1 10 136 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "Calling him out," and he Comes. (Article) Subject The topic of the resource Henry Highland Garnet on support for free produce Description An account of the resource MR. DOUGLASS: - In the last number of the North Star, you offer me an opportunity, to speak for myself, through the same medium through which you have slandered and traduced me. I thank you for it, and at the same time I assure you, that whenever you lay aside low and vulgar personalities, and call me out as a gentleman, I will answer, and not otherwise. I had two reasons for not resorting to your paper in order to make a reply. First, because I addressed a letter to you last winter for publication, expressive of my gratitude to some of anti-slavery friends in Penn Yan, and you did not suffer it to see the light, because it contained some views which were unpalatable to you. And in the second place, because I thought it unlikely that after having wilfully misrepresented me, you could not even "for a pretence" show so much liberality. You heard that my friends, and the friends of universal freedom in England, had invited me to visit that country, and immediately you became very much alarmed, and your friends also. The reason for this trouble of mind on your part I have not been able to determine, unless it is, that you have the spirit of the Old Roman, and believe that "the world was made for Caesar." You did not even want to know whether I was going to that country, before you labored like a Hurcules to blacken my character in the eyes of a people who may never see me. I knew sir, that in your hot pursuit after a worthless, and a transient fame, you would sometimes stop to mean things, but I never dreamed that you would ever sink so low, that you would have to reach up, standing on tip-toe, to find that level of meanness where common knaves are inclined to pause. Ah, sir, the green-eyed monster has made you mad. Pardon me, when I tell you that you never imbibed a spirit so narrow from any dark son of our native Maryland, living or dead. But why should I marvel? When did you ever manifest friendship to any colored man who differed with you in sentiment? You deign not to mention the name of the noble Alexander Crummell; you have stabbed at J.W.C. Pennington; you have tried to ruin that eloquent fugitive Henry Bibb; and you have vainly attempted to crush that intellectual giant Samuel R. Ward. But you are at home in the company of Thomas Van Rensselaer, editor of the Ram's Horn, whom you have accused of falsehood. What think, you of the old adage, Show me a man's company, and I will tell you what he is? In your assassin-like article, which you desired to take effect in England, you say that I am a man, and may stand among my brethren. - Why was all that necessary? Why raise a mortal to the sky? You talk of my race - pray sir, how many races of men are there? Certainly if you do not belong to my race , you must belong to that of Haman. You make four charges against me, every one if which is generally and particularly false; and you knew them to be such when you made them. 1. You say I go to England to advocate a cause abroad which I have not espoused at home - the Free Produce cause. This is untrue in two particulars. I go not for that purpose alone - I am requested to advocate the cause of freedom generally. I am a friend of Free Produce , and have humbly commenced practicing it. 2. You publish that I have no faith in the use of moral means for the extinction of American Slavery. I believe with all my heart in such means - and I believe that political power ought to be used for that end, and that when rightly used, it is strictly moral . I also believe that the slave has a moral right to use his physical power to obtain his liberty - my motto is, give me liberty, or give me death. Dare you, Frederick Douglass, say otherwise? Speak plainly - I am "calling you out." 3. You accuse me of being your enemy. I am not. I stand in that relation to no man. You hate me because I tell you the truth. May you seek speedy repentance. 4. You, and the Anti-Slavery Bugle, say that I will misrepresent you in England. My theme in that land will be of better men, and better principles than you, or those which you possess. Will the Bugle please publish this letter, and send me the paper, and I will send him a years subscription. Some two months ago or more, Mr. Douglass challenged me, in connexion with Ward, and Bibb, to discuss the matter upon which we differed in New York in May last. I accepted, but you became frightened at the mere "shaking of my goose quill." You could not be called out. You affirmed that the project to give the slaves the Bible, is unworthy of the attention of philanthropists. I dissent from you entirely. Your servant, HENRY HIGHLAND GARNET. PETERBORO, Aug. 31. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Highland Garnet Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The North Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.7.1849 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "WHAT DOES YOUR SUGAR COST?" Description An account of the resource We believe, this is a question, which but few have asked themselves--a subject, on which but few have reflected much; but because it has escaped our observation, it does not argue, that it is one of trifling importance. To every conscientious man, who, while passing through this scene of varied ills, is desirous of dealing justly by all men, it is a highly important question. To us, it is doubly interesting, from the known fact, that thousands of our brethren, are the victims who are doomed to wear out a miserable life, in the manufacture of the article, to pamper the visited taste of civilized man. We abominate slavery, and all its advocates. We consider it as the most iniquitous system of injustice ever set in operation; which must, sooner or later meet its due reward. God is just: and though divine justice may slumber awhile, it will certainly overtake the oppressor. We think it highly becomes each of us, more especially, to manifest to mankind, our decided disapprobation of slavery and all its concomitant evils: and how can we show, that we are really in earnest on this subject, than by the adoption of such measures as well at once convince the public, of the sincereity of our professions. The idea, that others would use the produce of slave-labour, if we did not, should weigh but little with us: that is a subject, between them and their own consciences. We ought aver to bear in mind this important fact that every twenty-five individuals who use slave sugar, require the labour of one poor slave; and according to this ratio, which we believed to be correct, the consumption of slave sugar by the coloured population alone of this city, would require at least the labors of fifty of our enslaved brethren, and the whole free population of the United States, the labours of two thousand! This is the mere article of sugar. If we take into view others, such as coffee, rice, &c. how much [?] This is a subject worth the candid consideration of every man of colour. Shall we, when our friends and patrons in Europe and America, have set us the example, purchase, and use the produce of slave-labour, when articles, the produce of free labour, equally as good, and equally as cheap, can be purchased in the different cities? Would it not be preferable to prescribe the use of such, than by our system, be the means of strengthening the hand of the slave-dealer, by the purchase of slave sugar and coffee? Shall the free coloured population of the United States be the means of finding employment--of adding to the labours and groans and stripes of two thousand of their enslaved brethren? All the divine precepts--all the ties of nature and humanity--all the rules of equity and justice, forbid it. Our present use of the produce of slave-labour is certainly a great evil, which ought to be remedied immediately, and which, we trust, our brethren will take into deep consideration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Unattributed Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Freedom's Journal Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.19.1827 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "What Does Your Sugar Cost?" A Cottage Conversation on the Subject of British Negro Slavery. (Concluded.) Description An account of the resource "WHAT DOES YOUR SUGAR COST?" A COTTAGE CONVERSATION ON THE SUBJECT OF BRITISH NEGRO SLAVERY. (Concluded.) From the Fiscal's account, printed by order of the House of Commons, June 23, 1826. page 39. "Mr. Grade, the manager of l'Esperance, is charged by the slaves with various delinquencies. A pregnant woman, named Rosa, was employed picking coffee with some other women. Thinking they did not pick enough, or well, Mr. Grade ordered the driver Zondag to flog them. The driver did so. Rosa had previously objected to working, as being too big, and being unable to stoop; but the manager overruled the objection, and she went to pick coffee on her knees. When Zondag came to her, he said to the manager, This woman is big with child. The manager replied, 'Give it to her till the blood flies out.' She was flogged with the whip doubled. This was on a Friday. She was sent to the field on Saturday, but, being seized with pains in her loins, was sent to the hospital. The doctor examined her, and ordered her to the field again. On Sunday she was delivered of a dead child, after a severe labour. The child's arm was broken, and one eye was bruised, and sunk in the head. This woman had had seven children before by one husband. The driver Zondag, and several others confirmed the above statement. The driver being particularly asked, whether on his representing that Rosa was pregnant, the manager had used the expression, 'Never mind, flog her till the blood comes,' replied, Yes.'" (pp. 25 - 27.) Woman weeps. - "Why, Madam, is a black woman to be used worse than a white one?" Daughter weeps. - "I can tell you, mother - because, because, mother, she has no one to stand up for her. Father would not let you be served so - nor William, either." Lady - "But if the father of Rosa's seven children had raised his arm to defend her, he would have been put to death. This is one of their laws - "Slaves who shall strike, or offer, or dare to strike, or use any violence towards their master or mistress, shall, for the first offence, suffer death, transportation, or such other punishment as the court may think fit to inflict. And for the second offence, death, without possibility of escape. Do not weep for them my good girl, but try to help them. Tell others how they are used, till every body helps them, and listen once more to their ale of woe." "General Murray, the late governor of Demerara, well known by the share he had in the prosecution of Smith, the Missionary, has two estates in Berbice, Resolution, and Busses Lust. On the 2d October, 1821, the manager of the former estate, Hopkins, was reproved by the Fiscal for having given three successive floggings to a Negro named Mark, who states, - "He has been flogged severely by the manager, on account of complaining he was sick, three different times; once twelve, another time thirty-nine, and again twenty-five lashes have been inflicted; shows marks of severe flogging, and much neglected." - (p. 49.) "On the 29th of November there is another complaint from the same estate. Michael says he is a negro, and knows well he must work; but that they work from morning till late in the evening picking coffee, 'and when he comes home, between six and seven in the evening, instead of going home to get some victuals, he is ordered to work till twelve at night, bringing mud from one place to another. Also on Sundays they are ordered to work, and if they should refuse they would be flogged.' Philip makes a similar complaint. "Thomas says he is an old man, and the work that the manager gives him to do is impossible for him to complete, from the weakness of his body and state; for which he is always punished, and kept continually in the stocks." (p. 50.) "The result of the complaints made to the Fiscal is seldom given. In this instance it is given in very laconic terms, and will doubtless surprise our readers: Two directed to receive SEVENTY-FIVE lashes." Mother. - "We will never, never more eat sugar." Daughter. - "I'll never more drink any coffee at all, that I won't." Lady. - "You may have very good sugar, not made by slaves, like this" - (shews her some free sugar.) Woman. - "How am I to get it? I am in debt to our huckster, and I know he only sells that vile slave sugar." Lady. - "Go and ask an honest worthy grocer, who was never known to tell a lie or deceive any one, to give you a pinch of free sugar, with its price per pound written on the paper. Then persuade twenty-four of your neighbours who deal with your huckster, every one, to tell him - 'We want sugar like this, and we will have no other:' keep your word, 'till he has got the right sugar, then eat in peace, and thank God that you were born free, and beseech him earnestly to release these poor blacks from slavery. I know a poor blind woman who is confined to her bed, and there she lies, begging God to help 'them to right who suffer wrong.' She is often asking him to pity her poor black fellow-creatures, and to rid them out of the hands of the wicked.' If every English woman would only do what I recommend: there would soon be an end of slavery; of British slavery, I mean." Woman. - "I wish to help them too, Ma'am; but what will my husband say? I hope he will be as willing as I am to give up the slave sugar." Lady. - "I have been told that he is a sensible man, and that he fears God: he knows that these poor creatures are slaves, and he will remember that 'all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.' If the blacks were in your place, and you in theirs, what would you wish them to do for you?" Woman. - "Oh! I should wish them to pity me, and pray for me, and to beg others to pray for me, and pity me, and the less they eat of the sugar I was whipped to make, the less I should have to make; and if my voice could reach the ears of such kind friends, I should say, 'Blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy.' May the blessings of a poor black woman be on your head." Lady. - "I think, except their own slaves, none that were greatly distressed, ever pleaded to Britons without being helped. Our slaves would have been heard before now, if their bleeding flesh could have had tongues to tell us their wrongs, but the cries of our slaves have been unheard, and their groans could not reach us; theirs 'has been silent, enduring, uncomplaining vice,' their very abjectness prevented them, like the beats, from sending messengers to us, to beg for our help; and it is this thought, 'they cannot plead for themselves,' that gave me courage to knock at your door this morning, to ask you 'what your sugar cost?' and now I have called upon you, and have begged you to help them, will you refuse? Remember that 'whoever so stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he also shall cry himself, but shall not be heard.' Prov. xxi. 13. and say with David, 'Deliver me from blood guiltiness, O God.' Psalm li. 14. Good bye, I will leave you some verses to read when I am gone, and I thank you for listening to me so kindly." - (The Lady does away.) PITY FOR POOR AFRICANS. I own I am shocked at the purchase of slaves. And fear those who buy them and sell them are knaves. What I heard of their hardships, their tortures, and groans, Is almost enough to draw pity from stones. I pity them greatly, but I must be mum, For how could we do without sugar and rum? Especially sugar, so needful we see, What, give up our gingerbread, coffee, & tea! Besides, if we do, the French, Dutch & Danes, Will heartily thank us, no doubt, for our pains, If we do not buy the poor creatures, they will, And tortures and groans will be multiply'd still. If foreigners likewise would give up the trade, Much more in behalf of your wish might be said; But while they get riches by purchasing blacks. Pray tell me why we may not also go snacks? Your scruples and arguments bring to my mind, A story so pat, you may think it is coin'd, On purpose to answer you, out of my mint; But I can assure you I saw it in print. A youngster at school, more sedate than the rest, Had once his integrity put to the test; His comrades had plotted an orchard to rob, And ask'd him to go and assist in the job. He was shock'd, Sir, like you, and answer'd - "Oh no! What! I rob our good neighbour! I pray you, don't go; Besides the man's poor, his orchard's his bread, Then think of his children, for they must be fed." "You speak very fine, and you look very grave, But apples we want, and apples we'll have; If you will go with us, you shall have a share, If not, you shall have neither apple nor pear." They spoke, and Tom ponder'd - "I see they will go, Poor man! what a pity to injure him so! Poor man! I would save him his fruit if I could, But staying behind will do him no good. "If the matter depended alone upon me, His apples might hang till they dropt from the tree; But, since they will take them, I think I'll go too, He will loose none by me, though I get a few." His scruples thus silenced, Tom felt more at ease, And went with his comrades the apples to seize; He blam'd and protested, but join'd in the plan, He shar'd in the plunder, but pity'd the man. Daughter - "Why, mother, Tom was as great a thief as the others, after all." Mother. - "So he was; and we shall be as bad as the planters, if we share in the sugar, and pretend to pity the slaves: we shall be neither more nor less than HIPOCRITES like Tom." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Freedom's Journal Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 8.24.1827 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Missouri. Description An account of the resource Missouri.<xsl-text></xsl-text>—A correspondent of the New Your <xsl-text></xsl-text>Evening Post <xsl-text></xsl-text>says that a large emigration from the free States is pouring into Missouri, while no slaveholders are emigrating thither. The feeling that slavery is to be short lived is steadily gaining ground. The open discussion of the question which is going on, and the fact that Missouri is now practically bounded on three sides by free States, have alarmed the slaveholders, and many of them are removing to Taxes, Arkansas, and the Indian Territory. Free labor is taking their place. Notwithstanding the defect of Mr. Blair, the free labor movement is now stronger than ever before, and is marching steadily towards victory. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.17.1858 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Newcastle on Tyne, England, Oct. 12, 1850. To the Editor of the Non-Slaveholder. Subject The topic of the resource Henry Highland Garnet's letter on the influence of the free produce movement in Britain Description An account of the resource I am happy to inform you that our good cause is increasing daily in importance to the minds of the British people. The willingness which they manifest to hear the subject, has surprised even the most sanguine of our friends. No one pretends to say that we are wrong, and therefore we have only to arouse the generous feelings of the people; and convince them of the practicability of our measures, and we see them mustering into our ranks with such alacrity as to assure us that success awaits us. Very many who heretofore had placed the slave system in foreign countries far beyond their reach, are beginning to see how they may remove some of the chief pillars from the concern, and are prepared to act in consistency with their convictions. Our meetings are invariably crowded, and we have the satisfaction of seeing much spirit and determination in the formation of "Free Labor Associations," which is usually attended to in meetings more private and social. Already with four weeks labor we have formed eight flourishing Associations, which are connected with the Ladies' New Castle Anti-Slavery Society. The following is a brief statement of our movements: Sept. 13 We commenced our Anti-Slavery campaign. The first meeting was held at Wallsend. It was well attended, and our cause was warmly received. 14th. At 2 o'clock I addressed a large concourse of children at Tuthill Stairs, Baptist chapel, New Castle, and impressed upon the minds of my little hearers, the condition and claims of the slave children of America. 16th. A large and spirited meeting was held in the evening at Gateshead. Rev. Mr. Anderson presided--the large school belonging to the Methodist chapel was crowded. 17th. Went to South Shields, called the "Heart of Old England." We were welcomed to the house of Thomas Scott, a gentleman much devoted to our cause. The meeting was held in the Wesleyan chapel, the largest house in town. Robert Ingham, Esq., ex. M.P. presided, and made an able address. Mr. Ingham is one of the most popular and beloved gentlemen in this part in the country. The church was filled to overflowing, and we were informed that many were compelled to leave the doors, not being able to gain admittance. It is estimated that more than 1200 were present. Mr. Wm. Harper did much towards the meeting. He is a ship owner, but will not employ his vessels in any way that will promote slavery. The venerable Dr. Winterbottom could not attend the meeting, but sent word that "he had a black man's heart"--the precise language used by the venerated friend of the oppressed, Gerrit Smith Esq. 18th. Attended a private meeting at 11 o'clock, at the Wesleyan chapel, and formed a large and influential Association. At 3 P. M. joined a "Tea Party" at Rev. Mr. Pottenger's Baptist chapel, in Tuthill near New Castle. It was an Anti-Slavery gathering--and all the delicacies were fre labor of course. The meeting was in every way cheering and grateful to the hearts of the friends of the cause. 19th. Spent a part of the day with Jonathan Priestman, an esteemed minister of the Friends' in New Castle. In the evening attended a Free Labor Tea Party, kindly given me by the Wesleyan ladies at the Blenheim street chapel; a large number of gentlemen and ladies were present. The meeting was in every way delightful. Several speeches were made after the tables were cleared. 20th. An enthusiastic meeting at North Shields. The Mayor, Capt. Linskill, took the chair, and made a warm and able speech, approving the measure. Dr. Pennington joined me here and took part in a meeting. 27th. Met a private gathering in Gateshead, at the house of Mr. Brady to form a Free Labor Association. Several high-minded and influential persons were present. 30th. At 7 o'clock, went to our meeting at Smyrna chapel in Sunderland, and found the house filled, and scores standing around the doors. We entered, and were welcomed by a hearty greeting. The Union chapel some hundred rods distant was opened to receive the surplus congregation, and it was soon filled. Both Dr. Pennington and myself spoke in each meeting. We never saw more enthusiastic meetings. The next mornign a large Association was formed. Oct. 1. Attended the second meeting at South Shields, which was even larger than the first. The Wesleyan chapel was kindly opened. The meeting was full to overflowing. 2d. Went to Hartlepool, and found the friends not expecting a good meeting, but was agreeably disappointed. Next morning a good Association was formed. 3d. Held a meeting at Friends' meeting house at Stockton. The house though large was crowded. There we also formed an Asosciation. 4th. Spoke at Middlesburgh in the Town Hall. The house could not hold the people who desired to hear. The next day we saw a good society started. 8th. We reached the beautiful town of Darlington. The place has several of the most "stately homes of England." The residences of several "Friends" are lovely beyond description. I would mention those of the Peases and Backhouses. We had a warm and cordial reception, and really our hearts were cheered to see those whose opulence and distinguished names give them so much influence joining in this infant Reformation with such spirit. Our meeting was held in the Central Hall, which was quite full. An association was formed the next day. 10th. Attended another meeting at Blagdon, which was not a whit behind the others for interest. In most of these meetings at which associations were formed, we were aided by our friend A.H. Richardson. The demand for free labor articles is increased daily. Help us, dear friends in America, to satisfy that demand. H.H. GARNET Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Highland Garnet Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Non-Slaveholder Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource To the Editor of the Liberator. Description An account of the resource To the Editor of the Liberator. <xsl-text></xsl-text> SIR-I have noticed, in several of your papers, passages from which may be inferred that you approve of abstaining from the productions of slave labor. I hear various and opposite opinions expressed on this subject by persons, who yet are equally desirous of the abolition of slavery. It seems to me a question deserving very serious consideration and thorough investigation; for it is not a merely speculative question, in which error is comparatively unimportant, but one directly bearing upon a specific course of conduct. Would it not he advantageous to have the arguments on both sides fully and fairly presented in your paper? -There is no need to fear discussion of this or any other subject, for the arguments of truth must always be the strongest. It is only by convincing the understanding that you can hope to induce people to abstain from the productions of slave labor. Appeals to their humanity can be of no avail, till it has first been proved that the measure recommended is a measure of humanity. Sneering at the folly or fanaticism of those who adopt this measure proves nothing against it, nor does railing against the selfishness and heartless indifference of those who do not adopt it prove anything in its favor. I subjoin some questions relating to the subject, aid shall feel indebted to you or any of your correspondents to furnish satisfactory answers, as opportunity may offer. Some of the first being questions of opinion, require to be answered by arguments; the others are questions of fact, on which I an desirous of information, which may also be valuable to others. 1. What reasons are there for giving a preference to those articles which are produced by the labor of freeman in our own country, over articles of the same kind produced by the labor of slaves? 2. Are there equally strong reasons for giving up altogether the productions of slave labor? 3. In what manner might this measure be expected to operate? 4. How far is it practicable? 5. What objections are there to it? 6. Is cotton, sugar or rice raised by free labor in any part of the United States? And where? In what quantities? 7. How may they be procured, and what security would a purchaser have that they certainly were raised by free labor?  8. Is the supply of such of these articles as are raised by free labor, greater or less than the demand? If less, is there any advantaging increasing the demand? 9. What means and prospects are there of an increased supply? 10. Where any of these articles are raised by the labor, are the laborers black or white? 11. What varieties of cotton fabrics are manufactured from cotton produced by free labor? 12. Is there any manufactory, which is confined to cotton raised by free labor? <xsl-text></xsl-text>Feb. <xsl-text></xsl-text>12 <xsl-text></xsl-text>th, <xsl-text></xsl-text>1831. S.T.U. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.19.1831 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S.T.U. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Who wants Sugar at such a cost? Description An account of the resource In an article in the Baton Rouge Gazette, a Louisiana paper, headed "Sugar vs. Cotton," published in 1839, and intended to urge the more extensiv cultivation of sugar in that state, is the following remark:--"The rigorous measures about to be enforced against the African slave-trade, will probably enhance the price of slaves in the Spanish Islands, and diminish the amount of sugar annually made. The natural increase of the slaves in Cuba falls short of the demand, on account of the excessive hard labour to which they are subjected; the men being worked during eight months of the year, twenty hours out of the twenty-four, and consequently short lived. Every thing then seems to be in favour of the sugar planter, and bids him take courage!" I doublted the extent of the atrocious oppression in Cuba, indicated in this cold argument, until I met with R.R. Madden's poem, called "The Sugar Estate." Dr. Madden had abundant facilities for informing himself of Cuban slavery; and his name is high authority for whatever he asserts regarding it. The doctor makes the mayoral, or overseer of a sugar estate, to say:-- "But where, you ask me, are the poor old slaves? Where should they be, of course, but in their graves? We do not send them there before their time, But let them die, when they are past their prime. Men who are worked by night as well as day, Some how or other, live not to be grey; Sink from exhaustion---sicken--droop, and die, And leave the Count another batch to buy; There's stock abundant in the slave bazaars, Thanks to the banner of the stripes and stars! You cannot think how soon the want of sleep Breaks down their strengths, 'tis well they are so cheap! Four hours of rest in time of crop--for five Or six long months, and few indeed will thrive. With twenty hours of unremitting toil, Twelve in the field, and eight in doors, to boil Or grind the cane--believe me, few grow old. But life is cheap, and sugar, sir,--is gold. You think our interest is to use our blacks As careful owners use their costly backs; Our interest is to make the most we can, Of every negro in the shortest span!" Dr. Madden gives it as his opinion, that on sugar estates the annual mortality is about ten per cent., and on coffee estates five per cent. After this statement "That tells a tale of murder largely done," who wants to buy Havana sugar? The superintendent of the free negroes of Trinidad, persons who, during the American revolution, had escaped from bondage into the British service, and were colonized there, gave evidence to the British Parliament, more than twenty years since, as follows:--"I do not think that sugar estates could be carried on entirely by free labour, in the manner the work is done at present; making large quantities of work in a given time; in many instances, working eighteen hours out of twenty-four, which constant labour the free settler will not submit to." Happily British West India slavery has now ceased, and with it this oppressive labour. The motive which induces the holding of slaves is every where the same--the desire of wrongful gain to the holder--wrongful as taking from the holden their moral and natural rights. Under this motive, the question of how much labour may be exacted from the slave, without prejudice to his human existence, will soon degenerate into one of how much that life is worth, not to the man--but to the holder of him, and not to him in its moral, but in its productive aspects! This is the evident result of the downward tendency of a bad commencement. Hence we are not to look any where for a very different condition of the slave in similar subjects of culture, and with the spur to the extortion of labour, which commercial competition furnishes. The "law of trade" is but followed out, when men, coming to regard their fellow-beings as mere chattels, so "use them up," as to get out of them the greatest possible amount of production. It belongs especially to the coerced sugar cultivation to be prodigal of human life,--every where prodigal, yet with such variations of amount us the cost of the human implement, and other adventitious circumstancs may demand. Do we expect a system of sugar cultivation in our Southern country by slave-labour, which shall be essentially more benignant than that which we find is exerted elsewhere? Are our planters more humane than those of Cuba, Brazil, and other foreign places where slave-sugar is produced? What says for their clemency, the burning of negroes alive, and the protection given by the public sentiment, and even the courts of justice, to the perpetrators of such horrid tragedies? We err, if we expect to separate from the American system the evils which belong to universal slavery. What the true facts are of the sugar cultivation in Louisiana, the state in which it most abounds, in reference to the abridgment of human life, is stated below in the language of David Lee Child. "In 1831, the Secretary of the Treasury made a report to the House of Representatives, embracing the statements of a great number of sugar planters of Louisiana and other states, concerning the expenses and profits of their business. There was a statement by the central committee of the sugar planters of Louisiana; one by a committee of the parish [county] of Plaquemine, containing an immense table of the expenditures and products of twenty plantations in that parish; one from the Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge, and several from individuals, including J.S. Johnston, then a senator from Louisiana in the Congress of the United States. All these, with the exception of the Baton Rouge Society, set down the annual loss of slave-property, on the sugar plantations, at five per cent. That society says, "two and a half" per cent.; but this answer, in form, relates to "slave property," in general, and is not confined to the sugar estates. On the other hand, I have been informed that some sugar planters have admitted, that they "use up" seven per cent. of their hands every year. The loss to which I refer, is placed in the Secretary's report, and in the communications from Louisiana, under the heads of "risk," "decreased value," "death," and "deterioration." The chasms thus made are to be filled up with new cargoes, and c[?] from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, &c. In order to appreciate and apply these admissions of the adversary, it is necessary to consider that the annual increase of the population of the United States is about four per cent.--in other words, the vacancies caused by death are supplied, and four per cent. net gain is added; therefore, on the sugar plantations of the South, a positive loss of "five per cent." must be added to the negative loss of four, making an outright waste of human life, or downright massacre, of nine slaves to every hundred, every year! The amount on the sugar plantations of Louisiana, to pass over those of Florida, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, is three thousand one hundred and fifty per annum. These are just as much murdered as if they were shot en masse, and indeed more inhumanly, inasmuch as death by torture is more terrible. In this single branch of slave employment, there is a greater destruction of human life, every year, than there was in the whole French Revolution, bloody as that has ever been deemed. Who wants to buy New Orleans sugar? P. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource P. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Friend; a Religious and Literary Journal 16:8, p. 63 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.19.1842 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A COMPARISON: BETWEEN FREE LABOR AND SLAVE LABOR Description An account of the resource The slave is bought, sometimes at a very high price; in free labor there is no such investment of capital. The slave does not care how slowly or carelessly he works; it is the freeman's interest to do his business well and quickly. The slave is indifferent how many tools he spoils; the freeman has a motive to be careful. The freeman will be honest for reputation's sake; but a slave has no care for reputation, while his poverty and sense of wrong both urge him to steal from his master. A salary must be paid to an overseer to compel the slave to work; the freeman is impelled by the desire of increasing the comforts of himself and family. Mrs. Child. Whenever the option exists to employ, at an equal hire, free or slave labor, the former will be decidedly preferred. It is more capable, more diligent, more faithful, and in every respect more worthy of confidence. It is believed that no where in the farming portion of the U.S. would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietors were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the southern market, which keeps it up in his own.--Henry Clay The labor of a West India slave costs about thrice as much as it would if executed by a free man. Dr. Anderson. A West India planter found by experiment that six slaves, stimulated by the offer of a premium, did more work in the same time, than eighteen who were driven by the lash.--Hodgson. The mind of a slave, while a slave, is like a watch without its main-spring. You may take hold of its hands by direct physical force and move them round, but you cannot make them go alone. Th self-moving power is gone. But make that slave a freeman, restore his long-lost, but inalienable right, and by that single act, you have put the main-spring back again. --Phelps Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mrs. Child (Lydia Maria Child), Henry Clay, Dr. Anderson, Hodgson, Phelps Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Religious Intelligencer...Containing the Principal Transactions of the Various Bible and Missionary Societies, with Particular Accounts of Revivals of Religion 20:36, p. 566 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.6.1836 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Good Man Gone. Description An account of the resource A recent arrival from England brings us intelligence of the death of Mr. GEORGE RICHARDSON, at Newcastle-on-Tyne, which occurred on the 9th ult., in the 89th year of his age. The deceased was a member of the Society of Friends, and a consistent advocate of Peace, Temperance and Freedom. He early espoused the cause of the oppressed of the West Indies, and quit using the products of slave labor as one of the means of bringing about emancipation. In him the American Abolitionists had a firm and unwearied coadjutor. He labored zealously and most successfully for the amelioration of the condition of the poor in his own town. His door always opened to welcome the stranger, no matter of what country, clime, or color. In each outspoken action of his life one sentiment was ever prominent, and that the noblest one that ever actuates a human soul, the sentiment of duty. Few indeed have trodden with more care and less weariness "the straight and narrow path," or followed more faithfully that light which lighteth every man into and through the world. The outcast and needy of Newcastle will not soon find another George Richardson. The young may well imitate his character, while all can view his life as a beacon calling them on to higher and holier duty in the great work of making the world better. No unkind thought will follow bin to his grave, but it will be a place sought out by the pilgrim from a distance, as well as by the poor that loved him so well while living. "Thus, sleep the good, who sink to rest, By all their country's wishes blest When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, Returns to desk their hallowed mould, She there shall desk a sweeter sod Than Fancy's feet have aver trod. There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray, To bless the turf that wraps their clay, And Freedom shall a while repair, To dwell a weeping hermit there." W.W.B. We most fully unite with the grateful tribute thus rendered to our late venerable friend, Mr. GEORGWE RICHARDSON, of New Castle upon Tyne. 'A good man gone' may well be said of him, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Goodness <xsl-text></xsl-text>, was the main feature of his life, and all who were brought into contact with him were impressed with the goodness reflected from every line of his broad benevolent countenance. Privileged often to visit him sixteen years ago, and again two years, ago, we always felt like saying when contemplating him; 'Mark the perfect man behold the upright for the end of that man is peace.' He was emphatically the friend of the whole human family. Every man in need or in suffering whom he could, soothe, succor and relieve was his neighbor. He had counsel for the ignorant and erring, sympathy for the oppressed and an open band to the poor and needy. He was among the last living representatives of that noble body of good men in England who held up the hands of CLARKSON, WILBERFORCE, and Sir FOWELL BUXTON, while they carried the British nation up to she act of Emancipation. The dose of a life to long and so well spent, leaves no room for mourning, but rather leads to a feeling of peaceful gratitude that such a friend, has lived so long to serve and bless all within the reach of his influence. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator; Douglass' Monthly Liberator concludes at the W.W.B. signature. Douglass' Montly adds the final paragraph of the article.  Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Liberator 9.26.1862 Douglass' Mothly 10.1862  Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource W.W.B. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Question About Slavery Description An account of the resource A QUESTION ABOUT SLAVERY. Some persons are anxious to form societies, the members of which bind themselves to abstain from all articles produced by the labor of slaves. They believe that when planters can no longer find a market for the productions of slave labor, they will emancipate their slaves.— The colony at Liberia already offers some of the same articles, produced by free labor, and if sufficiently enlarged and strengthened, will furnish others; and as fast as the markets are furnished with coffee, rice, sugar, &c. from Liberia, the same articles, produced by slave labor, will be driven out of market. Must not the friends of 'free labor societies,' therefore, in order to be consistent, do all they can for the prosperity of that colony? —Vermont Chronicle.<xsl-text></xsl-text> The gravity with which the question is propounded in the foregoing paragraph, 'Must not the friends of free labor societies, in order to be consistent, do all they can for the prosperity of Liberia?' is truly ludicrous. The logic runs thus: it is desirable to obtain free goods— free goods are raised by the colonists— therefore it is the duty of <xsl-text></xsl-text>conscientious <xsl-text></xsl-text>individuals to give their support to the Colonization Society, which is abusing, proscribing, injuring, and attempting to expel one sixth portion of the American people, on account of their complexion! We assure the clear-sighted editors of the Chronicle that the members of free labor societies have no disposition 'to do evil that good may come,' by encouraging this monstrous crusade. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.21.1832