8 10 136 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Description An account of the resource FREE LABOR. 'Touch not, taste not, handle not.' SEVERAL of our anti-slavery friends have for a long time felt desirous of making a practical application of the above positive injunction to the products of slave labor. In their behalf, we would respectfully and earnestly request all the friends of emancipation, who are willing to unite in sustaining a free labor store, to leave their names with Mr. Bacon, at the office of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society, No. 46, Washington Street, before the 1st of September next. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 8.16.1834 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource CIRCULAR Description An account of the resource The 'American Free Produce Association' has judged it an object of the first importance, that means should be adopted for furnishing a supply of Dry Goods and Groceries, produced by requited labor, adequate at least to the demands of those who are conscientiously opposed to the use of articles produced by the labor of slaves. In this view its attention has been directed to the establishing of a store, or stores, where free goods shall be held for sale, and facilities afforded for their transmission to distant places; and to its Executive Committee it has entrusted the making of the necessary arrangements. Two plans have been presented to the Committee for forming the capital stock of such an establishment. One, voluntary contribution from individuals. The other a joint stock association. Auxiliary to either, it has been suggested that engagements should be given by individuals, friends of requited labor, to take annually from the establishment certain amounts of goods. This would be at once a measure of the demands to be supplied, and an assurance to the contributors of certain success within the limits of such demand. The impressions of the Committee are, at present, favorable to a joint-stock association formed of as many shares, at twenty dollars each, as the result of its inquiries may indicate to be necessary; but it submits both plans to view in the annexed subscription list, and hopes that the friends of the cause will feel free to subscribe <xsl-text></xsl-text>under both heads <xsl-text></xsl-text>, leaving it for the Executive Committee to select that one which it shall deem best, after all the lists are returned, or the inquiries in them otherwise answered. It also invites a subscription under the other heads, the importance of which, as a mode of economically and successfully attaining the desired end, must be apparent. The individual to whom this Circular is addressed, is requested to submit it to other friends of the cause in his vicinity, and after obtaining as many signatures as he can to the subscription list, to return it to either of the undersigned during the current year. Any suggestions which subscribers may have to offer will be very acceptable to the Committee. On behalf and by order of the Executive Committee of the American Free Produce Association. ABRAHAM L. PENNOCK, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Chairman<xsl-text></xsl-text>. DANIEL L. MILLER, JR., <xsl-text></xsl-text>Secretary<xsl-text></xsl-text>. Philadelphia Tenth mo. 26, 1838. We, the subscribers, engage to contribute by donation or to take in stock, at the option of the Executive Committee of the American Free Produce Association, the sums in money, or number of shares, at twenty dollars each, set opposite to our names in the first and second columns; and to take annually in goods produced by free labor from such store or stores as may be established under the control of that Committee, the amount set opposite to our names in the third and fourth columns. It being understood that we may lessen the amount of our subscriptions for goods, or withdraw it at the expiration of one year from the time of subscribing, notice of such intention having been given to the Committee three months previously. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11.16.1838 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Abraham L. Pennock, Daniel L. Miller, Jr. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lydia White of Philadelphia Subject The topic of the resource Original letter from 5.9.1831 available <a href="https://ark.digitalcommonwealth.org/ark:/50959/2z10zf53n">here</a>. Description An account of the resource Among the females who are interesting themselves in behalf of the poor slaves, LYDIA WHITE of Philadelphia, a member of the Society of Friends, deserves high commendation. She has been very zealous in procuring the manufacture of domestic goods from cotton raised by free labor, and during the past year has kept a Free Dry Goods Stores at No. 86, North Fifth-street. Those who wish to examine patterns of her goods are requested to call at this office. We have lately received a letter from her, from which we take the following extracts: 'I am glad to hear that the people of Boston and New-Hampshire are becoming uneasy with using the produce of slave slabor, which I have long had to view as the main staple of slavery. Much do I regret that we have not a fully supply and a better assortment of domestic cotton goods manufactured of the material which is cultivated by free labor; for I believe if this was the case, and stores were opened in different sections of the Union by conscientious persons, whose concern would be more to promote justice and accommodate the necessary wants of their fellow creatures, than to accumulate wealth for themselves, they would have a tendency to greatly increase the demand for the produce of remunerated labor. 'I think I may safely say, that the concern to bear a testimony against African slavery by abstinence is gaining and spreading far and wide over our country. Orders are repeatedly sent to me for free goods from different parts of several States, viz. Vermont, Rhode-Island, New-York, Ohio, Indiana, Delaware, and I think Maryland and Virginia; and frequently new customers call on me for the same from Pennsylvania and New-Jersey. 'Two days since, I purchased a small lot of free Cotton from North Carolina, which I shall endeavor to have manufactured to the best attainable advantage, in quality, variety and price. I am increasingly desirous to do what I can in this way, to encourage the conscientious in abstinence from the products of the slaves' labor: to me it seems very important for us (the advocates of liberty and justice) to be steadfast in this particular. 'When I mediate on the subject, the query arises, what avails the abundant profession of religion which is made in this day, if it do not lead us practically to bear testimony against the greatest of evils, cruelly oppressing and degrading our fellow-creatures? Surely the truth leads out of all this.' Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator 1:22, p. 3 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.28.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Products of Free Labor Description An account of the resource THE PRODUCTS OF SLAVE LABOR. BART. Lancaster Co. Pa. 3d mo. 1847. A review of the sentiments of W.L. Garrison, on the products of slave labor, as published in the Liberator, March 5th, 1847. I have read with much interest thy arguments on this (in my opinion) important question; but instead of being shaken or convinced thereby, I have been more confirmed in my opinions in relation thereto. It appears that our first convictions were the same; mine continue unchanged. Thee says thee 'was soon satisfied' thee 'erred in judgment,' in relation to persons being directly involved in the support of the system of slavery,' who used the produce. How thee discovered that error, to me, is a perfect riddle. Thee considers 'slave-holders, slave-traders and slave-drivers are to be placed on the same level of infamy, and in the same fiendish category, as kidnappers and men-stealers'; and I would add to the list, SLAVE PRODUCE CONSUMERS, and ask no other justifications for so doing than they sentiments as published in the Liberator of 1832:--'I hold this truth to be self-evident--that no transfer, or inheritance, or sale of stolen property, can convert it into just possession, or destroy the claim of the original owner: the maxim being universally conceded to be just, that the receiver is as bad as the thief.' 'Truth' cannot change; man may, but it cannot; it is as eternal as the hills. All our ideas of justice in relation to other things confirm these statements. The non-abstainers, such as 'the Jacksons, the Phillipses, the Quincys, the Fosters, &c. need no certificate from any person, that they are as willing to bear heavy burdens in the anti-slavery cause,' &c. That is truly commendable, and worthy of imitation; but does that circumstance prove them perfect? Certainly not. There may be duties not yet seen in the light in which they ought to be seen; and I am not withoutvidence, that this is one of those duties. It has been announced, in a Clarkson anti-slavery meeting, and that, too, by a leading abolitionist, that A.K. Foster acknowledged, in his presence, that her doctrine in relation to this subject would not bear the strict scrutiny of conscience. It has been admitted by many persons, that she hindered the cause for a time; but the people, in their sober second thought, returned to their first principles. I do not wish any one to think she intended to produce that effect. She held that all ought to abstain but those who labored, like herself, for the slave, and used his labor with his consent. The idea of having the slave's consent to be murdered, to be robbed of every right, to be bought and sold, to be 'Driven like a senseless brute from day to day.' to me is perfectly horrible. The consent of the slave ought to mean the consent of justice. Wendell Phillips acknowledged (I think) the principles of abstinence, in his excellent speech delivered in Faneuil Hall, Dec. 20th, 1846. 'After all, the proud southerner is but the overseer of the plantations for the merchants of the North. Our banks discount for him, our capital sustains him, our wharves receive the ships laden with his cotton. It is Liverpool that fixes the price; his plantations are mortgaged to Northern men. He works for us; he is our slave. When they tell you to go to the South to preach on slavery, they tell you to go to the slaves; for white and black are slaves to this moneyed-eyed aristocracy,' &c. They remarks with regard to the free produce agitation, being confined almost exclusively to the Society of Friends,' seems to be unfortunate. It is well known that, before emancipation took place in England, thousands then abstained from the use of slave grown productions. But, suppose it was entirely confined at present to that Society--that circumstance would not prove it right or wrong. I think at one time, that Society stood alone in the advocacy of peace principles, and thee will not say that that fact proved it in error. I have nothing to say in favor of any church organization; I believe their creeds only serve to distract mankind, and hinder the progress of truth. 'If whatever is raised by slave cultivation, or is tainted with fraud or oppression, is to be rejected for that reason, then there is scarcely any thing in the world that it is allowable to use as pertaining to money, food and clothing.' The extensiveness of crime does not diminish its criminality; if it did, the principle of war in this country has nearly lost its criminality. When you held your enthusiastic meetings to oppose the war now waging--to pass resolutions condemning it as wicked, murderous, &c.--also to adopt a pledge, stating therein, that you would not voluntarily support the war, &c.; why did thee not, if thee wishes to be consistent, use the same language then, that thee has to us in relation to this quesiton? i.e. that it is a subject of 'comparatively small importance'--that it is wasting time upon what no man could strictly reduce to practice'--that it is so mixed up with the commerce, manufactures, currency, governments, &c. &c. 'that it would be impossible to make any vital issues' in the manner the pledge laid down? I do not approve of voluntarily aiding the war; but it seems to me, the cases are analogous. I think the currency of the country, to a great extent, is free. The fact that a slave's value has been represented by a given amount of money, no more taints the money, than it does the figures which told the sum. But all money that the slave's labor has brought into use is tainted. But suppose I admit the currency is all tainted, (which I do not,) does that prove me more inconsistent if I use it, than you are in relation to the war? You will not directly aid it, but indirectly you aid it in a thousand ways, perhaps. All I ask of you is, to set the abstinence question on the same ground. You exclaim, 'Every attribute of justice is opposed to the war,' and the same is admitted with regard to slavery; but your action is unequal. You will not, if you can avoid it, give your money to buy munitions of war; but you will buy cotton, sugar, coffee, rice, tobacco, &c. which are stained with the blood of the slave, and wet with female tears, directly from the South. The cry of 'return the blood-stained money' has been sounded through all Scotland; but some of your have said, the crime was, in not bearing a testimony against slaveholding. Why did you not rest there in regard to the war? Why did you add to your good theory, the practice? i.e. we will not buy cannon, muskets, swords, &c. for you to slaughter human beings with? In that case, you carried out your principles. I call upon you to refuse, from henceforth, to directly support slavery by purchasing the slave's labor, when you can avoid it. Send Douglass and others through this country, as you have through England, with the message--'Return the goods--they are the price of blood!' We have been told, again and again, that we are not consistent. Is consistency all we are aiming at? A man may be a perfect devil, and yet act out his profession: this is what is called consistency. I agree that we ought to be consistent with correct principles; but I see no greater obligations resting upon us, in this case, than in any other of equal importance to be so. But thee acknowledges the principle, when thee says, the proceeds of slave labor can be 'innocently used by no other person' but those who are laboring for the slave. I will leave the renders of thy paper to judge, whether they who labor for the slave, can be justified in consuming his labor for their support. But it appears to me, it would be about equal, in point of consistency, to a man justifying himself in holding slaves, because he preached faithfully against the practice. LEA. W. GAUSE Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lea W. Gause Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Liberator 17:15, p. 59 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.9.1847 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce Society Description An account of the resource Perhaps the most comprehensive mode that can be adopted to destroy the growth of slavery, is by rendering slave labor valueless. How is this practicable? By purchasing the products of free labor--and those only. No conscientious man can traffic with a thief, or buy stolen goods, even though he suffer pecuniary loss by a refusal: can he then participate in a double robbery--a robbery of freedom and of the fruits of other men's labors? Better to go half clad, than wear stolen garments; better to arrest every spindle in the country, than to have our manufactories supplied with the staples of tyranny; better to subsist upon the roots of the earth, gathered by our own hands, than to feast sumptuously every day, at the unwilling expense of others. The multiplication of Free Produce Societies, in different sections of the country, is highly desirable. We need the same spirit, on this subject, that is animating the bosoms of philanthropists in regard to the overthrow of intemperance. Let similar combinations follow, and the work of emancipation is done. A few fact, respecting the operations of the Free Produce Society of Pennsylvania, during the last few months, in connexion with the Ladies' Society, have been communicated to us, which warrant a belief in the speedy triumph of the project. Twenty-five hundred and fifteen lbs. of free Upland Cotton have been spun, and a portion of it manufactured into ginghams, checks, bed-tickings, stripes, knitting and sewing cotton, and cotton hose. About 800 lbs. of yarn remain to be yet appropriated, and with some of the goods above mentioned, are at the store of J. Mott, Philadelphia, unsold. The Society has been disappointed in obtaining a supply of shirtings and calicoes, in consequence of an error in spinning the above cotton. Information has been receivd from Washington, North Carolina, that many farmers in that section of country have commenced the cultivation of Mexican cotton, without the aid of slaves. They find it well adapted to the soil, yielding a greater quantity per acre, and being of a quality superior to all other kinds, in length and fineness of staple. Many stores continue to be maintained in Philadelphia, and elsewhere, at which most articles necessary to the comfort of life may be obtained; some at as cheap a rate as slave commodities, and others at but a trifling enhancement. A new source has been opened for the obtainment of RICE. Several farmers in North Carolina, who cultivate their lands without the intervention of slave labor, have spots of ground suitable for the growth of this grain, which they occasionally occupy for that purpose. Lacking a ready market for the sale of the produce, they have needed a stimulus to more energetic exertion. We rejoice to say, that measures have been adopted for purchasing a quantity of the rice thus raised, and it is hoped that the circumstance of a new market being opened, will prove greatly encouraging to those who, in the midst of a slave-holding population, are engaged to cultivate the soil by free labor only. In no manner, it is believed, can the cause of abolition be so effectually subserved, as by bringing free into open and vigorous competition with slave labor, ON THE SOIL OF SLAVERY ITSELF. The following communication to the Society, which we are permitted to publish, will be read with interest.--G. To the Committee of the Free Produce Society. GENTLEMEN,--Agreeably to your request, I herewith present you with a statement of the amount of our prchases of free sugar and molasses, during each quarter of the present year. At the same time that we have been desirous to promote the increase of the consumption of these goods, we have used our utmost endeavors to facilitate the means of procuring them, and have left no step untried, by which we thought it likely that information respecting them might be obtained. Since our last report, we have opened a correspondence with a merchant in Porto Rico, from whom we have since received twelve hogshead of sugar, of which we have satisfactory evidence from different individuals, that it was produced by free labor. The planter, who manufactures it, is a Creole or Spaniard, who will neither keep nor hire slaves--but derives his assistance from the natives of the island. He, at present, raises about one hundred hogsheads per annum. We have lately received from the same source, ten hogsheads of molasses, of an excellent quality, and have made arrangements to obtain a regular supply of the sugar-house molasses from the city of New York, whence we also receive the lump and loaf sugar, of a superior quality. You are well aware of the great difficulty under which we have been labouring to procure free rice, of good quality, having hitherto been entirely dependant upon the East Indies, from whence the supplies are uncertain, the quality very indifferent, and the price extravagantly high. It is with much pleasure I inform you, that we have made arrangements with a respectable citizen of North Carolina, to procure for us a regular supply of the article raised by free labor in that State. He informed us that several of the farmers of that place, who had spots of land suitable for the culture of the article, had employed them for that purpose--but the quantity each one brings into the market being necessarily small, is beneath the attention of merchants, and is purchased by the citizens for their own consumption, an or about the same prices as that produced by slave labor. We expect to obtain a supply of the article in about a month or six weeks, when we shall be on a par with the consumers of the slave rice, both in quality and price, viz: five cents per lb. We have for a considerable time past, had a regular supply of smoking and chewing tobacco, and of segars manufactured from Kentucky tobacco, which was accompanied with a certificate, testifying to its having been raised by free labor--also chocolate made of the St. Domingo cocoa, and all other articles that can be obtained. Although we have been endeavouring to obtain these goods on the most advantageous terms, so as to have the prices as near to those of the slave goods as possible, we have carefully avoided having any dependance upon sources in which we did not feel the most implicit confidence. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 4:8, p. 58 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.30.1829 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource THE EXPENSE AND STERILITY OF SLAVE LABOR Description An account of the resource There is not an aspect in which slavery can be considered that does not show a deleterious working of the system upon the best interests of the southern States. We have already dwelt at length upon some of these features. There is one to which all honest-minded men of those States, who have visited the North, must be fully sensible. This is the sterility of the slave labor system in the matter of home comforts and convenience. To our mind, it is astonishing that southern planters and farmers can be willing to receive back so little for their money. There are thousands and thousands of journeymen mechanics in New England whose houses are palaces compared with the dwellings of hundreds of slave-holders in the South. During our recent tour in that section of the Union, we saw and heard enough to justify this statement. We were assured that many a planter, with fifty and sometimes with a hundred slaves, still lived in a low log house, without any of the little elegancies and comforts which fill and surround the homes of northern artisans. A gentleman whom we visited on his estate, a man of refined taste, education and manners, and who owned seventy or eighty slaves, dwelt with much feeling upon this difference. He had sojourned for awhile during the previous summer in a small, busy manufacturing town in one of the most sterile of the New England States, and had been deeply impressed with the appearance of wealth and competence which the homes of the farmers presented to his view. In every direction from the centre, or village part of the town, he saw their large white houses, with green windowblinds, generally embowered in graceful shrubbery, festooned with flowers and shaded by rows of maple or elm trees--all looking like the abodes of elegant luxury, thrift and wealth. And these establishments were often facing each other from opposite sides of the same road. It seemed a marvel to him that so many homes of such a character could be sustained on so small a space. Here were a dozen all in sight, occupying, in the aggregate, hardly a thousand acres; yet the smallest and poorest of them quite equalled his own in convenience and comfort, though he owned about two thousand acres in the South, and nearly one hundred negroes. There was the bright, white school-house, in which the children of these farmers, and every child in the district, recived an education that fitted them for all the ordinary occupations of life. What an agricultural community this to be planted upon a thousand acres of naturally thin-soiled land! What a yeomanry to stand up, in all the strength and sterling attributes of intelligence, virtue and independence, in a space half the size of his own plantation! What a crop of large two-story houses, capacious and well filled barns and out-houses, cattle, sheep and swine, horses, carriages, and properties real and personal, for such an area! What a growth of mind, genius, vritue and human individuality to be spread over such a small compass of territory! No one better than a southern planter could appreciate the difference between such a district and one of equal size occupied by a single white family and one hundred slaves. We believe from the observations of the gentleman to whom we have alluded, that Southern men of intelligence, who visit the northern States, carry back with them the impressions which he received. If these lines should, perchance, reach a few of their number, we would earnestly and respectfully invite them to review with us two or three points of difference between the working of the slave labor system and that industrial economy which produces results so surprising to them in the Northern States. Let us look together more closely at the elements of that thrift, prosperity and comfort which seems to surround and fill the home of the free-labor farmer of New England. Perhaps he owns one hundred acres of mountain, meadow, arable and pasture land. The winters are long and cold, and large stocks of fuel for his house and fodder for his cattle must be provided. He may owe a few hundred dollars for his farm, and its whole value be $3000. He is a man perhaps of forty years of age, with a family of half a dozen children; the oldest son being sixteen. His yoke of bright-eyed Devonshire steers, and horse of all work, constitute the rest of his labor-material. For six months of the year, his own hands, and those of this boy, and the strength of this "three cattle team," perform unaided all the work bestowed on his one-hundred-acre farm. They plow and cross-plow the land for all the grain-crops in fall and spring. The axes of father and son keep stroke at the root of the mountain oak or maple, in winter, and they convey it home, compactly corded on the ox-sled, down the winding path of beaten snow. All the work of winter, early fall and spring, they themselves perform. No expenditure, of any account, is incurred for hired labor during this period; while, for at least three months, all the children are at school. About the first of May, perhaps, the farmer engages an industrious, able bodied man to work for him for six months--to plant, hoe, mow and reap. Probably he is a young, unmarried man, who is taken into the farmer's house as one of the family; he sits with them at the same table, rides to church in the same carriage, and sits in the same pew on the Sabbath. He is perhaps training himself and laying up money for owning and tilling a farm. He is practising the most rigid economy; and endeavors to take up as little of his wages as possible during the term for which he is engaged, that he may have it all in a lump at the end, to deposite in the savings-bank, or to loan out on interest. Perhaps he will not draw more than $10 for the whole period of six months. If he is unwell, and loses a few days, the loss is deducted from his wages. Thus the farmer has all the value of his labor for the best half of the year, with but very little expenditure during that period. He realises its full results before he is called to pay the stipulated wages. He "turns over" the value of that labor once or twice, before the full pay-day. He sells all he can spare of the crops sown, planted, and gathered by the aid of his hired man, before this disbursement. So far from paying for his labor in advance, as does the southern planter, his hired man virtually lends it to him for several months without interest. And this is the best agricultural labor in the world. It is the intelligent, faithful, trusty industry of a man who intends to cultivate a farm of his own some time or other. The farmer works with him. Their hoes keep stroke with each other in the cornfield; their scythes in the meadow, their sickles in harvest. This parity and fellowship gives a dignity to agricultural labor in New England, and in the Free States generally, which it wears in no other country, in no other occupation on the face of the earth. The broad blue sky of heaven seems to look down with its blandest smile and blessing upon this copartnership; and Heaven grant it may never be dissolved; that none of the heartless artificialities that are slowly introducing the castes of European civilization, may mar the pure beauty of this New England syste. This is the first jewel of her glory; and long as her green hills look the blue firmament in the face, may they wear each around its brow this peculiar coronet of human industry. May this glory never, never depart from her. May she guard it as the apple of her eye. If our voice could reach the men of her hills, we would implore them to hold to this old Puritan democracy or labor as the peculiar jewel of the New World. They cannot conceive how it thrills and swells the heart of a New Englander with emotions of gladness and virtuous pride, while travelling through the agricultural districts of Europe, to turn away in thought from the caste condition of labor which he sees in every field, to that noble fellowship of industry that sows and reaps the harvests of his native land. Whatever changes and habits increasing wealth and its appetite for luxuries may introduce into the large sea-board towns of the North, far-reaching back among the virtuous hills and green vallies, Heaven grant that this old Pilgrim-father democracy of toil may exist unchanged. There may the labor which Providence demands as its copartner in feeding, clothing and blessing man--may that labor never be out-housed or side-tabled or badged with any caste-mark by those who employ it.  We believe our southern readers will excuse this parenthetical digression from the argument to which we had intended to confine our observations. They may easily conceive that the Free-Labor Farming system of the North may inspire such sentiments of admiration in those who have grown up in daily view of its working and results. We have adverted to the impressions which a cotton planter received from a glance at the condition of a dozen homesteads planted upon half the space of his own estate. Almost in his own words, we have expressed the surprise he felt on seeing such a society of intelligent families, with children enough to fill a district school, living in a state of comfort and elegance unknown to himself, and all deriving their support and competence from a farm not exceeding, in the aggregate, a thousand acres of land. We have endeavored to show that this remarkable production of human sustenance and comfort must be ascribed, not to the superior nature of the soil, but to the character of the labor applied to its cultivation. This, we are confident, they will clearly see and freely admit, and deduce from the fact that inference which should be so useful to themselves. If, for a moment, they entertain a doubt in reference to the real cause of the contrast between the results of their industrial economy and that of the Free States, let them imagine their own system applied to New England agriculture. Suppose that each of the dozen farmers to whom we have adverted, were obliged to buy an able-bodied slave to begin with, and pay in advance a thousand dollars for him; that is, to pay down on the spot, at the out-set, for labor to be performed twenty or thirty years hence, if the man lived so long--to buy a precarious human life, which might terminate in a month, at such a price! Not one of those farmers, if the law permitted it, could afford to till his land in this way. Under slavery, few one-hundred-acre homsteads could be sustained in the North. The system would decimate the agriculturists; so that there would not be families enough in a space of ten square miles to fill a district school. Look at its inevitable working for a moment. Here is a man who has purchased or inherited a farm in New Hampshire or Connecticut, worth, say, $3000. Assume that his house, barn and agricultural implements are in satisfactory condition for the first year, that he has provisions enough to carry his family on to the next harvest, and sufficient fodder for his cattle. The spring opens, and planting time is at hand. With $50 ready money in hand, he may safely commence operations. With this small sum, and a credit to the same amount at the village store, he may hire an able-bodied young man to labor for him until his crops are gathered in the autumn. A few dollars, perhaps, on an average, $3 per month, are all that he may be asked to pay for wages until these crops are sold. How small the capital invested in labor under this system! Now change it for that of the South, and see what would become of that farmer. You bring him a human being, subject to all the sudden and fatal ills which flesh is heir to, and say: "Buy this man, and pay $1000 down for him, before he has struck a blow or earned a cent for you. He is strong and sound, and may live to work on your farm many years; but it is true he may sicken and die next week, or run away to-morrow. Inasmuch as he is not to have a farthing of his purchase-price himself, or any compensation for his toil, you must extort with the scourge what hope of reward would induce him to perform." Is it not easy to conceive how a New England farmer would reply to this proposition? Would he not be likely to say, "It is impossible for me to invest so much money in labor in advance of its performance, even if the law or my own conscience would allow me to purchase and hold a man as a slave. A thousand dollars to be paid down for labor spread over a space of twenty or thirty years, if the man lives, and to terminate in a month if he should then die or run away! It is impossible. I cannot raise the money, nor run such a risk if I had the means. I would sell my farm before I would undertake to cultivate it at such an outlay and hazard." And doubtless he and thousands like him would sell their farms rather than till under such a system. We are confident that one-third of all the farmers in New England would change their occupations, if each were obliged to pay in advance on the first of May the wages of one hired man for six months; not that each could not raise $200 for such a purpose, but from the repugnance which they would feel to the principle, and from the great inconvenience in carrying it out. The difference between Southern and Northern Agriculture, and the difference between the two sections in almost every fact and feature, should be ascribed to the labor employed in each, and not to difference of sun and soil. There is no reason on earth why ten cotton farms may not be planted on a space of one thousand acres in Georgi and Alabama, supporting ten white families with children enough to fill a district school. There is no more necessity for planters living in log houses, in either of those States, than there is for the farmers of Massachusetts or Vermont doing the same. There never can be an intelligent yeomanry, or an agricultural population of sufficient compactness of residence in the Southern States to form a coherent society, support schools, churches, &c., until the Free Labor system is fully adopted. Under Slavery the whole agricultural territory of those States will be occupied by a few great planters, being hardly within telescopic sight of each other, and a few miserably poor and ignorant white families, supporting themselves by hunting, fishing, and growing vegetables on their small patches of land. Free Labor would change all this, and cover all the South with those homesteads which make the glory and greatness of New England. Burrit's Citizen of the World Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Reprinted from Burrit's Citizen of the World Friends' Intelligencer 14:43, p. 680 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.9.1858 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource THE SLAVE MARKET: From the Berean. Description An account of the resource THE SLAVE MARKET In the following article, the principle, long contended for in this work, is clearly and distinctly embraced. The slave market must be abolished, or the "slave trade" can NEVER be destroyed. It is also equally true that, were the cotton and sugar purchasers to confine their dealings to articles which are the exclusive production of free labour, the system of slavery itself would soon be done away. From the Berean. We some time ago published extracts from a pamphlet on West India Slavery, wherein the disuse of West India produce is ably advocated as an efficient means of putting an end to the evil. The following extract of a letter from "an intelligent planter of South Carolina," lately published in the "National Gazette," may serve to show that the disuse of cotton and rice, would be equally effectual in abolishing American slavery. The subject is well worth the attention of the christian, the philanthropist and the patriot. There never will be an end to the slave-trade, whilst a market is to be found for slaves. Those who bear a testimony against war, offensive and defensive, must have their minds forcibly arrested by a remedy for slavery and the slave trade, so pacific and so entirely consistent with their principles. Frequent appeals have been made to government, on the subject of the slave trade, and a murderous naval force has been sent out; force has been opposed to force; and the ocean stained with blood. Do the friends of peace perceive no objection to the use of such means, which after all, can only lop off the branches of the corrupt tree?--Will they not prefer a course, which, whilst it violates no principle, human or divine, strikes at the very root of the evil? The extract, &c.--"The commercial and agricultural interests, of this section of the Union, are in a very prosperous condition. Slaves have taken a great rise, ALONG WITH COTTON AND RICE, The value of prime negro labourers is almost as great as it was ten years ago. The resolutions of Mr. King and Mr. Tucker, offered to Congress, are considered here as nearly chimerical. As LONG AS THE SOUTHERN ARTICLES OF PRODUCE SHALL COMMAND A GOOD PRICE, NEGRO SLAVES WILL NOT ONLY BE VALUABLE, BUT NECESSARY TO THEIR OWNERS." Now let the consumers of "southern articles of produce," who profess to be the friends of injured Africa, "bind these words for a sign" upon their hands, and let them be as frontlets between their eyes--when they walk by the way, when they lie down, and when they rise up, let them "talk of them:" but especially let them "talk of them," when they sit in their stores, and when at the festive board. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 4:9, p. 136 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.1825 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource CORRESPONDENCE Between the Buckingham Female A.S. Society, and the Female A.S. Society of Philadelphia Description An account of the resource CORRESPONDENCE Between the Buckingham Female A.S. Society, and the Female A.S. Society of Philadelphia. Buckingham. 4th of 8th mo. 1837. RESPECTED FRIENDS: At a late meeting of the Female Anti-Slavery Society of Buckingham, a renewed interest was manifested respecting the use of free produce; and after much animated discussion on this important subject, it was unanimously agreed to address some inquiries to your Society, in relation to this concern. We are not apprised to what extent the use of articles procured by free labor has attained; but, judging from the high price, and indifferent quality, of many kinds that we have seen, it appears very evident to us, that the demand for them must be very limited. And yet if the members of Anti-Slavery Societies are true to their principles, we should be led to suppose that there could be few who do not abstain from the product of slave labor, in many articles in daily use. We believe that the practice of abstaining from such articles, and encouraging those which are the result of compensated labor, is not only among the imperious duties of every abolitionist, but that a neglect of it will justly subject abolitionists to the charge of inconsistency, and disqualify them for efficiently promulgating their principles. These positions, we believe, are so clear, that they require no illustration nor confirmation. We also entertain a belief that such a practice as the one alluded to, would be among the most available and powerful means of promoting the great cause of emancipation. A recurrence to the progress of this reformation will show that there are not about 1100 Anti-Slavery Societies in the United States, embracing at least 100,000 members; now if these Societies would individually, as well as collectively, use their influence to encourage the labor of free men, to the exclusion of that of slaves, can any one doubt that such influence would have a most salutary effect in promoting a market for free produce, and of course increase the supply to an indefinite extent? We wish to confer with you on this point, and inquire whether, in your opinion, more effectual means should not be employed to draw the attention of abolitionists to this subject? We the more readily solicit information, having understood that several of your members were, in years past, practically concerned in promoting this particular branch of your labors. We are aware that the results of your efforts were embodied in your reports, but these were made at a time when little attention was given to the cause in which you were engaged. We think such an exposition might satisfy many doubts relative to the practicability of obtaining free articles. I will, therefore, on behalf of our Society propound a few interrogatories. 1st. From what parts of the world are free groceries obtained? The same question in relation to the raw materials of which cotton fabrics are manufactured. And how may satisfactory information be obtained in regard to the sources from which the articles are respectively obtained? 2nd. If any Anti-Slavery Society should be a free produce association, would not such encouragement give an impulse to the market for free goods, that would eventually, if followed up, insure a triumph to free labor? 3rd. Would it not be advisable for abolitionists to patronize associations formed for the purpose of encouraging the importation and manufacture of free products? Answers to all or any one of the above questions, would be thankfully received. On behalf of our Association, MARY JOHNSON. REPLY Philadelphia, September 12th, 1827. RESPECTED FRIENDS: Absence from home during the last few weeks, has occasioned my delay in answering your letter of August 4th. Its subject is one of importance, and should interest far more deeply than it does, abolitionists generally. We rejoice that you are considering it seriously, and trust that the influence of your example will be extensively felt. Surely they who declare it to be a heinous crime to drive the slave to his unwilling and unremunerated toil, and are rebuking in thunder tones the perpetrators of such sin, should take heed that they, in deed as well as in word, "despise the gain of oppression," and see to it that their tables are not spread "by unrighteousness," and their bodies clothed "by wrong." Yet it is a lamentable fact that many abolitionists will purchase the products of the slave's unrequited labor, thus hiring the oppressor to continue in the commission of sin, from which they are, at the same time, solemnly warning him to desist. Such inconsistency the slaveholder easily detects, and in reply to our arguments and reproofs, eagerly and triumphantly asks: "Are you not fed and clothed by the labor of slaves?" Well will it be for the cause of freedom, when our one hundred thousand abolitionists can answer, NO. We agree with you respecting the importance of calling the attention of Anti-Slavery Societies to this subject, and perhaps we cannot speak more loudly and effectually than by our example. A Free Produce Society has existed in this city for many years, which has imported large quantities of free cotton from St. Domingo and the Southern States. It is, however, a distinct organization from our Anti-Slavery Society. In reply to your inquiries we can inform you, that free groceries are imported from the islands of Antigua, Bermuda, and St. Domingo, from Siam, Batavia, Java, Canton, and perhaps other parts of East India. Indigo may be obtained from Bengal, Mexico, and St. Domingo,--figs from Turkey,--oranges, lemons, and other foreign fruits from the Mediterranean. Most of the free cotton used in this country, is probably imported from St. Domingo, which is able to supply a larger than the present demand. It may also be ob-from the East Indies. Respecting satisfactory information in regard to the sources from which particular articles are obtained, it is necessary to confide, in some measure, in the testimony of the merchants who import them. In reply to your second inquiry, "If any Anti-Slavery Society should be a free produce association," would it not "give an impulse to the market for free goods, that would eventually, if followed up, insure a triumph to free labor?" No doubt a large demand for the produce of free labor, whether from an Anti-Slavery Society, or any other source, would increase the supply; and when such demand becomes greater than that for slave produce, free labor will triumph. But probably before that time can arrive slavery will be abolished by other and more powerful means, and while we would carefully abstain from the use of slave produce, such abstinence should, perhaps, be regarded as a simple duty, which consistency with our principles requires, and as an evidence of our sincerity, rather than as a weapon wielded for the overthrow of oppression. If it may be, we would that this warfare should have entirely a moral aspect, and we would rather win the slaveholder with arguments addressed to his heart, and his conscience, than by appeals to his pecuniary interests. If he understands that our reason for abstaining from his fruits of the plantation, is simply because we cannot conscientiously use them, he will respect our consistency; the slight self-denial will afford him some evidence of our sincerity, and he may be thus inclined to listen with candor to arguments, from which he would angrily turn away, if he supposed that we were attempting to compel him to emancipate his slaves, by making their labor unprofitable. In reply to your third inquiry;--we think it is "advisable for abolitionists to patronize associations formed for the purpose of encouraging the importation and manufacture of free produce." Better than to resolve themselves into such associations, which would seem to be making that an end and aim, which is only a collateral and incidental duty. We shall be happy at any time to receive communications from you, respecting this or any other subject relevant to our work, and wish you abundant prosperity in every department of your labor. In behalf of the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society. MARY GREW, Cor. Sec. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mary Johnson, Mary Grew Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Genius of Universal Emancipation 1:2, p. 91 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.1837 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource What Can Be Done for the Slave? Description An account of the resource Never perhaps before did the question come spontaneously to so many hearts, "What can we do?" Never was there such a disposition abroad to in the world to unite in some great effort for the abolition of slavery from under the light of the sun. The present is a remarkable juncture for such an effort. What shall it be? This is a question of vast importance. It should be a catholic measure, in which the abolitionists of all countries might freely unite. It should be one divested of all connection with national politics; one which would be carried into execution without asking the aid or consent of any Parliament, Congress, National Assembly, Cortes, or Diet. It must be based upon the convictions of the individual conscience, and worked by the spontaneous energy and determination of individual effort--an undertaking in which abolitionists of Great Britain, France, Germany, and other continental nations may join, without encountering any governmental obstacle, or raising any political antagonism. It must be a measure which shall involve something more than talk, however loud; more than the most eloquent expression of inactive sympathies for the slave, either from the pulpit, platform, or from the most powerful columns of the newspaper press. Then what shall it be? Let a slaveholder himself describe the measure which, he declared, "would abolish the system as surely as day follows night:--Touch not, taste not, handle not the produce of slave labor." This was the glove of defiance thrown down at the feet, not only of all the abolitionists in America, but in Europe, by a slaveholding member of the United States' Congress. This, he affirmed, would not only effect this object, but would do it in a way against which the slaveholders could not utter any just complaint. To be sure, he felt that the inhuman system was safe enough from any danger in this direction. He fully believed that the abolitionists would not venture to pick up the glove and accept this challenge of their sincerity. It would put them to some inconvenience to do it--perhaps to a little additional expenditure in matters of household economy--and he was sure they would not do it; and he taunted them with the discrepancy between their practice and professions. And, although many conscientious friends of the slave, on both sides of the Atlantic, now deem it a duty to abstain from the products of his labor, the great majority of abolitionists have looked upon this course as one that could not be effective, because it could not be generally adopted. Even if nearly all the produce of slave labor could be excluded from use in Great Britain, it would find a larger market on the Continent, they argued, so that there would be as great a demand for it as before. If the free men and women of the world supplied the markets of Great Britain, all the slaves would toil for the markets of continental Europe, they said, and thus the amount of produce stained with the sin of slavery would not be diminished, though it might be separated from that of sinews never bought and sold. Now, if this argument had ever any truth or force, it no longer possesses either in reference to this measure. Surely something mighty and noble may be done, if the almost universal flood of sympathy be taken at its tide, and brought to bear upon one great effort for the abolition of slavery. And upon what one measure could it be more fully and powerfully concentrated, than upon the exclusion of slave-grown produce from the markets of the world, by voluntary abstinence from its consumption? Here is a measure which involves no legislation, no petitions to Parliaments, National Assemblies, Congress or Cortes. It trenches upon no principle of political economy, of any treaty or compact, or commercial arrangement. The freest free-trader could not object to this measure. Here, then, is the first great advantage of this measure--the people of all countries may unite in carrying it out, without encountering any political obstacle or objection--without asking any legislative aid. This is a great consideration. It would also work nobly for the brotherhood of nations, if they culd unite in one common sympathy and in one great enterprise of humanity. It would be an effective measure, dealing a mortal blow to slavery throughout the world. If it did not the first year drive the produce of slave-labor from the markets of Europe, it would diminish the demand for it by a ratio of reduction which would be fatal to slavery. It would draw immediately a moral line of demarcation between the products of the slave's toil and those of free sinews and free soil. It would stimulate the productions of the latter in all parts of the world by an earnest and constantly increasing demand. If that line were drawn to-day, probably more than one half of the sugar, coffee, and rice in the markets of Europe would fall on the free labor side; and that proportion would be augmented by the product of each suceeding year. There is scarcely a difficulty in reference to these important articles. They can be found in almost every town and village. The great article of cotton would present the greatest obstacle, but this would soon be overcome before the pressure of public opinion which the measure would create. Already, powerful commerical bodies are endeavouring to increase its production by free labour, in every region of the world in which it can be grown. There is, at the present moment, an effort to form a great organization for the navigation of the shallow rivers of India by flat-bottomed boats propelled by steam, in order to collect and convey to the sea, the cotton produced in the countries they intersect. The manufacturers of Lancashire are looking, with an eager eye of business, toward Africa, Australia, the East and West Indies, for a supply of this important staple of the manufactures of Great Britain. An irresistible energy would be given to the efforts to stimulate its production in these countries, if such a movement were set on foot as we have described. Thus, in a very few years, the institution of slavery would bleed to death at every vein. Then it should be remembered that this movement would not be a substitute for any other anti-slavery effort; it would not displace or weaken any other agency directed against slavery. It would be in addition to them all; giving them a new power and energy. It is a measure in which every man, woman, and child, in any country in Europe, may take part, and do something at every meal; thus associating every repast with a remembrance of the slave in his bonds--a remembrance that shall fall upon his fetters like a dew, eating them asunder by its quality of corrosion. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal 6:20, p. 315 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.29.1853 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource ORIGINAL: Slave-Grown Produce. Description An account of the resource The golden rule of our Divine Law, giver, is, "Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." Were this precept carried out practically, justice and mercy would be observed towards every human being, and a strict regard to the rights, physical, mental and religious, of every intelligent creature, irrespective of sect, sex, color, or clime. To this truth we sometimes yield a ready assent, and we liberally censure those who, through the influence of a misguided education, assume the title of ownership in man, who would reduce to chattles, created intelligencies formed like ourselves to glorify the Creator, subjecting their fellow beings to cruelties and indignities and legalized injustice at which humanity shudders, and revoltes. and mourns for the degeneracy of her race. The system of American Slavery is justly styled by the pious Wesley, the sum of all villainies, the fruitful source of innumerable vices and crimes, a system that would blight every thing lovely in the moral world, that tramples under foot God's holy law of love, and threatens to destroy our country with its pestilential, withering influence. How shall this enormous evil be met? Shall we arry physical force against it? By no means, says the disciple of the Prince of Peace, this would only be adding sin to iniquity. Let moral suasion, let the potency of Truth, be our most efficient weapons in the moral warfare, seeking for ability and strength from Him, who is mighty to direct our energies and talents in the way most consonant with His will, for its overthrow--slavery is sinful because opposed to the attributes of love and mercy. If it be a truism that what we do by another we do ourselves" are not the slave owner, the [?] of the southern plantation, virtually employed by the consumer of slave grown produce to furnish a supply of sugar, rice, cotton and tobacco? and commissioned in our stead to inflict the scorugings, extort the overtasks requisite to produce what we eat or wear of the unrequitted toil of our fellow beings. Let us imagine those who toil beneath the scorching rays of a southern sun to produce those luxuries or comforts to be bone fo our bone, flesh of our flesh. Then think ye we could unhesitatingly partake of or indulge in the consumption of articles purchased by the sighs and tears of our kindred? No, far from it, every feeling would revolt at the bare idea of the fact. To illustrate, a colored woman residing in Cincinnati, who had herself been a slave on a cotton plantation, in a conversation with a devoted and consistent Abolitionist, said, "I would never put on another speck of cotton if I could help it. Dont think I am proud Honey, it aint because I want to dress in silk, but I know how my poor sisters were whipped to make them do their tasts. They whipped my Mother to death, and my little sister they beat and pounded her head till they made her right foolish. Often have I wished that every white person who wore a speck of cotton that was stained with my blood, would drop down dead. I now know it was wicked, but many is the time I've had this wish." This woman's neck and shoulders bore the marks of the IRON COLLAR and the WHIP. And yet in this enlightened period of Anti-slavery agitation, is it not surprising to see what apathy, what indifference pervade even professed Abolitionists to the subject of abstinence from slave-grown produce? Are we not by such consumption furnishing the means for perpetuating a complicated system of inquity? Yes, a system that subjects woman, not only to cruel stripes, (but to what is infinitely more revolting to the pure spirit) to the gross indignities, to the irresponsible will of the sensual and unprincipled? Can we, in view of these dreadful realities, these undeniable truths that force themselves on us? Can we, dear friends, guiltlessly partake of their unpaid labor? Can we longer stifle the conviction of truth and justice in the secret of our suls, in relation to our poor oppressed fellow creatures? Can we consistently ask or expect the slave-owner to emancipate his slaves, in whom, perhaps the greater part of his wealth or possessions consist without any renumerations? Can we ask of him this pecuniary sacrifice, when we abolitionists, are so unwilling to make, even a trifling sacrifice in a pecuniary way, in procuring articles of paid labor? By uniformly purchasing free labor commodities, we are advancing the principles of love, justice, and mercy, and wash our hands in innocency from a participation in sustaining this unrighteous trafic. A system we are professedly associated to abolish. Let us not then occupy the absurd position of attempting to pull down with one hand, while with the other we supply all the master asks, viz. pecuniary aid to sustain and extend to an interminable period, this system of attrocities. Well may the slaveholder exclaim, "I care not for your idle denunciations so long as you furnish a market for my commodities" and laugh to scorn the hollow profession, of anti-slavery allegiance. Is it not time we should awake from our lethargy and examine the bearing this question has, not only on human rights but human life itself, and see that we are not involved in blood-guiltiness in relation to the vast expenditure of human life as is set forth by the following authentic report exhibited in a letter of David Lee Child, a distinguished Lawyer of Mssachusetts, to wit: "In 1831 the Secretary of the Treasury made a report to the House of Representatives, embracing the statements of a great number of sugar plantations of Louisiana, and other states concerning the expenses and profits of their business. There was a statement by the contral committee of the sugar-planters of Louisiana, one by a committee of the parish county of Plaquemine, containing an immense table of the expenditures and products of 20 plantations in that parish; one from the Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge; several from individuals, including the Hon. J.S. Johnson then a Senator from Louisiana in the Congress of the United States. All these with the exception of Baton Rouge society, set down the annual loss of slave property on the sugar plantations at 5 per cent. That society says 2 1/2 per cent.; but this answer in form relates to "slave property" in general, and is not confined to sugar estates. On the other hand, I have been informed that some sugar planters have admitted that they "use up" seven per cent. of their hands every year. The loss to which I refer is placed in the Secretary's report and in the communications from Louisiana, under the head of risks, decreased value, death and deterioration. The chasms thus made, are to be filled up with new cargoes and coffles from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Kentucky and Tennessee. In order to apreciate and apply these admissions of the adversary, it is necessary to consider that the annual increase of the population of the United States is about 4 per cent. in other words, the vacancies caused by death, are supplied and 4 per cent. nett gain is added, therefore on the sugar plantations of the South, a positive loss of 5 per cent. must be added to the negative loss of 7, making an outright waste of human life, or downright massacre of nine slaves to every hundred every year! The amount on the sugar plantations of Louisiana, to pass over those of Florida, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, is 3150 per annum. These are just as much murdered as if they were shot or massacred, and indeed more inhumanly, inasmuch as death by torture is more terrible." Issued by direction of the Green Plain Anti-slavery Society, 12th mo. 28th 1842. JOSEPH A. DUGDALE, Cor. Sec. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joseph A. Dugdale Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived A Philanthropist 7:21, p. 1 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1.18.1843