1 10 136 https://productsoffreelabor.com/files/original/f1f12d3b0cfd980a5c982abc7f4d82eb.jpeg 2a568e0265da67e892037d035f18f30a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Free Labor Movement (Article) Description An account of the resource One of the saddest features of American Slavery, is its mournful reaction upon the whole country, both north and south. Its influence surrounds us like the atmosphere; we gather around the social board, and one of the first things which meets our gaze, is some luxury wrung from the reluctant, trembling hands of the crushed and weary slave. We enter the wardrobe and the sighs and groans of the slave are lingering around the seams of our clothes, and floating amid the folds of our garments. But who will say, when Carolina's rice, with snowy whiteness, tempts the taste, perhaps the hands that gathered this were severed form some loved and lost embrace? Who will gaze upon the manufactured cotton, and see the stain, the stain of blood and tears upon its warp and woof? Who will look beneath the delicate proportions of the sugar cane, and see the stinging ad clotted lash, and on their surface, trace the agony of years? Our moral influence against slavery must be weakened, our testimony diluted, if, while we denounce slavery as robbery of the basest kind, oppression of the most shameful stamp, an aggression upon the very citadel of life, robbing a human heart of its liberty and fights, its energies and manhood, we are constantly demanding rice from the swaps, cotton form the plantations and sugar from the deadly mills, even if every rood and acre, on which they grew, had been the scene of outrage, injustice, and crime, even if the soil on which they were raised, were red with blood and wet with servile tears, even if desolate bosoms were trampled upon to produce them, bleeding, or weary hearts crushed to procure them. Taking this view of the matter, we may hail the free labor movement, as a harbinger of hope, and ensign of progress, and a means of proving the consistency of our principles, and the earnestness of our zeal. By so-doing we may prove to the south, that we not only denounce slavery as robbery and piracy, but we are endeavoring to shake our hands from sharing in its spoils, and participating in its crimes. By so doing may we not set influences at work to girdle the deadly upas of slavery, and compel it to wither and die, for want of sustenance and support? And under the auspices of free and intelligent labor , the south may yet blossom and bloom like the rose, and slavery cease to write upon the land, cursed is the ground for my sake. FRANCIS ELLEN WATKINS. LEWISTON, Me., 1855. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Frances Ellen Watkins Harper Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.29.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce Convention (Article) Description An account of the resource "In accordance with previous notice a number of friends of abstinence from the productions of Slavery, met in Convention at Salem, Union Co., Ia., 11th mo. 19th, 1850. The meeting was organized by the appointment of Wm. Beard President, Joel Parker and Thomas Freeman Vice Presidents, and Walter Edgerton and Reuben Macy Secretaries. On motion, a committee of seven was appointed to prepare business for the action of this meeting. The following persons constituted said committee, viz: Walter Edgerton, Wm. H. Brisbane, Levi Coffin, Wm. Hough, Jonathan Swain, Sarah Franklin, Jemmima Maxwell and Nathan Thomas. After the reading of a chapter from the sacred volume, and a solemn pause, an excellent letter from Judge Jay to the colored citizens of New York, relative to the bearing of the infamous Fugitive Slave Law upon the colored population was read, and also a letter from H.H. Garnet, a black man, who is now advocating the cause of abstinence from Slave-grown produce in England, to the editor of the ""Non-Slaveholder,"" setting forth the cheering progress of the cause in that country. On motion, Wm. H. Brisbane of Cincinnati, was called upon to address the meeting, who came forward and interested the audience in an able and impressive manner till the close of the session. On motion, the Convention adjourned till 5 o'clock this evening. EVENING SESSION. The Convention met according to adjournment, - the President in the chair. The Committee on business through its chairman reported the following preamble and resolutions, which were separately taken up, discussed and unanimously adopted: Whereas, Slavery is an evil professedly deprecated by the great mass of the christian community, especially in the non-slaveholding portion of our country; Therefore, 1. Resolved, That it becomes our imperative duty, if we would maintain any character for consistency, to avoid as much as practicable giving any countenance or support to that most wicked institution. 2. Resolved, That the African Slave Trade - the wars, and incalculable loss of human life incident thereon - the horrors of the ""middle passage"" in the Slaver - the unutterable agony of tens of thousands of our fellow-men and women as they cross the briny deep, the victims of the man-thief's cupidity, together with the scarcely less infamous but legalized traffic in the bodies and souls of men carried on in the midst of this liberty-loving Republic! the tearing asunder of husbands and wives, parents and children, and the application of the chain, the iron collar, the hand-cuff, the knotted-lash and branding-iron, to the quivering flesh of the unfortunate who have fallen among thieves, and all the rest of the pharaphernalia of human torture which the ingenuity of the most inhuman tyrant can invent, depend almost, if not exclusively upon the consumption of the produce of the labor of the slave; Therefore: 3. Resolved, That the consumers of slave produce are the primary supporters of this most infamous scheme from first to last. 4. Resolved, That with these views it is our duty to endeavor to put in train a set of measures by which we can be furnished with articles of consumption in common use free from the blood of the slave, and that we appoint a committee who shall digest a plan of operations and present it to a future session of the convention. The following persons were appointed a committee as contemplated in the above resolution, viz: Walter Edgerton, Levi Coffin, Nathan Thomas, Joel Parker, and Dr. Brisbane. On motion, adjourned till 10 o'clock tomorrow morning. MORNING SESSION. Eleventh mo. 20th, pursuant to adjournment the Convention again met - the president in the chair. The committee on business reported the following resolution which was unanimously adopted. Resolved, That we recognize the Non-Slaveholder as an able and efficient advocate of the abstinence cause, and would therefore recommend it to the friends of that cause, and solicit for it their hearty patronage. The Committee to digest and propose a plan by which we may be furnished with articles of consumption in common use free from the blood of the slave, reported the following resolutions. Resolved, That this Convention recommend the formation of a joint stock company raised upon shares of five dollars each to be under the control of twelve directors, and to be regularly chartered, for the establishment of a wholesale free -produce store in Cincinnati, Ohio. Resolved, That Dr. Brisbane, Thos. Freeman, Samuel Lewis, Levi Coffin, Thomas Franklin and Richard Gaines, be a committee to make arrangements to carry the foregoing plan into execution, to - detail such regulations as may be necessary for the formation of said company upon the most efficient principles, and shall have power to fill all vacancies which may occur in their own body and are directed to prosecute the concern till the company is duly formed, and stock sufficiently taken to accomplish the above object. Resolved, That the Fugitive Slave Law is so wicked, barbarous and unjust in its features and requirements, that no good honest citizens can without disgracing himself yield the slightest obedience to it. On motion adjourned till early candle-lighting, this evening. EVENING SESSION. At early candle-lighting the convention met. On motion, Resolved that the Secretary be directed to forward the proceedings of this Convention to the True Democrat, the Anti-Slavery Bugle and Ohio Standard for publication. On motion, adjourned sine die . WM. BEARD, PRES'T. W. EDGERTON, Sec'y." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The North Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.2.1851 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lockport, May 13, 1855 (Letter to the Editor) Subject The topic of the resource An letter to Frederick Douglass' Paper asking for support for a free labor store in Rochester. Description An account of the resource FREDERICK DOUGLASS, ESQ.: DEAR SIR: - We have organized, in this village, a Free Labor Produce Association, and have ninety-eight names pledged to support a Free Labor Produce Store. Those names have all been obtained in this village, and but few of whom are residents in our towns of our County, where little or non effort has been made to obtain signatures to our Constitution; and if I could make the necessary effort, I have no doubt several hundred signatures could be obtained to our Constitution, who would stand pledged to support a free labor store. And now, what we want most, is some trustworthy person of sufficient capital to establish a dry goods and grocery free labor store; and I would thank you to confer with your anti-slavery friends in Rochester or elsewhere, on the subject of coming here and opening such a store, which, I think, would be well sustained. I find many who approve of the principle of giving preference to the use of free labor produce, that decline pledging themselves to abstain altogether form the use of slaver labor produce. They want to see the goods on the shelves and behind the counter, before they sign a pledge. I presume you are aware that cotton goods, manufactured form free labor raised cotton, can be obtained in Philadelphia, also from England, through George W. Taylor, of Philadelphia, who is a manufacturer of free labor cotton in Philadelphia who sent me samples of goods manufactured in England, form free labor cotton sent there by friends Taylor. These samples compare well in price and quality, with the like style of goods in the store here. I am, respectfully yours, MARCUS STICKNEY. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Marcus Stickney Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.18.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Free Labor Movement (Article) Description An account of the resource FREDERICK DOUGLASS' ESTEEMED FRIENDS: I have been giving thy address at Corinthian Hall, another reading. I value it for the view it takes of the great field of anti-slavery, and that taken from the "standpoint" occupied by the Liberty party. I am at a loss to understand how any strict abolitionists can object to its principles, as defined in that address, especially if " it makes a clean sweep of slavery EVERYWHERE." The "Free Labor people" are also spoken of in that address. I felt really thankful that they were obtaining a little more attention, for the sake of their principles. Allowing the Liberty Party to e the right hand of anti-slavery, the Free Labor movement, will put in a claim to be considered one of its fingers, and, peradventure, may some day be invited to a place " up higher ." The "Free Labor people" are understood to reassert the doctrine, that slavery cannot be legalized anywhere neither in Congress nor out of Congress neither in the cotton-field nor out of the cotton-field neither in the cotton-mill nor on the counter of the store -keeper nor in anti-slavery bazaars nor on the tables nor backs of those who cry aloud, and "spare not," when they are denouncing slavery in all its ramifications. Free labor people claim the right to prefer the "higher law," that says, 'the laborer is worthy of his hire" to the "lower law," that says, "price must be consulted before principle." Accordingly, when a slaveholder offers them a bale of cotton he has whipped out of the labor of some "Uncle Tom," they say, to sell or buy, that cotton, cannot be legalized without the owner's consent that that cotton has been obtained through fraud and cruelty of the deepest tint we cannot buy it or use it without acknowledging the legality of the transaction or acting the part that is down below any respectful attention. "The hire of the laborer that has been kept back by fraud, crieth" out of that bale of cotton, and all the eloquence or arguments that expediency can use, cannot stifle that heart sickening moan! Under these impressions, they cannot go to the slaveholder with a protest against his unholy calling, or to the slave, and affect sympathy for him, and then turn round and falsify it all by becoming accomplices it the guilt. They are willing to hope that their "society is quietly doing its work;" but a part of the work it undertakes, is by no means agreeable, however necessary it may be; it is not agreeable to attempt to show, that to go before the world, with well written addresses, setting forth what some honest, thorough-going anti-slavery people did some years ago, at great personal sacrifice, and trying to make anti-slavery capital out of it, while the speakers are, at the same time, justifying themselves in purchasing stolen cotton, to run their mills upon, or fill up their stores , or ornament their person with, is mere twaddle, and can no more aid in the abolition of slavery, than the beating the wind with a fan, can drive back the tempest. They have long been converts to the doctrine so well expressed in thy paper of the 30th, ult., viz.: "Christianity does not modify or regulate iniquity. It seeks to abolish it. It is a gross reflection upon its purity, to even insinuate that it tampers, it the least degree, with any species of iniquity." Hence, they believe it to be the duty of the church to take this anti-slavery business in hand, and to see if the members of each of its branches are acting up to the principles it has after mature deliberation adopted, regardless of the plea set up by custom or convenience. Being willing to be tested themselves in this way, they see no impropriety in testing the anti-slavery of the day in the same manner, wherever it proclaims itself. We frequently meet with persons who, when we endeavor to set before them the claims of the Free Labor movement, reply, of the correctness of your principles, there can be non doubt. I admit it fully; and if you will come and open a Free Labor store in this place, I will give you my patronage; and I have no doubt you would be well sustained, if you could sell your goods as low as other goods are selling; there are a great many anti-slavery people in this place. So said the people to Robert Fulton, when he made his first attempt with his "tiny bark" on the Hudson. There can be no doubt but it would be a great accommodation to the public to travel in that way. We shall keep an eye upon you, and if you succeed, you may rely upon our patronage. But, sys Fulton, no thanks to you for such patronage; the patronage that will be useful to me is what I can feel the benefit of at the present time! Free Labor people wish to avoid censoriousness in themselves, and take no comfort in seeing it indulged by others. They intend to use great plainness of speech, without being uncourteous. They aim at calling the attention of anti-slavery people to a few facts they deem worthy of more notice than they have hitherto obtained. Cotton growing, by slave labor, and slave breeding, have grown up side by side of each other, and are believed to be ultimately connected. There is no necessity in going to slaveholders for our supply of cotton; it is believed there were nearly 100,000 bales of that a commodity raised last year, in the Southern States, by non-slaveholding planters . This cotton might have been selected, (a portion of its was,) purchased t the current price of other cotton, manufactured and sol to ultra abolitionists; and through this means the non-slaveholding planter might be made to understand that they, too, had sympathizers in the free States. There is no necessity in mixing the free grown with the slave-grown cotton, in the process of manufacturing. There is a cotton-mill now in operation near Philadelphia, under the care of respectable, trustworthy men, G.W. Taylor and others, where the free grown cotton alone is used, and where fabrics suitable for domestic use are now in the process of manufacture. With these facts before them, Free Labor people feel warranted in asking everyone pledged o the side of freedom Will the moral law sustain you in giving the preference to slave-grown cotton? In concluding my long letter, (I have not room to speak of the premiums for free -grown cotton, that will probably be paid this year by the friends of this movement,) allow me to express my desire, that all our anti-slavery organizations may be brought back to first principles. Let us have a new organization (if needful) with " no political , ecclesiastical, nor commercial union with slaveholding," for our motto ! Very restfully, thy friend, HENRY MILES, Cor. Sec'y of Free Produce Association of Western Vermont. MOUKTON, April 5, 1855. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.20.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Collins Free Produce Association - it's advantages, &c. (Article) Description An account of the resource The people of Collins, are very much like the people elsewhere, being quite willing that a few of their number should do all the labor and have all the honor of a work of reform until it is nearly consummated, when they are equally willing to share in the triumph if anything is to be gained by it. This remark will apply politically although intended for another purpose. For some years there have been in this vicinity two persons who are not content with the usual duties of the Abolitionist, in the common acceptation of that term. They have chosen to apply their labors in every direction calculated to cripple the energies of the slave power or hasten the overthrow of slavery. Accordingly they have singly and alone applied the abstinence principle to the products of slave-labor. More recently finding some to sympathise with them and a consequent increase in numbers, there has been an organization formed bearing the name of the heading of this article. The members of this organization calculate beforehand about how much sheeting, sugar, calico, &c., they will need respectively, and pay the estimated cost in advance, which is forwarded to New York or the American Free Produce Depot in Philadelphia, accompanied with the account of the kinds and amount of good wanted. They regard slave products the price of blood and oppression. The advantages as already to some extent witnessed are: 1st. A testimony against slavery that will ere long be felt and appreciated, and without which no Abolitionist can be consistent. 2nd. The removal of the sectarian bigotry and prejudice previously exhibited. 3d. A discouragement of the further multiplication of the Non-producers in the world. Aside from the subject of slavery then, there is this decided use: it prevents mercantile monopoly and saves the profits on the goods for the use of the consumer. When this system is perfected, there must of course be more producers and consequently less oppression. It is to be hoped that the contemplated National League will incorporate the free produce principle into its constitution. I would ask, that the readers of the North Star would seriously consider whether they are not losing much of the influence they possess by neglecting the scriptural injunction of "touch not, taste not, handle nor the unclean thing," the present use of which is rendering such aid to slaveholders. L.M. COLLINS CENTER, 11th mo. 1849. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>The North Star</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.23.1849 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource For Frederick Douglass' Paper (Letter to the Editor) Subject The topic of the resource Letter advocating for free labor Description An account of the resource AURORA, N.Y., March 14, 1855. FRIEND DOUGLASS: - On looking over your paper of March 9, I see a piece entitled a New Association ; and as you thereby invite the thoughts of your readers as to how slavery shall be got rid of, I venture to give you mine on the subject, (hoping you will have many thoughts form others also, for in the multitude of counselors there is safety.) We all know it is a great work, and a mighty opposition may reasonably be expected; but happily for, us the world affords us one example of such a work being effected; (I mean the English emancipation;) and in this work, no one person can expect to work alone, but everyone may help, and a most effectual help I conceive it would be, if everyone would thoroughly wash their hands of participation in the guilt and sin of slavery, as this seems a very plain question; that as the slave-owner steals the labor to produce the fruits of the earth, such goods, whether cotton, tobacco or sugar, or anything else, are stolen goods; and the indisputable proverb, that the receive is as bad as the thief, seems to hold good, if he knew it to be stolen I would suggest, then the propriety of something like a pledge to be signed by every person, man, woman or child, capable of knowing the purpose, not to sue in any way, slave produce . If only a goodly portion of the inhabitants of the Northern States would sign such a pledge, and strictly keep it, then we might reasonably appeal to the masses of England to cooperate in the work; and I have no doubt that a vast number of the inhabitant of England would, if appealed to on the subject, enter into it heartily; for I believe that full ninety-nine out of a hundred of the English are opposed to slavery, and would do any reasonable thing to help exterminate it. If, then, the people of the free States here, and then the people of England, could be brought to refuse slave goods, and let slave produce accumulate in their wharves and warehouses, till they were all full, and hard to find a market anywhere, then, when we had made our efforts felt in the right quarter, begin to think of getting up petitions to Congress to do away with slavery, and relieve the Southerners of this difficulty in not being able to sell their produce ; and, after all, I believe it would be the greatest blessing to the South, in the long run, if it could be expected it is easy to suggest this plan on paper, but it would require a long pull, as strong pull, and a pull all together, to carry it out in practice. I hardly see how anyone can object to this plan, let him belong to what denomination, sect or party he may, if he professes the religion of the Bible; and if anyone feel like stumbling at the laws of this land, in regard to slavery, he would do well to remember the words of Peter and other apostles in the 5th ch. Of Acts, 29th verse: "We ought to obey God, rather than men;" and I would ask, what would become of slavery if all professing Christians would obey this one precept in the 58th ch. Of Isaiah, 6th verse: "Is not this the fast that I have chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free , and that ye break every yoke?" and the next verse is in direct opposition to the carrying out of the Fugitive Slave Law. Ah! that a people boasting of their freedom would obey God rather than man. I know that some try to excuse, palliate, or even justify slavery from the Bible; but I think on one, with any knowledge of the precepts of Christianity, need fear to take up the weapons of his warfare against such blind leaders of the blind. Wishing success to every effort for truth and righteousness, I bid you a hearty and affectionate farewell, WILLIAM EMPSON. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource William Empson Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.20.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter from Mrs. Stowe Subject The topic of the resource Mention of free produce in letter from Harriet Beecher Stowe to the Ladies' New Anti-Slavery Society of Glasgow Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.20.1854 Description An account of the resource LETTER FROM MRS. STOWE. --- The following letter, received from Mrs. Stowe by the Committee of the Ladies' New Anti-Slavery Society in Glasgow, (Scotland) was read by the Rev. Dr. Robson at a meeting of Committee held in the Religious Institution Rooms, in that city, December 13, 1853. --- TO THE LADIES' NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF GLASGOW. ANDOVER, November 18, 1853. DEAR FRIENDS: - I have had many things on my mind to say to you, which it was my hope to have said personally, but which I am now obliged to say by letter. I have had many fears that you must have thought our intercourse during the short time that I was in Glasgow, quite unsatisfactory. At the time that I accepted you very kind invitation, I was in tolerable health. And supposed that I should be in a situation to enjoy Society and mingle as much in your social circles as you might desire. When the time came for me to fulfill my engagement with you, I was, as you know, confined to my bed with a sickness, brought on by the exertion of getting the Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin through the press during the winter. The labor of preparing that book, simply as an intellectual investigation, was severe; but what a risk of life and health it was for me, no one can appreciate but myself. Nothing could have justified me, with my large family of children , in making such an effort, in the state of health in which I then was, except the deep conviction which I had, and still have, that I was called of God's providence to do it. In every part of the world, the story of Uncle Tom's Cabin had awakened sympathy for the poor American slave, and , consequently in every part of the world, the story of his wrongs had been denied; and it has been asserted that it was a mere work of romance and I was charged with being the slanderer of the Institutions of my own country. I knew that , If I shrank from supporting my position, the sympathy which the work had excited would gradually die out, and the whole thing would be looked upon as a mere romantic excitement of the passions, without any adequate basis of facts. Feeble and reduced as I was, it became absolutely necessary that it should take this opportunity when the attention of the world was awakened, to prove they charges which I had made. Neither could such a work be done slightly, for every statement was to be thrown before bitter and unscrupulous enemies who would do their utmost to break the force of the very thing Writ of Habeas Corpus was said. It was, therefore, necessary that not an assertion should be made without the most rigorous investigations and scrutiny; and, were, as I then was whit the subject, with every nerve sensitive and sore, I was obliged to spend three months in what were to me the most agonizing researches. The remembrance of that winter is to me one of horror. I could not sleep at night, and I had no comfort in the day time. All that consoled me was that it was bearing the same kind of suffering which Christ bore, and still bears, in view of the agonies and distresses of sin in this world. When I came to Scotland, I felt like on out of whom every drop of blood has been drained. If there had been any other way to do, I think I would not have accepted the invitation, but it was absolutely necessary that it should have a change of scene and association , and I did not wish to stay here to read the comments of the press on my labors. I thought that I had had suffering enough without that . With this feeling, I was taken from my sick be on board the ship. I had not the slightest idea of the kind of reception which was to meet me in England and Scotland. I had thought of something involving considerable warmth, perhaps, and a good deal of cordiality and feeling on the part of friends; but of the general extent of feeling through Society, ad of the degree to which it would be publicly expressed, I had, I may say, no conception. I could not keep feeling painfully, while I was with you, how utterly unable I was to return anything in kind, adequate to the very warm feeling which was shown to me. How little I could do ad how little I could say to meet it? I fear that many must have felt disappointed in me, and that my visit must, on the whole have proved and unsatisfactory one to you. This it was my hope in some measure to repair, by making you another visit in the autumn, when my health should be in a set to enable me to receive and return you kind attentions, and to enjoy more of the pleasures of friendly intercourse. This expectation also has by the Providence of God, been disappointed. It only remains from me to supply it as well as I possibly can by letter; and I have delayed thus long writing, because I wished to observe the state of the Anti-Slavery cause in this country, and be able to give you some definite report of it. As your Society were the means of inviting me to you country; it may seem proper that, whatever communications I have to make to friends in England and Scotland, should be made through you. In the first place, then, the question will probably arise in your minds, Has the recent demonstration in Great Britain done good to the Anti-Slavery cause in America? The first result of these demonstrate, all might have been expected, was an intense reaction. Ever kind of false, evil, and malignant report has been circulated by malicious and partisan papers, ad if their is any blessing in having all manner of evil said against one falsely, we have seemed to be in a fair way to come in possession of it. So far as this goes, if simply shows that the testimony was felt. In order to, now whether it did good or evil to the Anti-Slavery cause, it was necessary to inquire not of the enemies but of the friends. I therefore have taken some pains to inquire among leading minds, friendly to the cause, as to their general opinion. My husband, which has watched the course of affairs critically since his return, and my brother, Rev. Henry ward Beecher, who has had extensive opportunities for observation, both consider the results as, Hon. The whole, decidedly good. The same opinion, was expressed to me with equal decision by the Hon. Charles Sumner, by Cassias M. Clay, of Kentucky, by Frederick Douglass, Lewis Tappan, and by others too numerous to mention. I confess this has been a relief and a satisfaction to my own mind; for I am naturally disposed to shrink from public demonstrations, and to question may form of advancing the kingdom of God that cometh with observation. The testimony which England and Scotland took advantage of my response to give, has now become a fixed historical fact, and its effect I trust will in due time become historical. The sanction which was given in this matter to the voice of the people, by the nobility of England and Scotland, has been regarded and treated with special rancor; and yet, in this place, it has been particularly important without it, great advantages would have been taken to deprecate the value of the national testimony. The value of this testimony in particular, will appear from the fact that the Anti-Slavery cause has been treated with especial contempt by the leaders of Society in this country, and every attempt made to brand it with ridicule. The effect of making a cause generally unfashionable is much greater in this world than it ought to be. It operates very powerfully with the young and impressible portion of the community, therefore, Cassias M. Clay very well said, with regard to the demonstration at Stafford House, "It will help our cause, by rendering it fashionable." I may say here that from my intercourse with some members of the aristocracy, I have been led to feel that it was not a mere fashionable caprice, or the passing emotions of an hour, but a deep ad earnest conviction having its root both in religion and humanity. With regard to the present state of the Anti-Slavery cause in America, I think for many reasons, that is has never been more encouraging. And it is encouraging in this respect, that the subject is now fairly up for inquiry before the public mind; and that the systematic effort which has been made for years to prevent its being discussed, is proving wholly ineffectual. I have the best reasons for knowing from different regions in the South, that there is a greater amount of reading and inquiry on the subject, than has ever been known there for years. I could not communicate to you some ver interesting facts which have come to my knowledge, without running the risk of defeating the good thus commenced; for it must be ever borne in mind, that any movement towards the reform of this great abuse, on Southern ground, must at first be a secret one. Some passages, however which I noticed in the Liberator last week, I enclose to you, to show you, the class of casts to which I allude. * * * * * * * * The Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin has sold extensively at the South, following in the wake of Uncle Tom's Cabin. No one fact of statement in its have been disproved, as yet - I have yet to learn of even an attempt toe disprove anything in it. That great numbers of it have been sold and circulated at the South, the publishers accounts must show; that it was not read there with indifference the nature of the work makes sufficiently evident. They are perfectly aware that it is intended to confirm a work with regard to there Institutions, which has gone forth into all the countries of the civilized world, and yet the do not answer it, and the only reason is the feel they cannot! The last number of the North American Review, a periodical which has never been favorable to the discussion of slavery, ah s come out with a review of Uncle Tom's Cabin in Writ of Habeas Corpus, while rating the work very low as a work of art, the y account for its great circulation and success, but he fact of its being a true picture of slavery; and go on to say, that he system is one so inherently abominable that unless the South shall rouse itself, and abolish the principles of chattel ownership, they can no longer sustain themselves under the contempt and indignation of the while civilized world! What is the South to do when this is the best their friends and supporters can say for them? As a consequence of the state of feeling awakened in the South, disclosures are from time to time being made which go powerfully to confirm the statements of the book and the Key; one of these now in press, is the diary of a Physician, who ha been from any years in extensive practice on Southern plantations, being himself a slaveholder. These indications give me hope, that the day is not far off when the South herself will take this matter in hand; and when she does so, we may begin to have rest. I regret to say the movement of the Christian denominations on this subject, are yet greatly behind what they should be. - Some movements have been made by religious bodies, of which I will speak; but, as a general thing, the professed Christian Church is pushed up to this subject by the world, rather than the world urged on by the Church. One religious operations from which I hope much is the American Reform Tract and Book Society. The original American Tract Society, as you aware, declined to publish anything distinctively on the subject of slavery. The Reform Society gives admittance to the subject, as has issued a series of very valuable and efficient tracts, which are circulating with the best possible results. It may be gratifying to you to know the this Society has received id from the Scottish Penny Offering, and that thus by the assistance of Scottish Christians, the silent appeal of live and reason is being made to many consciences and hearts. By the like of the same offering I have been enabled to place a thousand copies of Uncle Tom's Cabin, and a thousand of the Key, in the hands of as many home missionaries. These men are the most devoted soldiers of the Cross which our country contains. Like the Apostles of old, struggling in necessity, poverty and self denial, they are yet unflinching supporters of ever good worked, that of Anti-Slavery among the rest. Their extreme poverty renders them unable to purchase books for themselves; but a better investment of the sauce could not be made than by lodging Anti-Slavery documents in their hands; they will be sure to be efficiently used. I may mention here, father, that tone thousand dollars of the same fund have been appropriated of the support of Miss Miner's school for colored females in our National capitol. Miss Miner has been for many years a heroic and most indefatigable laborer for the colored people at Washington. - She has been gifted by nature with singular talents for this work, and endowed by God's grace with a courage zeal and devotion such as are given to but few. When her school was yet in its infancy, it excited bitter opposition. A man one day called upon her and told her that a mob was organized to destroy her school room, as they were determined that her school should no longer exist. "What good will it do to destroy my school room? Was the reply. "I shall only get another, and go right on." "But" said he, "we will frighten your scholars so that they will note dare to come to you." "No, you will not," she said. "Wherever I dare to go to teach, they will dare to come to learn." The, fixing her eyes very decidedly on the man, she added, "You may tell your associates, that destroying an number of school houses will not stop my school; you cannot stop it, unless you take my life." The man retired and the school room remained unmolested. This school has exerted a great influence on the minds of many slaveholders, who, on visiting it , have been struck with the capabilities under education, of the very people whom they hold in slavery. A more particular account of Miss Miner's school will, ere long, appear in Frederick Douglass Paper , which I commend to your notice and attention. The colored people in this country are rapidly rising, in every respect. I shall request Frederick Douglass to send you the printed account of the recent colored Convention, it would do credit to any set of men whatever, and I hope you will get some notice taken of it in the papers of your United Kingdoms. It is time that the slanders against this unhappy race should be refuted; and it should be seen how, in spite of every social and political oppression, they are rising in the scale of humanity. In my own opinion, they advance quite as fast, taking all their disadvantages into account, as any of the foreign faces which have found an asylum among us. While my husband and myself were in England, our attention was turned very seriously towards the subject of encouraging as far as possible, free labor produce in preference to the produce of slave labor. We has not before attended to the subject, but it struck us very favorably, as suggesting and opening which might, through Divine Providence, be improved to yet wider results. It is generally conceded that God has so made the world, that right doing is, in the long run, always more conducive to profit than wrong doing. Slave labor is as wasteful and unprofitable compared with free labor, as it is immoral. In every branch of labor, where the two come fairly into competition, the free labor invariably runs out the slave labor. Thus it happens that the shoes and the blankets, the tubs, the pals, the axes, and innumerable other necessary articles on Southern plantations, are made by Northern free labor, simply because, being free , it can do the thing better and cheaper than it can be done under the operation of slavery. The immense price of slaves now, renders the stocking of a plantation with slave labor a most exorbitant outlay. At the same time, through the immigration of the Chinese on to our Western shores, a very cheap and industrious free labor population is begin introduced into our country. Coincidentally with this, it is being discovered that cotton of prime quality can be raised in Liberia, in Australia, in the British provinces in India, in all these countries it can be raised as the result of free labor. I our Southern states, there are many small planters, who, either from poverty or principles, cultivate cotton entirely through free labor. An association exists in this country, of some standing who receives this cotton and a large amount of raw material is thus produced by free labor. Movements are now being made to organize manufacturing companies to work this up into the various forms necessary for domestic consumption. Does not this combination of circumstances present the subject of free labor to the Christian philanthropist in a most interesting point of view? If a certain number of planters at the South are laboriously endeavoring to produce cotton by free labor, should not the Christian community encourage them, by giving a preference to what is thus produced over what is grown by slave labor. If the subject of free labor is presenting itself already to planners who are thinking of stocking plantations, will it now much more present itself, should they see that a general demand is riding in the Christian world for free instead of slave produce ? That such thoughts are presenting themselves to the minds of slaveholders, will be made evident from such facts as these, which begin to appear in our public prints: - "SLAVE LABOR vs WHITE LABOR. - We yesterday conversed with a planter from the Northern part of Georgia, who has come on here to engage men to work on his plantation. He has commenced harvesting, and requires additional help; but the enhanced valley of slaves since the abolition agitation places it beyond his ability to purchase a larger supply, and white labor can be employed more economically than that of hired slaves. 0 New York Journal of Commerce. We learn on the authority of the New York Tribune, that "The farm of Cassias M. Clay, who emancipated his slaves some eight years ago, is now yielding him handsome returns, whereas before it used to run him constantly in debt. He has no difficulty in procuring white men as laborers, though he hires a portion of his old slaves. He cuts more hay, has better stock than formerly, and his experiment, which was made under the sot embarrassing circumstances has proved, in every way, eminently successful." I cannot leave this branch of the subject, without relating to you one incident. On board the shop, when I came over from England, was a professed slave trader, and a thoughtless, gay young man, who is a large slaveholder. The grader apparently gloried in his shame and seemed to take delight in relating, within hearing of my bother, scenes in which he had hunted down Negroes with dogs, and otherwise practices upon them the horrors of his trade. The young slaveholder declared some of these things "really too bad." "The fact is," said the young man, "this slavery is a bad thing, and it is bound to come to an end." "It never will come to an end," said the trader, "so long as grass grows, or water runs; it never will come to an end," he added, hesitating, "unless they get something that will do in the place of cotton. So long as all the world must have cotton, So long they will have slaves." Now, if we consider that there are immense tracts of cotton growing land in America not yet taken up - and it is yet to be decided whether this land shall be appropriated to slave of free labor - does not this show a reason why a general movement should be made on the part of the Christians to patronize free labor produce ? The last encouraging symptom which I will mention, in relation to our cause it the progress of the Temperance movement. - This gives me as much hope as an one thing. The great fear that I had was, that he insidious influence of slavery had destroyed the moral tone of the country, so that there was no longer energy, enterprise, or courage to come up to a great and self denying work. But when we see that the state of Maine has enterprise and courage, as a state, to rise up and pass laws excluding intoxicating drunks from her borders, when we see the majority of the population, some of them as real pecuniary sacrifice, united in supporting and enforcing this law; and in consequence of it, the prisons being empties, the dockets of courts almost clear of cases of crime, pauperism, becoming a thing unknown, we cannot but feel encouraged that there is yet a restoring force in our country. It has now become a moral certainty that Maine will never recede from this law. And as long as she holds to it, her example will tell on every part of the Union; and there will be a great moral conflict in every state, until it extends over our whole Union. It is a remarkable fact, that, where ver the Maine Law conflict arises, a just Anti-Slavery sentiment generally goes with it. The two reforms appear to be twin brothers, and the support of the one very naturally leads to the support of the other. When a man's principles of right have been so strengthened, that he will give up a lucrative business from conscientious considerations, he necessarily gains in moral force; and the same principles which he has applied to the rum traffic, apply also to the traffic in slaves. When the Temperance reform has awakened the courage, energy, and virtuous feelings of the community, the evil of slavery is more likely to be seen and felt. They find that the same arguments apply to the slave traffic and to the rum traffic; the at they have the same class of opposers and the same class of defenders and I trust it will price but a sept from the one to the other. It would much assist our cause, if all the friends of Anti-Slavery in Great Britain would earnestly and prayerfully consider the comas of the Temperance cause. According the observations which we made among you, nothing but Intemperance now stands in the way of your lower classes being as happy and as well of in every respect as any in the world. Could you once see the results which have been exhibited in the state of Maine, where the temptation of intoxicating drinks has been entirely banished you could never doubt this. We grieved to learn that some of our Anti-Slavery friend ins end look with coolness upon the Temperance cause, and even utter unfriendly sentiments with regard to it. Nothing could be greater grief to the friends of the slave in this country, because it exceedingly lessens the moral force of their testimony against slavery. Excuse the freedom of these remarks, made in all Christian earnestness and affection. May God so guide us in all things, that our good be not evil spoken of, and that we be left to defend nothing which is opposed to his glory and the good of man. It remains that I close this too large epistle by presenting, once more my affectionate thanks to those many dear friends in Glasgow, whose kindness made my visit there so delightful. The contents of this letter are designed equally for the Anti-Slavery Societies of Scotland and England. I transmit them through your Society, because through you I received that invitation, which led me to make the pleasing acquaintance of so many friends. You will communicate my letter to them in such a way as you deem expedient. Very affectionately yours, H. B. STOWE. I am happy to add, that the elections which have occurred within a few days, in the great states of Massachusetts and New York, have returned legislators decidedly favorable to the l and that in New York, a decided majority is thus gained for Mr. Seward, the Anti-Slavery Senator to the United States Congress. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce (Article) Description An account of the resource It is evidently wrong to pay the slaveholder for his plunder, either personally or through a series of agents, except where it is expedient, to avoid considerable loss or injury, while yet abstinents are so few as not to affect the market, for in dealing with so extreme an evil as Slavery, the expediency principle is not to be wholly rejected. But his does not apply where several can join in sending to a Free Produce depot. Our moral power depends upon our consistency. Extensive abstinence from slave-sugar inaugurated that phase of Anti-Slavery in England which proved successful. The willing consumers of Slave Produce are responsible for Slavery, and such are all who would refuse to sign the following Pledge: We pledge ourselves to promote the Free Produce Movement by all reasonable means, especially by contributions in the way of premiums, &c.; to stimulate the supply of free cotton and substitutes; and we pledge ourselves that when a number of families, suppose two millions, at home and abroad, sufficient to materially affect the slaveholders and their patrons, the manufacturers and merchants, shall have signed this pledge, we will league together in first appealing to those classes to move at once for Abolition or lose our custom; then if unheeded, in at least making an earnest trial to abstain totally and inflexibility from the staple products of Slavery. How much more noble this than to propose a "compensation" (horrid misnomer) to the slaveholder for emancipation! This, I think, would be more effectual than all other peaceable measures, though I am for carrying onward all together. L. CLOUGH. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource L. Clough Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.20.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Free Cotton Description An account of the resource AMERICAN FREE COTTON. - The friends of the Free Produce movement will rejoice to lean, that the first shipment of American Free Cotton this season, arrived week before last; and instead of lying four months in Liverpool, as was the case last year, ninety bales were immediately sold to a trustworthy manufacturer, for making into prints; and the remaining twelve bales are to be made into sewing cotton, tapes, and other small articles. - British Friend. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>The North Star</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.15.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Free Labor Movement (Article) Description An account of the resource This feature of the anti-slavery enterprise appears to be gaining friends where it is thoroughly investigated. Like all other departments of philanthropy it is beset with difficulties, real and imaginary, and those of the latter class are believed to be far the most numerous. It is presumed that no earnest friend of the immediate and peaceful abolition of American Slavery doubts the necessity of making his practice and his profession agree in all practicable cases, if he would have his remonstrances produce the effects he desires. He must perceive the depreciating effect upon the force of his argument addressed to the actual holder of slaves which a voluntary participancy with him in the convenience of slaveholding would unavoidably produce . He does not need to be informed that the money patronage which the slaveholder receive in return for the produce of the labor of his slaves greatly outweighs in many cases the verbal arguments directed against this system. The abolitionist that reflects upon the subject in this manner sees the necessity of going to the slaveholder with hands as clean as he can possibly make them. And wherever a slaveholder, yielding to the pressure of those arguments or to independent reflection, resolves to step across the line that divides Slavery from Freedom, the abolitionists feels bound to recognize the change to extend the hand of friendship to him, not only ecclesiastically and politically, but also commercially by giving him the preference before his neighbor who persist in the opposite course. A glance at the history of slave-breeding and cotton growing in the United States shows him they have been closely connected that the money patronage the slaveholder received in one year (1853) amounted for the article of cotton alone to near $120,000,000. A little further investigation, and the necessity of contributing to his patronage under which he has believed himself laboring in some particulars, entirely disappears . He learns that nearly 100,000 bales of cotton have been of late annually produced by free labor in America, of this 800 bales were sent into the market last year by German planters in Texas. That from the all the accounts from these non-slaveholding planters, we learn, that they are watching with much interest the demonstration of sympathy for them in the preference that may be given to the production of their labor, and they are holding themselves ready to respond to the demand that would follow that preference. One hundred thousand bales of free labor cotton would give one hundred millions of yards of cotton fabrics of various qualities, sufficient, it is supposed, for an ample supply to every abolitionist that has an Anti-Slavery Backbone. Then we have one cotton mill in operation in Ohio, and another in Pennsylvania under the charge of trustworthy men, in which nothing but free grown cotton is to be used; and with ordinary management, and the support which abolitionists can give them, the necessity for wearing a slave grown cotton shirt will be reduced to half a cent per yard, or two cents per shirt. Next we have the efforts that are being made for procuring flax from the hitherto unvalued flax-straw, produced in growing flaxseed, and the noble contribution to the stock of free labor productions brought into the market by the Fall River Linen Co. With these things before us, we regard the necessity for using Slave-grown cotton as simply imaginary. The coming Anti-Slavery Convention, it is hoped, will not pass over without some attention to his subject.* For the argument in favor of this moment and other particulars see Burrett's Citizens of the World , published by G.W. Taylor of Philadelphia. HENRY MILES, Cor. Sec't Free Produce Ass. Of Western Vermont. * It will be seen by the following resolutions that the convention did give attention to his important subject. Whereas , the Non-slaveholding planters of the South deserve the sympathies of abolitionist; and, whereas, these sympathies can, in many cases be most effectually extended through the medium of commerce; therefore, Resolved , That it is desirable to manifest our sympathies for such planters, by encouraging the culture of free labor productions, in preference to those produced by the labor of slaves. That we regard the German Settlers in Texas, and elsewhere, who are cultivating the soil by their own free labor, as especially deserving our approbation; and the eight hundred bales of cotton produced in Texas, last year, as an indisputable argument for free labor in the South. That we look with interest upon all well-directed efforts, in the non-slaveholding states, for raising products that may successfully compete with slave-products, and we regard it as particularly desirable that the culture and manufacture of flax, by free men should, if possible, be brought into successful competition with slave-grown cotton. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <em>Frederick Douglass' Paper</em> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.21.1855