1 10 136 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource CIRCULAR Description An account of the resource The 'American Free Produce Association' has judged it an object of the first importance, that means should be adopted for furnishing a supply of Dry Goods and Groceries, produced by requited labor, adequate at least to the demands of those who are conscientiously opposed to the use of articles produced by the labor of slaves. In this view its attention has been directed to the establishing of a store, or stores, where free goods shall be held for sale, and facilities afforded for their transmission to distant places; and to its Executive Committee it has entrusted the making of the necessary arrangements. Two plans have been presented to the Committee for forming the capital stock of such an establishment. One, voluntary contribution from individuals. The other a joint stock association. Auxiliary to either, it has been suggested that engagements should be given by individuals, friends of requited labor, to take annually from the establishment certain amounts of goods. This would be at once a measure of the demands to be supplied, and an assurance to the contributors of certain success within the limits of such demand. The impressions of the Committee are, at present, favorable to a joint-stock association formed of as many shares, at twenty dollars each, as the result of its inquiries may indicate to be necessary; but it submits both plans to view in the annexed subscription list, and hopes that the friends of the cause will feel free to subscribe <xsl-text></xsl-text>under both heads <xsl-text></xsl-text>, leaving it for the Executive Committee to select that one which it shall deem best, after all the lists are returned, or the inquiries in them otherwise answered. It also invites a subscription under the other heads, the importance of which, as a mode of economically and successfully attaining the desired end, must be apparent. The individual to whom this Circular is addressed, is requested to submit it to other friends of the cause in his vicinity, and after obtaining as many signatures as he can to the subscription list, to return it to either of the undersigned during the current year. Any suggestions which subscribers may have to offer will be very acceptable to the Committee. On behalf and by order of the Executive Committee of the American Free Produce Association. ABRAHAM L. PENNOCK, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Chairman<xsl-text></xsl-text>. DANIEL L. MILLER, JR., <xsl-text></xsl-text>Secretary<xsl-text></xsl-text>. Philadelphia Tenth mo. 26, 1838. We, the subscribers, engage to contribute by donation or to take in stock, at the option of the Executive Committee of the American Free Produce Association, the sums in money, or number of shares, at twenty dollars each, set opposite to our names in the first and second columns; and to take annually in goods produced by free labor from such store or stores as may be established under the control of that Committee, the amount set opposite to our names in the third and fourth columns. It being understood that we may lessen the amount of our subscriptions for goods, or withdraw it at the expiration of one year from the time of subscribing, notice of such intention having been given to the Committee three months previously. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.16.1838 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Abraham L. Pennock, Daniel L. Miller, Jr. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Productions of Free Labor. Description An account of the resource PRODUCTIONS OF FREE LABOR.   The Committee appointed to inquire into the expediency of recommending to the American Anti-Slavery Society to make the offer of a premium of such amount as they shall deem proper, on certain articles produced by free labor in any part of the United States, beg leave to report: Your Committee believe that the subject of the resolution committed to their consideration, has a bearing on the good cause which we are associated to promote, of such importance as to merit the serious attention of the Convention. It must be obvious to every reflecting mind, that the desolating waters of slavery, which amid storms of vile oppressions, are bearing away their miserable victims to the ocean of death, are to be traced to the fountains of depravity in the human heart. The idolatry of covetousness, which the Lord of all abhorreth, has sacrificed on its cruel altars all the rights and interests of man. What motive induced the owner of the first slave ship to invade the land of the colored man, to steal his brother, and bear him away from his wife, his children, and his home? Was it not that love of money which is the root of all evil? What induced the West India planter to purchase the living flesh and blood and bones sent to him by the soul of avarice? Was it not the hope of unrighteous gain, to be obtained from the hard and unrequited labors of the wretched captive? And on what foundation did that hope rest, but on the assurance that individuals would purchase and consume the produce of that uncompensated and cruel toil? Here, then, we see the galling chain, and that it is the last link which moves all the rest. As it is for the consumer of the fiery poison, that the retailer applies to the wholesale vender, and he to the distiller; so in this case, it is for the consumer the lash is driving the slave to his toil, the man-stealer is going about this land of pretended freedom seeking whom he may devour, and the slave ship is violating all law both human and divine. Let the consumers of the liquid poison say to the retailer, we shall drink no more of your waters of death, and what is the consequence? He buys no more; the wholesale vender buys no more; the distiller makes no more. So if the consumers of slave produce should say, we will no longer be partakers of other men's sins, we will eat no more, we will wear no more, the product of fraud and oppression, of the groans and tears of our brethren, the consequence must be, that the labor of the slave would be valuable no more. The sordid and reckless trafficker in human souls would buy and sell no more, and no more would the ocean bear on her polluted bosom the abodes of the miserable victims of relentless avarice and cupidity. It is believed that free labor, if generally established on equitable principle, would promote, in various respects, the prosperity of the slaveholding States. It is obvious, however, that under the present direful and lamented system, the extraordinary efforts and means necessary to furnish the friends of humanity with the articles enumerated in the resolution, in the desirable contemplated manner, must be attended with some additional expense. It cannot, therefore, be reasonably expected that the end proposed in the resolution can be obtained without the means it suggests. Impressed with the belief that the object of the resolution is in perfect accordance with the great and distinguishing principle of our noble association, your Committee present these few considerations, which incline them to the conclusion that the recommendation proposed in the following resolution is expedient: Resolved, That it be recommended to the American Anti-Slavery Society to make the offer of a premium of dollars for every cwt. of merchantable cotton; for every cwt. of rice; for every, cwt. of sugar; and for hhds. of molasses, of a good and merchantable quality:—such premium to be paid upon satisfactory evidence being presented that such articles are the produce of free labor in any part of the United States. All which is respectfully submitted. HENRY GREW, SAMUEL FOSTER, HENRY E. BENSON. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.28.1834 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Grew, Samuel Foster, Henry E. Benson Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Products Description An account of the resource FREE LABOR PRODUCTS The disposition to discourage slave labor is evidently gaining ground amongst those who deem slavery a SIN, and consequently, feel that Christians ought in no way or manner to participate in the abomination. A circumstance of the kind came under the notice of the writer during the last week. A respectable shoe manufacturer called at my manufactory, and enquired if I had any <xsl-text></xsl-text>Philadelphia <xsl-text></xsl-text>Sole Leather for sale. I replied, I had none of the particular kind he named on hand, but had a plenty of Baltimore Leather. Oh, says he, that wont answer; I have enough of that myself, but my workmen wont use it. They are such thorough-going <xsl-text></xsl-text>abolitionists <xsl-text></xsl-text>that they will not work on leather which they know comes from a slave State, and which, of course, they suppose has been made by the labor of slaves!! This was a novel idea to me. I had heard of free labor Sugar and Cotton and Rice, but had never heard the term applied to the article in question. I cannot but admire <xsl-text></xsl-text>the spirit <xsl-text></xsl-text>of those men who thus decline in their humble way to encourage compulsory and unpaid labor; they undoubtedly act consistently with their principles, and if not ranked in fame with Wilberforce and Clarkson and Thompson, are yet sincere and genuine philanthropists. A DEALER. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource A DEALER Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.2.1835 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Products of Slavery Description An account of the resource For the Liberator.<xsl-text></xsl-text> PRODUCTS OF SLAVERY. MR. EDITOR— I have long felt a deep and painful interest in the condition of our unfortunate fellow beings, whose cause you have so warmly espoused, and whose rights you have so strenously advocated. I have hoped that the 'Liberator' would do much good in our community by attracting public attention to the evils of slavery; affording information to many who were ignorant of the nature and extent of its horrors, and awakening a benevolent sympathy for its wretched victims. Though I have always pitied the slaves, and thought them an unhappy and injured race, and that those who held them in bondage were unjust, tyrannical and wicked for so doing, I had never supposed the extent of misery on the one side, or of injustice and cruelty on the other, so extreme, as I now perceive it to be. I considered it, (as many others still do) an irremediable evil, which might be meliorated by the increasing extension of philanthropy, and especially by the progress of christianity; but I had formed no estimate of a probability that the whole system might be annihilated. I now feel convinced that it may, and ought to be entirely abolished; that the oppressed slaves may be emancipated, and their oppressors taught to know and feel the injustice and criminality of retaining them in bondage. I am convinced that no human being has a right to exact the unwilling and uncompensated labor of his fellow mortals; to deprive them of liberty, or obstruct their advancement in knowledge and virtue. I doubt not this conviction will ultimately prevail in every community, where the obligations of religion and philanthropy are acknowledged; though the process may be slow; having to contend with much ignorance prejudice and error. This conviction, however, is but the first step towards a result so desirable as the total abolition of slavery. Every long established custom acquires a strong hold on the feelings of those who are habituated to its control; we know that its power in many cases is almost unconquerable; and this is especially the case, where a custom, however injurious in its tendencies, is a source of pecuniary emolument, or worldly aggrandizement to those interested in its continuance. It therefore becomes necessary for the attainment of this great and good object— the universal emancipation of our colored brethren— the complete overthrow of this abominable traffic in human flesh— to investigate the whole subject fairly and calmly; to discuss it fully and freely; to ascertain, as far as possible, what are the best means and methods for the accomplishment of this great end. On this point, I find there is great diversity of opinion. Men of equal talents, equal piety, and equal benevolence, take different and almost opposite views of the whole subject: my mind has been much perplexed, by hearing what seemed to me very strong arguments on both sides of the question. With regard to the main subject, universal emancipation, as I before remarked, I have no doubt. I think it may, and it ought to be accomplished; but with regard to the means of its accomplishment, I do not feel so decided. I wish very earnestly to obtain more light, to understand more clearly how the measures which have been suggested can operate to produce the desired effect. In the Liberator of February 19th, I noticed an article on 'Free and Slave Labor;' containing several questions, respecting the practicability of measures which have been recommended. I have been hoping these questions would receive plain demonstrative answers from some one well acquainted with the subject; and that my own doubts might thereby be solved. I should not then have troubled you with this communication. If it can be proved that abstinence from the products of slave labor will tend, in any considerable degree, to effect the desired object, many friends who are interested in the cause, would unite with me in adopting the practice, immediately, without hesitation. We have been assured by one party, that such a practice would certainly produce this effect; but have not yet been told how. We have been assured by others, that this measure could do no good, and might even injure those whom we are seeking to benefit. We do not feel satisfied either, with their theory. I will briefly relate some of their arguments. They say, 'that if we refuse to purchase the products of free labor, and thereby lessen the demand for those articles, the planters will send them to Europe, or elsewhere; they will retaliate on us, by refusing to purchase our articles, and obstructing our foreign trade; this operation will only shift the difficulty, without removing it wholly. Our own manufacturers will suffer, by losing a ready market for their commodities; thus our own means will be diminished; the southerners will be irritated, without being reformed, by our coercive measures; and the poor slaves will remain in the same unhappy condition, notwithstanding all our efforts to relieve them.' This is a melancholy consideration indeed; I shall be thankful if it can be proved unfounded. If a fair and distinct reply can be given to the queries before stated, and I can be convinced of the utility of the plan which induced them; I shall be rejoiced to aid the good cause, in that way, and also in any other wherein I have ability. Positive assertions, violent declamation and bitter denunciations against the offending party, prove nothing to my mind. I have heard much of this rhetoric on many occasions; and pardon me, if I say, on this particular subject, I have been pained several times by reading articles in the 'Liberator,' which manifested an unchristian spirit. It is undoubtedly the duty of christians to hear their testimony against the vices of the age; and any one whose office or situation entitles him to repaire, admonish or exhort his brethern, would speak freely, and even boldly, if occasion require it. But those who wish to follow the example of their divine Master, or the teachings of his apostles, will temper indignation with mildness, being <xsl-text></xsl-text>grieved <xsl-text></xsl-text>at the hardness of men's hearts; they will instruct with meekness such as oppose themselves, even to the dictates of humanity; and feel some compassion for the sinner, while condemning his sin. They will at least refrain from such sarcasms and invectives as will have a tendency to rouse the evil passions, without awakening the consciences of those whom they censure. I will not, however, enlarge here; perhaps I have already said too much. Hoping you will answer the questions proposed, or refer your correspondents to some publication in which the subject has been fully stated and explained, I close this communication with sincere wishes that the right cause will prevail and prosper. A.O. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource A.O. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.23.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Chittenango Falls, Dec. 20. 1849 Subject The topic of the resource Letter from A.W. Nourse to Samuel Ringgold Ward on free labor Description An account of the resource BRO. WARD,--I have long been convinced that it is inconsistent for me to pray, and talk, and vote against slavery, and then bolster up that diabolical system, by purchasing and consuming the products of slave labor. It is one of the plainest of all plain questions, that if the slaveholder could find no market for his plunder, he would be glad to let the oppressed go free. Who then are responsible for the existence and extension of slavery, if those who purchase and use this worse than stolen property are not? I have been pained and almost vexed at the course abolitionists take on this question; while they profess abundance of sympathy for the poor, suffering, bleeding slave,--while they denounce the slaveholder and his abettors in no measured terms; they themselves will use those very articles to produce which the slave suffers and bleeds; and the oppressors arm is strengthened to ply the gory lash. Among the arguments used in favor of consuming the products of slave labor, are, that those articles are more easily and cheaply obtained; that the products of free labor cost too much, that they are difficult to be got hold of. Now to me it looks as though every pound of cotton produced by slav labor, costs more than all the gold in California could pay for, if the whole territory were a solid mass;--it costs no less than the price of blood. But to discuss this question is not the chief object of this communication. I wish to inquire of you or some of your correspondents, where and how, those who despise the "gain of oppression," can obtain the products of free labor. Could not a free labor store be established in Syracuse. Yours, &c., A.W. NOURSE This subject deserves attention. Our opinion is that a pedlar of free labor goods, might supply a great many families.--ED IM. CIT Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource A.W. Nourse Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Impartial Citizen Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.2.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Communications: Free Productions Description An account of the resource COMMUNICATIONS. Excellent—excellent. FREE PRODUCTIONS. <xsl-text></xsl-text>To the Editor of the Liberator <xsl-text></xsl-text>. SIR— I am a plain hardworking farmer, who like to live as well as I can for my means. Now you must know that my wife and grown up daughters have got a notion out of some tract they have been reading, that we ought not to eat rice, nor sugar, nor anything that is raised by the labor of slaves. Sometime ago, my daughter Jane brought me the Liberator, and shewed me a string of questions as long as a rope of onions. 'There, father,' says she, looking quite pleased, 'when all these questions are answered, I am sure you will think just as we do, and will not be willing to use any more of the slave articles.' 'Well, well, child, wait till the answers come, and if there is anything in them to bring people round to your way of thinking, like enough I may join, if we can get the free things as cheap; but it stands to reason there is no use in just two or three beginning.' I saw she did not look satisfied, and, a day or two afterwards, I found that John and I were the only ones at table eating sugar, for they had contrived, somehow or other, to coax all the little ones into the plot. And not a sign of a rice pudding has whitened our board since that pamphlet came into the house. 'Why, wife,' said I 'what does all this mean?' Now my wife is a very reasonable woman, and no way apt to be freakish, and I saw she looked worried. 'My dear,' said she, 'I have thought a good deal about this, and I can't see but what the people here encourage the keeping just as many slaves, as it takes to raise what we use, and therefore it seems to me that no one, who thinks slavery wrong, ought to encourage it by eating the produce of it.' 'Why, wife,' said I, 'I think it is just as wrong to keep slaves, as you do, and I would starve to death, before I would have one; but it will do no good for just one family to make themselves uncomfortable only to be laughed at; but to humor you and the girls, I'll buy some free sugar, as you call it, for your eating, but as to getting sugar for all the hired folks, it's what I can't afford, and they must use molasses for their sweetening, slave or free.' So, the next time I went to town with my wagon, I had a great many notions to get for the family. 'Mind, father,' said the girls, 'that you get free labor articles.' Well, sir, I brought home a bag of East India sugar, a barrel of flour, half a bag of coffee, and 14 lbs. of the whitest New-York flour I could find, for my wife is pretty particular to have her cake, for company, look white. 'I hope they are all free,' said my eldest girl. 'Free, child? I suppose so, it's good Porto Rico coffee.' 'Why, that is slave coffee,' said she, 'from one of the West India Islands.' So, sir, that's the good of geography in my family; and as my boy, that's going to college, says, it needs a good deal of learning to know justly about everything, whether it is slave or free; more learning than I care to have; I got the coffee because it was the cheapest.' 'Why, yes,' said one of my pert daughters, 'it will be the cheapest, for only you and the hired men will drink it. What flour is it?' 'Good Baltimore flour.' 'Why, father, then it's from one of the slave states.' 'Pooh! pooh!' said I, 'I'm not going to give half a dollar a barrel more for flour, just for a whim.' 'My dear,' said my wife, 'we need not spend any more for the flour, it is only to put a little more indian, or a few more potatoes, into the bread, and in this way, we may make the wheat last enough longer to make up for the difference in the price, and so we may manage about many other things.' So they had always some such come off, when I was for reasoning with them. Then they are always talking about their substitutes, as they call them, for the slave articles; but I don't want such nonsense, when I can afford to feed my family with comfortable food. I will give you the history of one of these substitutes. It has always been my wife's fashion, when we have a boiled dinner, to make a good mess of rice broth, which always looked white enough to do anybody's heart good, and it is good wholesome food, and a proper piece of economy for a large family, like mine. Well, the other day, when I was seeing to my barn, one of the girls came and said she wanted some of the coarse ground corn. I did not think to ask what it was for, but at dinner time I found they had made it into what they called broth, and there was the whole set of little ones feeding on it. I scolded out, plain enough, to see my children eating swine's victuals so. I should not care to write just what I said, as you might not care to print it. I don't suppose the children understood what I said, but the broth was somehow connected, in their minds, with the pitiful stories they had heard of the slaves, and my little Nancy looked up in my face and said, 'Father, I wish all the poor little slave children had such a nice dinner,' I declare, sir, I never had the whole set of half-starved, miserable slaves brought so before my mind before, and it made me feel all over, I can't tell how, a sort of choky; and I thought then, I could have lived on bread and water, all the rest of my days, to do them good. The little creature kept watching me, as if she understood just how I felt, and called out, before the whole table, hired men and all, 'Father is crying about the poor black people.' I can't tell what happened next, nor how I came by it, but I had eaten up half a bowl of broth before I knew what I was about, and, I can tell you, it is really better eating than the rice broth, for there is more taste in it. I did not care to say so, because it might have seemed like encouraging my family in their notions, for there is no way that will keep folks thinking and talking about the slaves, so much as the having them brought so to our minds at every meal. There's one of my men that I've watched ever since that day I was so overtaken, and I see he always passes the sweetening along, very sly, without pouring out a drop. I can't say but what I've liked the poor fellow the better, because it looks so pitiful in him, but I know it is all nonsense, as it can't possibly do any good to the slaves; and besides, it is none of our business to meddle with what does not belong to us. But to go back to the point I set out with, about those questions; my folks won't be satisfied till they are answered. Upon recollection, I believe the girls said one of them had been answered, much to their minds; and that, I suppose, is what is carrying John over to their side. He is now just between hay and grass, willing to give the preference to the free articles, when he can get them, but not willing to give up the others. But when a full answer to the whole comes out, I expect the tables to be turned, for I can't think there will be anything to uphold them in such delusion, seeing they have never got much out of your paper to favor their doctrine; only I wonder that you put the questions in at all, for a question without an answer seems pretty much like a cart without a horse. But I suppose, in some things, an editor's business is like a farmer's— you can't always spend time to look after things just us you want them, but must take them as they come to hand; and that you are waiting till a real good horse comes along, to put to your cart, and you are right to be particular. But this, sir is what my college boy calls <xsl-text></xsl-text>figuring <xsl-text></xsl-text>language, and as I never got so far as that, in my arithmetic book, I had better write plain English, and say, that I suppose you are waiting for real good answers to those questions. After all, I sometimes can't help having a little misgiving that my wife and the girls <xsl-text></xsl-text>may <xsl-text></xsl-text>be right, but I shan't be ashamed; I'm for the truth any how, and I suppose I can understand a plain, fair argument; only, sir, I can tell you, it must be pretty smart reasoning, and none of your oh! and your ah! and your note of admiration arguments for me. I say again, it must be pretty smart reasoning that will convince me that all the folks in these Northern States have been acting, all this time, like a set of thief-helpers; but let the truth come out, and if it should prove so, we should have a stirring time among us. I remain, sir, your humble servant, ADAM ARATOR. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Adam Arator Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.7.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Adam Arator to the Editor of the Liberator Description An account of the resource ADAM ARATOR TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIBERATOR. Well, sir, that night after the squire was at our house, I say awake a good hour, which is what a farmer don't often do, for sleep comes as easy and soft upon us as the night dews upon our tender plants, and is as necessary to us, and we are all wilted up in the morning if we don't get it, just as our plants would be without the dews. I turned the whole matter over in my mind as thoroughly as my new fashioned plough does my land. Why here's my farm, thought I, brings me in so much a year by selling the produce, and this is what I count on for my profits. Supposing now I could not sell any of it, because people thought I managed my farm so that I did not come by my stuff honestly. Supposing it was my neighbors only, who knew always, that thought so, and that I could sell my produce by trading farther off. Still I should like to have a good name among my neighbors, and a handy market for my stuff, and should set to thinking how I could manage my farm so as to bring this about, and not have my neighbors so shy of trading with me. Now this is what I should do, even if I knew all the time I'd been acting like a thief, which it's a tough matter for me to suppose of myself. But supposing I'd been under a delusion like as some people think the slaveholders are, and had not known justly that I was acting like a dishonest man; I think it would rouse me up pretty quick, to hear there was a set of men, if there were ever so few of them, who thought I was not honest enough to be traded with; and I guess my eyes would soon be as clear as theirs. So who knows but what our giving up using the slave-raised things would set some of the slaveholders upon looking into their ways and finding out that they were wrong, if they saw it was not done out of spite, but for honesty's sake; for it's no great matter to reckon upon, that there are some as honest men as I among them. If there are not, it shows slavery to be a worse canker worm than I thought it, eating away the very life of the soul. Then, sir, I turned it another way.—Supposing that Tim Bennet should come along tomorrow with a good yoke of oxen (which was what I just then happened to be in want of.) Now Tim is the cattle cheat of the county, though he's so sly, the law can't get hold of him. Cheating in cattle is his trade, just as cheating the poor slaves out of their earnings is the slaveholder's trade. Supposing I knew he'd cheated a poor widow out of this very pair of oxen. Shall I trade with him, and so share the profits of his cheating, and encourage him to do the same thing again? If I do, it is not for me to call him cheat. No, Tim, I shall go without the oxen if I can't get any that have been honestly come by. You need not tell me other folks will buy if I don't,—more shame for them,—but that's no reason I should dabble in any such dirty work. Now, sir, this is just the way the free states stand with the slaveholders, buying up their crops, and doing all we can to make their slaveholding profitable to them. Come, John, said I the next day, get the last census and let us figure it out, and see how many of us there are, who are pretending to think slavery's wrong, and yet doing our best to keep it up. So, sir; we began at Maine, and went through all the free states, and counted up all the people, and found there was rising seven millions. Now, John, said I, make them that don't know a squash from a pumpkin believe that seven million people's eating and wearing slave-raised produce has nothing to do with keeping up slavery. 'Clear then,' said John, 'as a demonstration in Euclid, that each one that uses slave productions does his seven millionth part; and little though it may be,' said he, jumping up, 'if it was but a <xsl-text></xsl-text>trillionth <xsl-text></xsl-text>part, father, I'd have nothing to do with such deviltry.' A true word to use, John, said I, though it may sound rather hard to some folks; but slaveholding is as much deviltry as any thing on this earth can be, and not a cent of my money goes to keep it up any longer, let us live how we may. Oh, my dear husband, said my wife, when we feel the want of any of the things we have been used to, let us remember how much harder it is for the poor slaves never to have any of them, though it was their own hard labor which raised them, than it is for us who have so many comforts left. This was no argument to be sure, sir, but its woman's way to talk, and seems pretty like. 'Well, wife, you're a kind soul to make it all so easy, but it will make a great stir among so many hired men as we've got about us, that won't feel our scruples, and won't like to go without some of the good things. How shall we do without molasses for our beer?' You must know, sir, I never have any kind of spirit drank by my men, nor cider neither, which is next door for headiness, but always gave them a weak sort of beer, pretty strong of the molasses as I reckon that's wholesome. So here was a quandary to be in, and just coming on haying time too. But Ned Grew thought about it as soon as I did, indeed sooner, for ever since that time my Nancy made such a fool of me at the dinner table, he's left off drinking beer and takes milk and water for his drink, and he named it to the men all about my notions, and recommended the milk and water to them. So they all fell in with it, knowing it was not stinginess in me, and soon got to like it just as well as the beer, and said it was more supporting; and never did I see a set of men swing the scythe smarter. They that could not bear the milk, never grumbled, but contented themselves with water; and it soon got to be a standing joke among them that Adam's ale was as good any day as ever Adam's beer was. You remember, sir, that my name's Adam, for I did not end off my letter to you just with two or three big letters as if I wanted to teach you your alphabet. No, no, none of your A.A's or B.B's for a man that never did any thing to make him ashamed of his own name. But to go straight on, wife managed so well that we seemed to get along as comfortable as ever as to eatables. To be sure, the little ones wished for a pie now and then, which I hope they'll soon have, for my neighbor Jones talks of tapping his young maples this year, and then we shall be as well off for sweetening as ever, for he's as honest a man as any body would wish to trade with. My piece of flax too has turned to very good account, for my wife and the girls have set to spinning and weaving again as brisk as ever, which they have not done much lately, since cotton's been so cheap; so that all they seem to care for now is something a little smart for outside wear; and as the accounts in your paper about cotton have seemed to be very encouraging, I hope to see my folks dressed as smart as ever before long. A proud day it would be to wife if she could get a gown, made from cotton raised by free labor in this country. If you should hear of any such cotton to be sold in Boston, do just put it into your paper, for I believe wife would go to the city for it, herself, which she has not done these ten years. But if it is not to be got, she'll content herself without it, and there is not one of my folks, that would not scorn to buy slave-raised things which they would count the same as stealing. I suppose the down shore people must be put to worse straights than we are, for I reckon there are no set of people that have the means of living comfortable within themselves more than a New-England farmer and his family. And seeing we are not in the way of doing any great things for the slaves, I think it would be a good notion for all my brother farmers to see what we can do by setting the example of being among the first to quit sharing in the fruits of oppression. And it's mighty comfortable to look round on a rising family, and know that they are all innocent of any share in this great sin of the nation. Who knows what the New-England farmers might do if they'd set about it? for we are not such nobodys as the city folks think. Well, sir, I've told my long story, and I wish you success in all your doings, and I don't doubt you'll have a good harvest. Never be sparing of your seed; if the first sowing don't spring, cast in more, and you may get something from the most unpromising. A lucky shower, or lucky sunshine, may give a start to seed in a spot where you looked for nothing. We call it lucky, sir, but I reckon you are not one who forgets who it is that sends the rain and the sunshine; and if we do our part to pick out good seed, never fear that any of them will be lost, if any good is to come from their sprouting. I keep getting into this figuring way, but I guess you'll understand, for it seems to start up to my mind as quick as white clover does on a piece of new cleared land; they're both natural to the soil I reckon. I got my college lad to look over my letter and see if he could trim it up a little. But he says 'no further, translating would spoil it.' I suppose John thinks of translating as I do of transplanting, that it requires a pretty nice hand to do it, or else the plant is spoiled. So I send it without any trimming. ADAM ARATOR. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.21.1831 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Adam Arator Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Goods. Description An account of the resource Communications.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Free Labour Goods. COLLINS, 10th-mo. 1846. It has long been the sentiment of my mind, that it is wrong for us willingly and knowingly, to aid in supporting any cause, the effects of which produce sin and misery. That Slavery is the cause of much, <xsl-text></xsl-text>very <xsl-text></xsl-text>much misery and distress, perhaps no one will pretend to deny; and that even <xsl-text></xsl-text>some <xsl-text></xsl-text>of the <xsl-text></xsl-text>Abolitionists <xsl-text></xsl-text>are supporting, this cause, by trafficking in, and consuming slave-earned goods. It seems inconsistent with reason, that we should pray for the of we are maintaining, by constantly dropping weights in the scale which we fain would raise. Let us withhold the weights, and the scales will soon come to an equilibrium, when a little would weigh down our scale. But as future events are hid from us, so that we cannot always determine the issue of any course which we may pursue, it is necessary that our reason be directed by unerring wisdom, and that all our actions proceed from pure motives. Then we need not fear the result; for whatever evil may come in by and bye, we may rest assured does not proceed from any act of ours, but had its origin in another source. Have we not a sufficient number of Abolitionists deeply interested in the cause, who will establish a free produce market? Will they not appropriate a portion of the money which they are using for other branches, in this cause, to assist in bringing about such a trade? I think this would be the most effectual step towards freeing the blacks, that has yet been taken, if it could be judiciously managed. Let such individuals be selected to manage and oversee the business as may be confided in; such as feel their interests bound together with the interests of all others. Let them go to the Southern planters, and in the spirit of meekness and love, say to them: “We wish for some of your cotton, sugar, and rice, but we are fully determined not to traffic in <xsl-text></xsl-text>slave-earned <xsl-text></xsl-text>goods; therefore, if you will set your slaves at liberty, and hire them, we will purchase the produce of their labour, and pay you an extra price for it.” This might encourage some one to try the experiment of employing men, instead of slaves, and perhaps others might follow the example, induced by the prospect of a more ready market; and as there are already some free plantations, there could soon be a sufficient quantity of goods obtained to make a beginning. Then these articles might be kept by themselves and fitted for market. It has often been urged that we should be likely to be imposed upon, by having slave-earned goods presented to us instead of free goods. But I think a remedy for this might be found, by having the price of free goods stationed a cent or two at least lower on a pound of sugar, or a yard of cloth, than the market price of slave goods of the same quality. Some may think this would be doing too much; but let us pause and view the subject a little. This would be bearing only a small share of the burden which we, ourselves have been heaping upon the slaves, by being accessory with their masters, by buying and consuming what they have compelled the slaves to raise. No matter how many hands the goods come through; the consumer is the one for whom they are intended. Were there no consumers of slave goods, there would be none handed forth, consequently no slaves wanted. So that the sin of Slavery does not wholly rest upon the slaveholders, but in part upon the purchaser and consumers of the goods; who, for the sake of gain to themselves, have as it were, agreed with the slaveholders to cheat the slaves out of their hard-earned wages. They have done it in deed if not in word, until it would seem as if nearly all classes of community had become coworkers with the slaveholder. How can Abolitionists continue in this? Will they not overthrow this iniquitous trade by introducing the free trade as here proposed? If they would reserve a share of the money now devoted to the Anti-Slavery cause, for the purpose of procuring free goods, and keep back the money designed for buying slave goods, and turn that into the free scale also, this might enable them to give a price for free goods sufficiently high to encourage the slaveholder to produce free goods by changing his slaves into free men and women. And let it be remembered that each weight thus kept back and put into the free scale counts two, or weighs down as much as two on any other consideration. And should we not be willing to sacrifice a little time and money to recompense the slaves for the wrongs we have done them; and how can we do this in a better or more safe way. This would give them an opportunity to stay with their old masters, or choose new ones just as they could agree; and they would not be compelled to leave their state, town, or neighbourhood, to find their liberty at the risk of their lives, not knowing where to find friends, or daring to return to those they left behind. There are some individuals who are doing nearly without cotton goods, and others who are purchasing very reluctantly; and would be willing to be at more trouble and expense to procure free goods. Such as those would willingly contribute a little towards supporting a trade in free goods. There is another class who seem all unconscious of its being any crime to use the products of slave labour, but feel compelled to buy goods where they can get them cheapest. Doubtless such would take free goods, so that the free market would soon increase, and continue to increase, until it gained the whole trade.—Slave goods would then soon grow dull in market, for no one would wish to purchase them, as long as they could get free goods at a lower price. If there could be a channel like this, ever so small, once put in operation, with good, faithful attendance, it would soon deepen and widen. The immediate effect of this would be the undoing of the heavy burdens to let the oppressed go free; and at the same time assisting the poor people who are now almost compelled to purchase what is worse than stolen goods, though many of them are innocent of it because of their ignorance. Thus, many would become supporters in the Anti-Slavery cause unawares. I ask again, will not Abolitionists withhold their money from buying slave goods, and introduce it into the free trade. Some people seem to think because there are some few articles of slave labour which we cannot consistently discard the use of, that they may be excused for using the whole. The article of paper, for instance, we must have; but I do not consider that we are supporting Slavery, in the use of it, for no one buys cloth for the sake of the rags. Not a vestige more is bought than would be if the rags were thrown away. However, I do not wish to discourage any, and all other means of assisting the slaves, which may be pursued consistent with truth and righteousness, but hope they will refrain from using the produce of their labour until it can be changed into free labour; wait a little longer for goods; do with a little less for the sake of the oppressed. Some think themselves entitled to the labour of the slave because they are labouring in the abolition cause. Let such consider that although they are working with good intent, how much faster they might progress by moving straight onwards, instead of taking two steps forwards and one backwards. Therefore, if we wish to progress in the cause, let us cease to support Slavery. I could freely purchase goods of any merchant having a quantity of slave goods on hand, if he had become sensible that in buying these goods he had been oppressing the slaves, and was firmly resolved no longer to partake in this trade; for I should consider such goods free. But I cannot feel justified in taking goods out of any store where, in all probability, they will draw upon the slave to fill the vacancy. I rejoice that there are several free produce associations already established in the country. With much respect for them, I wish them good success in their undertaking, but think they would progress faster in the cause if they would adopt this plan of buying and selling. True, it would take more capital to carry it on, but I presume there are many, not yet called Abolitionists who for the release of the slaves as we, and I trust many of these would come forward in this cause and cast their mite into the treasury to assist in carrying out this new plan. But while we are endeavouring to assist the slaves, let us not be unmindful of the pitiable condition of the slaveholders. They are bound with fetters stronger than iron. If <xsl-text></xsl-text>we <xsl-text></xsl-text>had a father, a brother, or a son, who was a slaveholder, how soon should we fly to him with entreaties for him to disengage himself from so vicious a calling. And let us not forget to plead earnestly with the master to release his slaves from bondage. AMY TAFT. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Amy Taft Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.22.1846 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slave Labor Products---No. 2. Subject The topic of the resource Criticism of William Lloyd Garrison Description An account of the resource FRIENDS EDITORS:-- Before proceeding with this number of my series, permit me, with all deference to your veto power, respectfully to request that you will concede to me the right to judge whether what I write be "necessary to correct understanding" of my views. You will thus be saved the trouble of curtailing, mutilating or interpolating for me; I shall have some assurance that what I write will be published as I arrange and prepare it, and your readers will sometimes be favored with both sides of a subject on which they would otherwise have to decide from hearing one only.* GARRISON'S EDITORIAL This subject of slave labor produce, says Garrison, "must be left to the individual conscience." He quotes from Paul, "Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind," &c. "To him that esteemeth any thing unclean to him it is unclean," &c.-- Can any one tell what peculiar relevancy there can be in such advice to the subject under consideration? How will the same precepts sound when applied to the pro-slavery church member, the Whig, the Democrat or the Slaveholder? Why not leave such to their individual conscience, also? Can any one find a reason satisfactory to his own mind for thus discriminating? Friend Garrison informs us that he is not willing to discuss this question! He is not now willing to assist in leading his friends out of an "error" as he terms it, although he was instrumental in involving them in it.--Many are indebted in part to the arguments he has used for their "conscientious scruples" on this subject. He once laid down, as a settled principle, the following declaration: "I hold this truth to be self-evident, that no transfer, or inheritance, or sale of stolen property, can convert it into just possession or destroy the claim of the original owner; the maxim being universally conceded to be just, that the receiver is as bad as the thief." This was heralded forth to the world through the Liberator, and who at that time would have believed that the editor would have ever abandoned that "self-evident truth," without showing conclusively that the position was false, or that he would deny the privilege to others either to prove or confute the proposition? He appears disposed to permit his friends to stray off into the same "error" from which he believes himself to have been so fortunately redeemed, pursuing after that bubble of a self-evident truth which he has put them on the track of! For such treatment I think we have just cause to complain of our once admired champion. If we have any thing from his pen to eradicate the conviction, that we cannot innocently use the proceeds of unrequited toil, and to upset the above axiom or prove it but a chimera, it must be found in his late editorial--in the declaration that there are "difficulties" in the question--that there are a "thousand others" of vital importance--in the assertion that the Abolitionists are "innocent" but others are "not innocent" in using those products--in a quotation from Paul that "to him that esteemeth anything unclean to him it is unclean," and in the comparison of other systems of oppression with that of slavery!! &c. Is it possible that W.L. Garrison has been convinced by such reasons that the "self-evident truth" that "no transfer, or inheritance, or sale of stolen property can convert it into just possession," and always was, an "error," or that "self-evident truths" are to be abandoned upon such evidence? The disunionist would, as I conceive, have less cause for surprise, and less for complaint, if Garrison would now reverse his course upon that question, and assign similar reasons for such change, and then decline a further investigation. The Free Produce question was a conspicuous item among the measures avowed by the parent society--Disunion was not. "No casuistry" has settled the disunion question "like a moral axiom." Garrison, although he seems to have forgotten it, has thus settled the free produce question. The use of the Union is claimed by a class of the anti-slavery people as a means of abolishing slavery. No such claim I presume will be seriously made upon the use of slave labor goods as a means of removing the evil.--The "difficulties" of withholding all support to the Union are much greater than those of refusing the use of slave labor products, and all the arguments used by Garrison in his editorial would, it appears to me, apply with more force to his case, were he to abandon the disunion ground, and present to his readers a similar defense for his course. After reading and re-reading that editorial, and seeking in vain for any logical argument in it, many of his friends will still be compelled to adhere to an old-fashioned idea, handed down by John Woolman and his contemporaries--thorougly examined and found true by the old school abolitionists of 1790, and re-endorsed by an equally devoted band in 1833, that the slaveholder and the consumer of his commodities, together with all the complex machinery pertaining to the process of their production, transfer, traffic and consumption, constitute one great "slaveholding firm," all acting in harmony--no part of which can be spared without detriment to the rest, and that the consumer is, especially, the main spring which gives to the whole, motion, energy and vitality. If, then, we are bound to be "rigidly consistent," should we not take down the motto, "No union with slaveholders," until we shall have become disenthralled from this vast "slaveholding firm"? The disunionist who cleaves to it holds in one hand the motto "no union with slaveholders," and in the other the tempting bribe to the slaveholder, "Give us your cotton, and your rice, and your sugar, and we will give you our money; but if you liberate your slave you cannot furnish it so cheap--we will then patronize him who wrests those articles from his victim without compensation; we are abolitionists, it is "innocent" for us to buy of him who can sell cheapest without regard to the mode by which he procures his goods." The Fosters, the Pillsburys, the Jacksons, and other non-abstaining abolitionists, says Garrison, says Garrison, need no certificate of their devotion to the cause of the slave. Those may all be good abolitionists, which is not saying they might not be better. Pulpit labor is often mistaken, however, for practical work. Politicians are often set down as true patriots and great champions of human liberty, when there is not perhaps a single act they have performed to merit the character imputed to them, save those of public speaking in behalf of freedom. This they have done with less pecuniary compnsation, and no more hope of acquiring distinction and eminence than has the anti-slavery lecturer. Such may, or they may not be the true friends of human freedom. What we want is practical work as well as preaching. If W.L.G. had been arguing the other side of the question, I doubt not it would have occurred to him to show that C.C. Burleigh, Lucretia Mott, and other free produce anti-slavery laborers possessed all the requisites of the above named with the additional evidence of their fidelity to the cause, that they make sacrifices to procure the unstained productions of free labor. As to those he speaks of as "needing no ceritificate" &c., those of them I have heard, would surely be entitled to a clear "certificate" from the slaveholder for their warm advocacy of a doctrine most essential to the existence of his "peculiar institution," which may be properly termed, "COMMERCIAL UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS." B.B. DAVIS. *This insinuation that we would exclude one side of a question while we admitted the other, is entirely destitute of foundation. It has not the least semblance of truth, and we are unable to conceive how it was possible for the writer to think otherwise when he penned it.--EDRS.] Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource B.B. Davis Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Anti-slavery Bugle 2:51, p. 2 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.23.1847 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slave Labor Products--No. 1. Description An account of the resource INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. FRIENDS EDITORS:-- Having, as your readers may infer from your editorials of the last two weeks, had some difficulty in getting access to your readers through the columns of the Bugle, and I suppose entirely debarred from a hearing through the Liberator, I must ask for a little more space than would otherwise be necessary, for prefatory remarks. [We omit here a portion of our correspondent's preface, inasmuch as it relates to a matter which he was told in a private interview we thought would be out of place in our columns--nor is the part omitted needed to give a correct understanding of his Free Produce views.--EDRS.] I consider the American Anti-Slavery Society under obligations, not only to admit, but to encourage the discussion of, and to advocate, the Free Labor question. And especially is the Western A.S. Society bound to do this. When this Society received its impulse by the visit of Abby Kelley in 1845, the Declaration of Sentiment and Constitution of the present Society formed in 1833, was read in the Convention held in New Lisbon, and re-adopted by the same, as the acknowledged embodiment of the principles, doctrines and measures of this Society.--Among the measures which stand prominent in that declaraction of sentiment, is the following, "We shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that of slaves, by giving a preference to their productions." At the Convention of the Western Society held at New Garden last year, the following resolution was adopted: Resolved, That we believe it our duty to abstain as far as practicable from the fruits of slaves' labor, and encourage the labor of freemen." By the published proceedings of this Convention in the Bugle of June 26, 1816, it will be seen that this resolution "passed with scarcely a dissenting voice"! An editorial in the same paper says it passed "with much unanimity." [A few lines also omitted here.--EDRS.] THE DECLENSION. Whenever the Am. A.S. Society has added to its policy any new measure, or modified any of its old ones, the subject of such change has always been a theme of much discussion; sometimes almost to the exclusion of the direct question. The change now attempted to be effected in relation to the free produce question, constitutes a remarkable exception to this rule. Even W.L. Garrison, who once maintained that the doctrine of abstinence from slave labor produce was a duty as clear as that of abstinence from slaveholding--"a self-evident truth," now takes a contrary position, and in doing so, declares in plain terms, his unwillingness either to discuss the subject or grant the use of his paper for the privilege of such discussion!! Is it thus that "self-evident truths are to be disposed of by abolitionists? If this be so, and the evidence that it is need not now be disputed, we may not only hear of the Disunion doctrine being abandoned to-morrow, (for it never has, nor never will be claimed to be based on a self-evident truth,) but the abandonment of the idea of the slave's inalienable right to liberty, may with equal propriety be surrendered, for that is nothing more than a "self-evident truth." But strange as it may seem, soon after W.L. Garrison's views became changed, we discovered one by one, without a public discussion of the question, with no circulation of anti-free labor tracts, the anti-slavery men and women dropping off! The Am. Free Produce Society lost several of their active members, their names and their arguments, the latter unanswered and unanswerable, and both as monuments of their apostacy from the doctrine so triumphantly maintained by many of our ablest anti-slavery writers, are yet to be seen upon the records. The few reasons which have been advanced against the free labor subject, being evidently the best that can be advanced, it is my purpose in these essays to review, not so much because of the sources from which they emanate, as for the purpose which they are intended to subserve, and the use made of them. Whatever goes to discourage the manufacture of free produce, goes so far to encourage that of slave labor, and to encourage the latter, is to aid oppression. WM. LLOYD GARRISON. The editor of the Liberator, W.L. Garrison, in his remarks on the free produce question, in the Liberator of the 5th of 3rd mo. last, I perceive, takes the ground, that the fruits of the unnpaid toil of the slave, may be innocently used by those who are earnestly laboring to overthrow slavery, but "not innocently by any other person"! Strange as it appears to me to see such a position as this taken by one who in time past, occupied so firm a stand upon the other side of the question, I was still more surprised to read in the same editorial, other positions so palpably conflicting with parts of the above. I have perused subsequent numbers of the Liberator with much expectation of seeing his late position on the above question, supported by a chain of argument, consistent with itself at least, and could not for a time believe his readers would be obliged to accept that article as the best and only defence that cause would afford. But the very fact that it has been sustained no better, by one whose ability to do justice to a worthy subject cannot be disputed, affords strong evidence to the friends of the free labor enterprise, that their cause stands upon a permanent basis. He not only alleges that "nothing would be gained" be pressing the free labor subject upon public attention; that it would be "a waste of time," &c., but sets down as "preposterous and unjust," those who "attempt to seek the subversion of slavery" by refusing the use of its products, or "attach moral guilt to the consumer." Yet I understand him to "attach moral guilt to the consumer" by saying that other persons than good abolitionists cannot innocently use those products! We are told by his editorial, that to regard the consumer of slave labor products, as a supporter of the system, is an 'error,' yet the same editorial tells us that these consumers (good abolitionists excepted) are guilty for using them! He imputes great credit to "the truly conscientious" who abstain, but must have forgotten that those are the individuals who "attach moral guilt to the consumer," and who therefore lie under this charge of preposterous injustice! He considers it not susceptible of "clear demonstration" that it is wrong to use the productions of slave labor, that it should be "left to the individual conscience," and that "no man" could reduce the question to practice. Yet after laying down these conscience-soothers for abolitionists, he has arraigned the anti-abolitionists, as guilty for leaving the subject to "individual conscience," for not reducing to practice this "impracticability." He says the free labor abolitionists "are bound to be rigidly consistent." Does he mean thy only should be so? Are we to ask others to do what we call "impracticable"? But why are anti-abolitionists "not innocent" in using these products? The answer must be that it is a pro-slavery (slavery sustaining) act. From this conclusion there appears to be no escape. Then we find the ground taken by W.L. Garrison and others to be this; that pro-slavery acts by those who labor in the slave's cause, are justifiable!--The pro-slavery church-member nor the voter for the veriest slave-holder, need ask for no broader license than this. If anti-slavery labor will atone for the support I render to the slave system, by purchasing of the slaveholder his ill-gotten gains, the same labor will exonerate me from guilt when for a similar reason (pecuniary gain) I vote for Henry Clay and a high tariff. And why may I not with as good a plea purchase John C. Calhoun's slaves and with their (the slaves') 'consent,' set them to work for me while I go forth to advocate the cause of human rights? It need not be replied that the slave would not in this case have a right to give his consent, if he can, as Stephen S. Foster asserts, and as Garrison implies, give his consent to the anti-slavery lecturer to use the proceeds of his unpaid toil after they had passed thro' the hands of his master. Or in other words, he can consent to be a slave that by virtue of the robberies committed upon him, the advocate of his rights may obtain his food and clothing cheaper, and be thus enabled to devote the more time to the cause of human liberty!! But who gave the slave a right to 'consent' to a moral wrong? To build up an Anti-Slavery Society upon the alleged justice of using the products of the labor or the slave, as one of its pillars, will be about as wise, as just, as consistent, us to establish a "Free Republic" with slavery for one of its "corner stones." The obvious intent of Garrison's argument is to show the difficulties of abstinence. Why not give the non-abstaining anti-abolitionist, the advantage of these difficulties, and not charge guilt upon individuals in an inverse ratio to the light they possess? To the church-member or the voter who talks about "the difficulties" of Comeoutism, he has shown no quarters; yet it has not been conceded nor is it to be taken for granted, that belonging to any church or voting under the United States Constitution, does more to sustain slavery than the use of the products of slave labor. By abstinence from the latter no majority is required to produce an effect, nor is age or sex excluded from the privilege of a vote at the merchant's counter. It requires but little argument to show that the consumers of any commodity have the entire control over its production and manufacture, and that at their edict the same shall live and prosper, or die. I understand his position, however, to require of all persons to abstain till they become good abolitionists, then all may with impunity participate with the slaveholder in his plunder! If it is not a case "admitting of clear demonstration," that we have no just claim on the fruits of the bondman's toil, will it not be difficult also, to show that the slaveholder has no just right to those products, or at what stage of the process of production, manufacture and transfer, the title becomes clear and valid, so as to warrant their use by those who disclaim all connection with, or support of, the slave system? B.B. Davis. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Anti-Slavery Bugle 2:49, p. 2 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.9.1847 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource B.B. Davis