, and are willing to make all due allowances for the effects of education and custom, we believe that both of them are actuated by the same principle of self-interest, though perhaps under different modifications. We entreat them to review more carefully the ground on which they are standing; to reflect on the strange impropriety of the course they are pursuing. How can they reconcile it to themselves that they, christian mothers and wives and daughters, with all the kind and gentle sympathies of woman's nature playing about their hearts, should be accessaries in supporting one of the most heinous systems of oppression ever known in the world? If an entire abstinence from the products of slave-labor is considered impracticable, certainly they ought to make use of them only when it is entirely out of their power to procure those of the other class. And surely this cannot be too much to ask of any one, in support of such a cause as the overthrow of inhumanity and relief of wretchedness.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Genius of Universal Emancipation&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;2:8, p. 131</text>
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                <text>January 1832</text>
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                <text>Free Produce Societies</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="right" style="text-align: left;"&gt;&lt;i&gt;For the Liberator.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;FREE PRODUCE SOCIETIES.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I should have attempted, ere this, to answer the inquiries of S.T.U. had I not hoped that some one more competent would have undertaken it; but since none have appeared, limited as is my information on the subject, I will endeavor to impart the little knowledge I possess; and if it fail (as it certainly must) to satisfy his inquiring mind, it may be that we shall hear from him again on this important topic.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He inquires: 'How many Free Produce Societies are there in the United States? How long since the first was formed? How large are they? On what principles are they established? Do they adopt the principle of total abstinence from the productions of slave labor, or only of procuring free articles when they can? If total abstinence is not the principle on which these societies are founded, how far is it adopted by the members as individuals? What objection would there be to giving up the use of articles obtained by slave labor?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are in Pennsylvania four societies for promoting the use of articles obtained by the labor of freemen. The first was organized in 1827, the second in 1828, the third and fourth in 1831. The recent establishment of the two last evinces the growing interest that it felt; and it is ardently to be desired that they may continue to multiply, until the total extinction of slavery shall preclude the necessity of their existence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The first Free Produce Society has about two hundred members; the second, near one hundred; the third, five hundred; and the fourth, about thirty-five.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There being such a scarcity of articles manufactured from cotton, raised by freemen, and these only of a very coarse texture, (to say nothing of groceries) for so large a number to adopt, as a society, the 'principle of total abstinence,' would be to attempt an impossibility. This is a gloomy picture; yet it is nevertheless true, that with a population rising twelve millions, it would be impossible for eight hundred persons to abstain entirely from the use of articles obtained at the price of blood. It may be that there is a considerable quantity of free produce thrown into the market among slave produce; and as an inducement to those at the south, who do not keep slaves, to cultivate their land exclusively by the labor&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;of freemen, and keep their produce separate from that which is polluted with the blood of our fellows, I would propose that the Free Produce Societies should offer a premium for such articles at present. Even the paper used in advocating the cause of the slaves, is obtained through the same impure channel as the garments on our forms and the food on our tables.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I believe the members, generally, give a decided preference to, and frequently a premium for free produce. Many of them, also,—some who are not members,—abstain&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;from the productions of slave labor, with the exception of paper and specie. I should not suppose that any one who admits that slavery is unjust, would have any 'objections to giving up the use of articles obtained by slave labor.' As far as I know, the only barrier to the general use of free articles is the difficulty of obtaining them; and it is earnestly desired that the day may not be distant, when it will be possible for all to free themselves from the imputation of the guilt of abetting men-stealers in their iniquitous trade; and the greater the difficulty, the more impressive are the calls upon us to double our diligence—to omit no effort in our power to make—to consider no sacrifice too great, until the barrier is entirely removed, until the sight of an article manufactured by slaves, shall elicit the exclamation of 'Whence is it? How came it here?'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As free cotton is in great demand at this time, I would request 'S.T.U.' if he knows where any can be obtained, to inform us through the medium of the Liberator.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;V.W.X.&lt;br /&gt;PHILADELPHIA, 2d mo. 21st, 1832:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>3.10.1832</text>
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