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                <text>Communications: Free Productions</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;COMMUNICATIONS.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Excellent—excellent.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;FREE PRODUCTIONS.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;To the Editor of the Liberator&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SIR— I am a plain hardworking farmer, who like to live as well as I can for my means. Now you must know that my wife and grown up daughters have got a notion out of some tract they have been reading, that we ought not to eat rice, nor sugar, nor anything that is raised by the labor of slaves. Sometime ago, my daughter Jane brought me the Liberator, and shewed me a string of questions as long as a rope of onions.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'There, father,' says she, looking quite pleased, 'when all these questions are answered, I am sure you will think just as we do, and will not be willing to use any more of the slave articles.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Well, well, child, wait till the answers come, and if there is anything in them to bring people round to your way of thinking, like enough I may join, if we can get the free things as cheap; but it stands to reason there is no use in just two or three beginning.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I saw she did not look satisfied, and, a day or two afterwards, I found that John and I were the only ones at table eating sugar, for they had contrived, somehow or other, to coax all the little ones into the plot. And not a sign of a rice pudding has whitened our board since that pamphlet came into the house.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Why, wife,' said I 'what does all this mean?'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Now my wife is a very reasonable woman, and no way apt to be freakish, and I saw she looked worried.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'My dear,' said she, 'I have thought a good deal about this, and I can't see but what the people here encourage the keeping just as many slaves, as it takes to raise what we use, and therefore it seems to me that no one, who thinks slavery wrong, ought to encourage it by eating the produce of it.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Why, wife,' said I, 'I think it is just as wrong to keep slaves, as you do, and I would starve to death, before I would have one; but it will do no good for just one family to make themselves uncomfortable only to be laughed at; but to humor you and the girls, I'll buy some free sugar, as you call it, for your eating, but as to getting sugar for all the hired folks, it's what I can't afford, and they must use molasses for their sweetening, slave or free.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So, the next time I went to town with my wagon, I had a great many notions to get for the family.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Mind, father,' said the girls, 'that you get free labor articles.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Well, sir, I brought home a bag of East India sugar, a barrel of flour, half a bag of coffee, and 14 lbs. of the whitest New-York flour I could find, for my wife is pretty particular to have her cake, for company, look white.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'I hope they are all free,' said my eldest girl.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Free, child? I suppose so, it's good Porto Rico coffee.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Why, that is slave coffee,' said she, 'from one of the West India Islands.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So, sir, that's the good of geography in my family; and as my boy, that's going to college, says, it needs a good deal of learning to know justly about everything, whether it is slave or free; more learning than I care to have; I got the coffee because it was the cheapest.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Why, yes,' said one of my pert daughters, 'it will be the cheapest, for only you and the hired men will drink it. What flour is it?'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Good Baltimore flour.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Why, father, then it's from one of the slave states.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'Pooh! pooh!' said I, 'I'm not going to give half a dollar a barrel more for flour, just for a whim.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'My dear,' said my wife, 'we need not spend any more for the flour, it is only to put a little more indian, or a few more potatoes, into the bread, and in this way, we may make the wheat last enough longer to make up for the difference in the price, and so we may manage about many other things.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So they had always some such come off, when I was for reasoning with them. Then they are always talking about their substitutes, as they call them, for the slave articles; but I don't want such nonsense, when I can afford to feed my family with comfortable food. I will give you the history of one of these substitutes. It has always been my wife's fashion, when we have a boiled dinner, to make a good mess of rice broth, which always looked white enough to do anybody's heart good, and it is good wholesome food, and a proper piece of economy for a large family, like mine. Well, the other day, when I was seeing to my barn, one of the girls came and said she wanted some of the coarse ground corn. I did not think to ask what it was for, but at dinner time I found they had made it into what they called broth, and there was the whole set of little ones feeding on it. I scolded out, plain enough, to see my children eating swine's victuals so. I should not care to write just what I said, as you might not care to print it. I don't suppose the children understood what I said, but the broth was somehow connected, in their minds, with the pitiful stories they had heard of the slaves, and my little Nancy looked up in my face and said, 'Father, I wish all the poor little slave children had such a nice dinner,' I declare, sir, I never had the whole set of half-starved, miserable slaves brought so before my mind before, and it made me feel all over, I can't tell how, a sort of choky; and I thought then, I could have lived on bread and water, all the rest of my days, to do them good. The little creature kept watching me, as if she understood just how I felt, and called out, before the whole table, hired men and all, 'Father is crying about the poor black people.' I can't tell what happened next, nor how I came by it, but I had eaten up half a bowl of broth before I knew what I was about, and, I can tell you, it is really better eating than the rice broth, for there is more taste in it. I did not care to say so, because it might have seemed like encouraging my family in their notions, for there is no way that will keep folks thinking and talking about the slaves, so much as the having them brought so to our minds at every meal. There's one of my men that I've watched ever since that day I was so overtaken, and I see he always passes the sweetening along, very sly, without pouring out a drop. I can't say but what I've liked the poor fellow the better, because it looks so pitiful in him, but I know it is all nonsense, as it can't possibly do any good to the slaves; and besides, it is none of our business to meddle with what does not belong to us. But to go back to the point I set out with, about those questions; my folks won't be satisfied till they are answered. Upon recollection, I believe the girls said one of them had been answered, much to their minds; and that, I suppose, is what is carrying John over to their side. He is now just between hay and grass, willing to give the preference to the free articles, when he can get them, but not willing to give up the others. But when a full answer to the whole comes out, I expect the tables to be turned, for I can't think there will be anything to uphold them in such delusion, seeing they have never got much out of your paper to favor their doctrine; only I wonder that you put the questions in at all, for a question without an answer seems pretty much like a cart without a horse. But I suppose, in some things, an editor's business is like a farmer's— you can't always spend time to look after things just us you want them, but must take them as they come to hand; and that you are waiting till a real good horse comes along, to put to your cart, and you are right to be particular. But this, sir is what my college boy calls&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;figuring&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;language, and as I never got so far as that, in my arithmetic book, I had better write plain English, and say, that I suppose you are waiting for real good answers to those questions. After all, I sometimes can't help having a little misgiving that my wife and the girls&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;may&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;be right, but I shan't be ashamed; I'm for the truth any how, and I suppose I can understand a plain, fair argument; only, sir, I can tell you, it must be pretty smart reasoning, and none of your oh! and your ah! and your note of admiration arguments for me. I say again, it must be pretty smart reasoning that will convince me that all the folks in these Northern States have been acting, all this time, like a set of thief-helpers; but let the truth come out, and if it should prove so, we should have a stirring time among us.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I remain, sir, your humble servant,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ADAM ARATOR.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>5.7.1831</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Missouri.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Missouri.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;—A correspondent of the New Your&amp;nbsp;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Evening Post&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;says that a large emigration from the free States is pouring into Missouri, while no slaveholders are emigrating thither. The feeling that slavery is to be short lived is steadily gaining ground. The open discussion of the question which is going on, and the fact that Missouri is now practically bounded on three sides by free States, have alarmed the slaveholders, and many of them are removing to Taxes, Arkansas, and the Indian Territory. Free labor is taking their place. Notwithstanding the defect of Mr. Blair, the free labor movement is now stronger than ever before, and is marching steadily towards victory.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>9.17.1858</text>
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                <text>Means of Abolishing Slavery.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="right" style="text-align: left;"&gt;BELCNERTOWN, July 19th, 1847.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;DEAR SIR:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Permit me, although a stranger, and only a private in the army of reformers, of which you are one of the chief captains, to offer, for your consideration, my ideas respecting the means of abolishing slavery. Without saying more by way of preamble, I will present the main points.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;You are aware, I presume, that cotton was formerly much higher than it is now. At the close of the hot war with Great Britain, it was worth about 33 cents per pound: and the other products of slave labor, such as rice, sugar,&amp;nbsp;molasses, tobacco, &amp;amp;c. were high, compared with present prices, in nearly the same proportion. Slavery was very profitable then. Slaves were worth from 1200 to 1800 dollars was. But the products of slave labor declined gradually. Cotton fell to 30 cents, afterwards to 25, still later to 20, 18, 15, and now it is worth only 12 or 13 cents per pound. Sugar, rice, tobacco, &amp;amp;c. have fallen in about the same ration. From temporary causes, there has, occasionally, been a rise in these articles, but their general tendency has been downward; and they will probably continue to decline. As a natural consequence, the price of slaves has fallen. From having been worth from 1200 to 1800 dollars, they are down to 400 and 600. If cotton continues to fall until it goes as low as 3 or 4 cents, and the other products of slave labor decline in the same promotion, (and I see no reason why they should not the price of slaves must also come down too, until, finally, they will be valueless.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Slave labor is more expensive than free labor; and manufactures generally have now greatly the advantage of slaveholders. While the latter are obliged to purchase their laborers, feed and clothe them, take care of them in sickness, and support them in old age,—the former manage to obtain the services of their operatives for the mere pittance of a comfortable, decent support, so long as steady employment lasts. But very few of these operatives accumulate property. Their wages return, through various channels, to their employers; and when, from any cause, they are out of work, they are left in a state of destitution. This is true as a general rule, to which, however, there are many honorable exceptions. But it is a well-established principle, that those who live by the labor of their own hands only, cannot become rich. If southern planters had half the sagacity of our Northern manufacturers, they would hire free negroes, build tenements for their accommodation, and open stores in their vicinity, for the sale of such goods a they may need or fancy. By pursuing such a course, they would find that nearly all the money paid for work would return to their own coffers. Cotton cannot be raised at 4 or 4cents per pound by slave labor; and soon after slavery ceases to pay, it will cease to exist. This is a question, after all, of dollars and cent —of profit and loss. Mammon is the god of the civilized world—the principal object of worship—and he rules with despotic away.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;In the West India islands, as well as in our southern States, the same principle has long been undermining slavery. It has generally been supposed that slavery was abolished in the West Indies from motives of justice and humanity, and it cannot be denied that these had something to do with the case; but, after all, we have good reason to believe that it was rather a question of finance than of morals. The head had more to do with it than the heart. Giving British statesmen credit for great sagacity and penetration, I suppose they saw that a crisis was coming—that West India produce would continue to decline, until slavery would become a burden, and that, as a natural consequence, the planters would be ruined; and therefore, to make a merit of necessary, and save their character, they concluded to buy all the slaves, and abolish slavery, while they could do so with a good grace.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;If this view of the case is correct, whatever has a tendency to raise the price of southern staples, tends also to perpetuate slavery. War, by increasing the demand for food and clothing, and by drawing off laborers from their customary employments, has this effect; so does the extension of commerce, by opening new marts for the sale of cotton, rice, sugar, &amp;amp;c.; and every advance in luxury and dissipation, by adding to the number of artificial wants, enables the owners of slaves to hold on to their property in human flesh with a firmer grasp. This bloody war with unhappy. Mexico, we have good reason to believe, was contrived, 'with malice aforethought,' for the same diabolical purpose. I need not add, that the opposite of all this will have a contrary tendency.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;The opposition to slavery is so strong in the northern States, that it may lead to a dissolution of the Union, and perhaps to war; but, in any case, it with not necessarily abolish slavery, though it may have a tendency to hasten that event. The Anti-Slavery and Liberty parties, and the Colonization Society, like contending tempests on the bosom of the ocean, may ruffle the political surface of our country; but there is an under current, strong and deep, unaffected by these winds of doctrine, and mostly unnoticed and unknown, which is bearing slavery onward to the gulf of oblivion, where it will shortly arrive thenceforth to be known no more on earth, except as found recorded on the pages of history.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Very respectfully yours,&lt;br /&gt;GEORGE FILER.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;We shall be glad to receive other communications from our Belehertown correspondent.] —&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Ed.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>7.16.1847</text>
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                <text>What is to Become of the Blacks</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;Hon. Samuel Hooper answered the question it his speech of last week before the Republicans of Ward Nine, in Boston, as follows:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;To those who ask what is to become of the blacks when slavery is abolished, and who affect an apprehension that the present free States of the North may be overrun with them, I would recommend the report of Mr. Conway, the superintendent of free labor in Louisiana, recently made to General Canby, on the results of the system. He says, in his report, that there are sixty free schools with one hundred teachers and eight thousand scholars; that the number of blacks employed on plantations is about 35,000, of whom about one-fourth are first-class hands, receiving wages at eight dollars per month besides board, clothing, medical attendance, schooling for their children, and one acre of ground worth five hundred dollars, to raise cotton. The wages paid to the laborers, he says, is as a whole more remunerative than has been ordinarily paid to farm hands in the North who work by the year.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;At the close of the present year there will be an average of about fifty dollars due to each cost of the 35,000, in addition to their little crop of cotton, corn, sugar, potatoes, &amp;amp;C., which will average is each more than is due them for wages. There are besides 15,000 of whom he has no return, and 30,000 in the city of New Orleans; making a total of 86,000 blacks there who are working for wages under the educational and labor system established by Gen. Banks in Louisiana. Is it at all probable that any of those laborers would be included to leave their occupation at the South to come among us in the cold climate of the North, to which they are not accustomed, and to a colder welcome from the prejudices existing against them here? In my opinion, when slavery no longer exists at the South, there will be two colored men go South from here to every one that comes North from there.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.14.1864</text>
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                <text>MARRIED-In Columbia</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;MARRIED-In Columbia, (Lancaster County,) Pennsylvania, March 10th, 1836, Mr. WM. WHIPPER to Miss. HARRIET L.L. SMITH.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;May he prove as loving and devoted a husband, as he is the faithful and fearless advocate of good morals and the rights of man. It affords me great pleasure to inform you, that the wedding party was purely&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;abolition&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;, connected with the principles of&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;temperance.&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;Although there were all the delicacies necessary for such an occasion, yet the&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;cake&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;was not contaminated with the sweets produced by the toil, sweat and blood of the poor slave; but I am credibly informed, it was wholly the production of free labor&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;.&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;Also the&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;kisses&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;(sugar&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;) and fruits were wholly&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;free&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;and uncontaminated, a precedent which, if thoroughly established by abolitionists in general, at their parties, festivals, &amp;amp;c. would be a source of encouragement to many of our merchants, to bring into our markets the untainted productions of the&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;free man.&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;Many who hold that&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;wine&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;is as indispensable on a wedding occasion, as on a sacramental, will be surprised when I inform them that, on this occasion, it was wholly dispensed with; and there was substituted in its place, the more temperate, purer and healthier beverage—&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;cold water.&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;The company appeared as agreeably and as well entertained, as if they had feasted on the luxurious sweets of the tainted productions of slavery, and regaled on the cordials of Bacchus. I hope this wedding feast will be imitated by all true and faithful abolitionists.—&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;Com&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;reprinted from&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Com.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>4.30.1836</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;VOICE OF WARNING.--Mr. Bingham, a democratic representative of Michigan, in the House of Representatives, made a speech in Congress on the 4th ult., in which, alluding to the defeat of the Democratic party in 1848, he said:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;"Mr. Chairman, others may speculate as to the causes of that defeat. I have no hesitation in ascribing it to that fatal Nicholson letter, the doctrines of which were received by the people with such perfect loathing, the loss of the north, while the slaveholders of the south preferred to vote for the owner of a sugar&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;plantation, with three hundred negroes. This was a mortifying defeat, but it may well be borne, if it inculcates this useful lesson that in this noon of the nineteenth century, when the down-trodden nations of Europe are bursting the fetters of tyranny which bound them to the earth for ages - when every breeze which crosses the Atlantic, wafts with it the cry of Liberty and the inalienable rights of man, from the uprising masses - the Northern statesman, to be successful, must prove true to the interests of free labor, which he represents, instead of being an accessary, to the cupidity of the southern slaveholder, who would doom his fellow man to perpetual bondage." -&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Aman. &amp;amp; Repub.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;reprinted from&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Aman. &amp;amp; Repub.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>7.18.1850</text>
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                <text>Chinese Sugar Cane-Will It Crystalize.</text>
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                <text>As the season approaches for the conclusion of the experiments with the Sorghum, or Sugar Cane, much interest is felt on the subject. There is now no doubt that this plant can be most successfully cultivated in this latitude; and, should it prove easy to granulate or crystalize the sugar from the juice of the cane, the experiments will be entirely complete. It is true that Dr. Jackson, of Boston, and some other chemists of that class, have assumed that only glucose or grape sugar, could be made from the juice of the sorghum, but more careful and thorough investigations show that the greater portion of its saccharine matter is crystalizable. M. Herey, of France contends that no uncrystalized sugar pre-exists in the cane, and that the formation of glucose sugar is only owing to the action of the salts contained in the liquid during the manufacturing process. "Be it as it may," continues the report, "it is certain that the greater portion of the saccharine matter of the juice is crystalizable and may be obtained in the state of crystals, if, after rapid boiling and filtering, the fluid be quickly evaporated, the latter operation being a condition of absolute necessity in sugar-making, as, by slow boiling, at a temperature of 112 degrees, or even exposure for a considerable time to a temperature below the boiling point, glucose may be formed from the finest caystalized sugar dissolved in water. On the contrary, if the concentrated solution of sugar he heated beyond 230 degrees F., it undergoes alteration, and is changed, at least in part, into uncrystalizable sugar, or saccharine mucilage." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Wray, of London, who is now in attendance upon the National Fair at Louisville, and who has perhaps more experimental knowledge upon the subject than any other man in the world, is quoted as good authority by the commissioner on the question of crystalization, and we presume that the experiments which he is now making from day to day will be equally conclusive upon the public mind. He has devoted years to the subject, pursuing his investigations in Africa and France, as well as in this country during the present season, and has obtained a patent for his process of sugar-making in England. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Assuming, then that superior sugar can be made from the juice of the sorghum, it is hardly possible to exaggerate its importance as an addition to the crops of the temperate latitudes. Its value was discovered at just the period when the culture of the sugar-cane at the south had become a partial failure, and when also the general consumption of sugar began to outrun production. The world demanded that by some means, if possible, the supply should he increased, and in response to that demand, as if by providential arrangement, the country was supplied with the seed of the Sorghum and the Imphee, from which we are to have our first harvest of free labor sugar. It is a great event in the political economy of this country, if not of the world. We pay out annually many millions of dollars for foreign sugar, the crop of Louisiana at best meeting but a fraction of the demand. Last year it was estimated that the nation consumed not less than 700,000,000 pounds, and this amount, vast as it is, must continually increase if a sufficient supply can be obtained. In the Chinese sugar-cane we are now confident we have the source of an almost unbounded supply. It will flourish every where in the Union, and can be raised at the west as easily and cheaply as corn. Where, then, shall we fix the limit of its culture save in the demand for sugar and molasses? The prairies of Indiana and Illinois; besides growing all the breadstuffs they do now, might almost supply the markets of the world with those articles. We shall be content, however, for the next two or three years with enough of each to meet the home demand. The business can be indefinitely extended hereafter.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="806">
                <text>&lt;em&gt;Weekly Vincennes Gazette&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>9.9.1857</text>
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                <text>Productions of Free Labor.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="793">
                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;PRODUCTIONS OF FREE LABOR.&lt;br /&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;The Committee appointed to inquire into the expediency of recommending to the American Anti-Slavery Society to make the offer of a premium of such amount as they shall deem proper, on certain articles produced by free labor&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;in any part of the United States, beg leave to report:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Your Committee believe that the subject of the resolution committed to their consideration, has a bearing on the good cause which we are associated to promote, of such importance as to merit the serious attention of the Convention.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It must be obvious to every reflecting mind, that the desolating waters of slavery, which amid storms of vile oppressions, are bearing away their miserable victims to the ocean of death, are to be traced to the fountains of depravity in the human heart. The idolatry of covetousness, which the Lord of all abhorreth, has sacrificed on its cruel altars all the rights and interests of man.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;What motive induced the owner of the first slave ship to invade the land of the colored man, to steal his brother, and bear him away from his wife, his children, and his home? Was it not that love of money which is the root of all evil? What induced the West India planter to purchase the living flesh and blood and bones sent to him by the soul of avarice? Was it not the hope of unrighteous gain, to be obtained from the hard and unrequited labors of the wretched captive? And on what foundation did that hope rest, but on the assurance that individuals would purchase and consume the produce of that uncompensated and cruel toil? Here, then, we see the galling chain, and that it is the last link which moves all the rest. As it is for the consumer of the fiery poison, that the retailer applies to the wholesale vender, and he to the distiller; so in this case, it is for the consumer the lash is driving the slave to his toil, the man-stealer is going about this land of pretended freedom seeking whom he may devour, and the slave ship is violating all law both human and divine.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let the consumers of the liquid poison say to the retailer, we shall drink no more of your waters of death, and what is the consequence? He buys no more; the wholesale vender buys no more; the distiller makes no more. So if the consumers of slave produce should say, we will no longer be partakers of other men's sins, we will eat no more, we will wear no more, the product of fraud and oppression, of the groans and tears of our brethren, the consequence must be, that the labor of the slave would be valuable no more. The sordid and reckless trafficker in human souls would buy and sell no more, and no more would the ocean bear on her polluted bosom the abodes of the miserable victims of relentless avarice and cupidity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is believed that free labor, if generally established on equitable principle, would promote, in various respects, the prosperity of the slaveholding States. It is obvious, however, that under the present direful and lamented system, the extraordinary efforts and means necessary to furnish the friends of humanity with the articles enumerated in the resolution, in the desirable contemplated manner, must be attended with some additional expense. It cannot, therefore, be reasonably expected that the end proposed in the resolution can be obtained without the means it suggests.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Impressed with the belief that the object of the resolution is in perfect accordance with the great and distinguishing principle of our noble association, your Committee present these few considerations, which incline them to the conclusion that the recommendation proposed in the following resolution is expedient:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Resolved, That it be recommended to the American Anti-Slavery Society to make the offer of a premium of dollars for every cwt. of merchantable cotton; for every cwt. of rice; for every, cwt. of sugar; and for hhds. of molasses, of a good and merchantable quality:—such premium to be paid upon satisfactory evidence being presented that such articles are the produce of free labor in any part of the United States.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;All which is respectfully submitted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;HENRY GREW,&lt;br /&gt;SAMUEL FOSTER,&lt;br /&gt;HENRY E. BENSON.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>6.28.1834</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Henry Grew, Samuel Foster, Henry E. Benson&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>A Question About Slavery</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;A QUESTION ABOUT SLAVERY. Some persons are anxious to form societies, the members of which bind themselves to abstain from all articles produced by the labor of slaves. They believe that when planters can no longer find a market for the productions of slave labor, they will emancipate their slaves.— The colony at Liberia already offers some of the same articles, produced by free labor, and if sufficiently enlarged and strengthened, will furnish others; and as fast as the markets are furnished with coffee, rice, sugar, &amp;amp;c. from Liberia, the same articles, produced by slave labor, will be driven out of market. Must not the friends of 'free labor societies,' therefore, in order to be consistent, do all they can for the prosperity of that colony? —&lt;i&gt;Vermont Chronicle.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The gravity with which the question is propounded in the foregoing paragraph, 'Must not the friends of free labor societies, in order to be consistent, do all they can for the prosperity of Liberia?' is truly ludicrous. The logic runs thus: it is desirable to obtain free goods— free goods are raised by the colonists— therefore it is the duty of&amp;nbsp;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;conscientious&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;individuals to give their support to the Colonization Society, which is abusing, proscribing, injuring, and attempting to expel one sixth portion of the American people, on account of their complexion! We assure the clear-sighted editors of the Chronicle that the members of free labor societies have no disposition 'to do evil that good may come,' by encouraging this monstrous crusade.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>7.21.1832</text>
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                <text>Free Goods.</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;i&gt;To the Editor of the Liberator.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SIR—In your paper of the 19th of February last, were published some questions proposed by me, relating to the use of the productions of slave labor. Among them were some requesting information respecting the culture of rice, sugar and cotton by freemen, answers to which were obligingly given by the Committee of the Free Produce Society of Philadelphia, and published in the Liberator of June 11th. I was much interested by these answers; and though so long a time has elapsed, am inclined to make some observations suggested by them. I am gratified to see that there is so good a prospect of procuring an abundant supply of cotton raised by free labor. The small quantity mentioned as having been already procured, both of this and other articles, will serve indeed to excite a smile of derision on the countenances of those, who, viewing the whole project of avoiding the use of slave productions as absurd, compare these few bales of cotton and casks of rice with the ship loads which are daily entering our harbors, and filling our ware-houses. They contemptuously ask if it is expected&amp;nbsp;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;thus&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;to turn the established course of trade and commerce. All that has been done in this way, is in truth but a drop to the ocean, a single seed to the produce of the harvest. Yet drop joined to drop filleth the ocean, and the single seed may prove the origin of future abundance. Whether it will be so or not in the present case, whether enough will join in the undertaking to accomplish any thing of magnitude, we know not; but should it not be so, they who have made the effort will have done their part, will have forborne to add their drop to the ocean of iniquity in which the rights of the Africans have been sunk. Experience, teaches not to despise small beginnings. The first protestant Missionary Society consisted of five persons, and the first subscription to it amounted to less than fourteen pounds. The Temperance cause was long considered a forlorn hope, and the plans of its friends pronounced visionary. The present success of both these undertakings is well known. A moral impulse, be it remembered, has a peculiar tendency to propagate itself, and none can tell where it will stop. A moral effort has undeniably checked the trade of distillers; why may it not that of the employers of slave labor? The production of ardent spirits has been diminished to a sensible and important amount; and why may not that of commodities raised by oppression? Are not the sugar and the cotton trade as much within the reach of moral energy as the rum trade? Is the taste for sugar more unconquerable than the taste for rum? It may be said that the sin of using the first is disputable, of the last not so. It may be replied,—the time is not long gone by, since the daily use of spirit in moderate quantities was thought by most persons to be as innocent as the use of sugar, and the moderate use of the former to be as little connected with the prevalence of intemperance, as that of the latter with the continuance of slavery. But I must not enlarge. I will only add here, that judging from the numbers I have myself heard say that they would willingly give up the use of slave produce, could they hope that a sufficient number would do the same to make it of any use, there is reason to believe that the very persons who are of this mind are enough to constitute that sufficient number. It were much to be wished, therefore, that all such would immediately begin what they profess a willingness to do, and multitudes would then surprise each other by starting up, simultaneously, though not by agreement.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The account given by the Committee of the Philadelphia Free Produce Society of rice being raised by free labor in small quantities by many different individuals, and of the premium offered to induce its collection, has led me to reflect on the operation of this and similar measures. It is evident that if the premium leads only to the collection of rice now raised, and not to any additional cultivation of it by free labor, nothing is gained. It is to be considered that the rice collected would have been consumed by somebody if not thus sought after, and those who would have consumed it will in all probability supply themselves elsewhere, that is, with rice raised by slaves. The effect of thus collecting the free article, it is true, may be, and to some extent probably will be, to induce some persons to raise it by free labor, who did not do so before; and so far as it has this tendency, it is useful. But it has occurred to me that other premiums might be offered which would be more direct in their operation of inducing cultivation by free labor; suppose in addition to such an one as has been offered, a higher premium for a certain quantity of rice or other article usually raised by slaves, if raised by free labor on one estate; another and still higher for the same if raised by emancipated slaves, emancipated for the purpose or after the offer of the premium. This last should extend to sugar&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;and cotton as much as to rice, and proportionably to any quantity of them however small, and should if possible be of considerable value. I am ignorant of the means which free produce societies possess of offering such premiums; but surely benevolent individuals exist with abundant ability to aid in doing it, and to whom the inclination would not be wanting, could its utility be clearly manifested. Supposing such a premium as the last proposed were offered, it is plain that if it were gained, something real and valuable would be accomplished and secured; and, at the worst, if no one were induced to obtain it, no harm would be done or loss incurred by the offer. But if large enough, some one would be induced to obtain it. To be&amp;nbsp;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;certain&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;of having procured the emancipation of even one slave, would be no trifling satisfaction; but if that of a larger number should be the result of such an effort, there would not only be the certainty of the direct good of their freedom, but this would be farther valuable as an example, and an experiment proving the practicability of cultivation by freed slaves.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I suggest these, I trust not chimerical projects, for the attention of those who are able to accomplish them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Having been so successful in obtaining answers to former queries, I am encouraged to request from you or your correspondents father information in reply to the following—&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1st. How many Free Produce societies are there in the United States?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2d. How long is it since the first was formed?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3d. How large are they?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;4th. On what principles are they established?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;5th. Do they adopt the principle of total abstinence from the productions of slave labor, or only of procuring free articles in preference when they can?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;6th. If total abstinence is not the principle on which these societies are founded, how far is it adopted by the members as individuals?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of my former questions remains unanswered, viz. What objections are there to giving up the use of articles raised by slave labor? I sincerely wish to see it answered, and that some one of those who do object, would state plainly what is to be said against the reasons which have been brought forward in favor of adopting this measure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;S.T.U.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="785">
                <text>S.T.U.</text>
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            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="786">
                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="787">
                <text>1.21.1832</text>
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