5 10 136 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource To the Editor of the Liberator. Description An account of the resource To the Editor of the Liberator. <xsl-text></xsl-text> SIR-I have noticed, in several of your papers, passages from which may be inferred that you approve of abstaining from the productions of slave labor. I hear various and opposite opinions expressed on this subject by persons, who yet are equally desirous of the abolition of slavery. It seems to me a question deserving very serious consideration and thorough investigation; for it is not a merely speculative question, in which error is comparatively unimportant, but one directly bearing upon a specific course of conduct. Would it not he advantageous to have the arguments on both sides fully and fairly presented in your paper? -There is no need to fear discussion of this or any other subject, for the arguments of truth must always be the strongest. It is only by convincing the understanding that you can hope to induce people to abstain from the productions of slave labor. Appeals to their humanity can be of no avail, till it has first been proved that the measure recommended is a measure of humanity. Sneering at the folly or fanaticism of those who adopt this measure proves nothing against it, nor does railing against the selfishness and heartless indifference of those who do not adopt it prove anything in its favor. I subjoin some questions relating to the subject, aid shall feel indebted to you or any of your correspondents to furnish satisfactory answers, as opportunity may offer. Some of the first being questions of opinion, require to be answered by arguments; the others are questions of fact, on which I an desirous of information, which may also be valuable to others. 1. What reasons are there for giving a preference to those articles which are produced by the labor of freeman in our own country, over articles of the same kind produced by the labor of slaves? 2. Are there equally strong reasons for giving up altogether the productions of slave labor? 3. In what manner might this measure be expected to operate? 4. How far is it practicable? 5. What objections are there to it? 6. Is cotton, sugar or rice raised by free labor in any part of the United States? And where? In what quantities? 7. How may they be procured, and what security would a purchaser have that they certainly were raised by free labor?  8. Is the supply of such of these articles as are raised by free labor, greater or less than the demand? If less, is there any advantaging increasing the demand? 9. What means and prospects are there of an increased supply? 10. Where any of these articles are raised by the labor, are the laborers black or white? 11. What varieties of cotton fabrics are manufactured from cotton produced by free labor? 12. Is there any manufactory, which is confined to cotton raised by free labor? <xsl-text></xsl-text>Feb. <xsl-text></xsl-text>12 <xsl-text></xsl-text>th, <xsl-text></xsl-text>1831. S.T.U. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.19.1831 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S.T.U. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The "Irrepressible Conflict." Description An account of the resource THE "IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT." We showed, some two weeks ago, by an extended quotation, that Henry Clay was the true author of the doctrine that an "irrepressible conflict" exists between Freedom and Slavery. Mr. Everett, in his Boston eulogy upon Mr. Webster, attributes the same idea to the "Great Expounder," but without stating when he announced it. The speech of Mr. Clay was made in 1829; and until Mr. Everett can show, from the writings or speeches of Mr. Webster, that he announced the idea as long ago as January, 1829, we shall cling to our statement that the honor belongs to the great Kentuckian. But whatever may be the result of the controversy as to the paternity of the doctrine, whether it was the "Great Embodiment of the Whig party," or the "Great Expounder of the Constitution," one thing is certain, that neither Mr. Seward, Mr. Lincoln, nor any other modern Republican, can pretend to set up a claim to its authorship. The following is Mr. Everett's statement: "He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed, and is witnessing, that the newly-acquired and newly-organized Territories of the Union would grow up into free States; but, <xsl-text></xsl-text>in common with all or nearly all the statesmen of the last generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country<xsl-text></xsl-text>. He thought he saw that, in the operation of the same causes which have produced this result in the Middle and Eastern States, it was visibly taking place in the States north of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor would eventually be found most productive, and would therefore be ultimately established." We learn that, although this paragraph was in the oration of Mr. Everett as he delivered it, and as it was published in the Boston papers with his corrections, he has, in his subsequent delivery or repetition of the eulogy, omitted it. This omission is in consequence of the legitimate use which has been made of the statement by the Republican press, and is characteristic of the moral weakness of Mr. Everett. But his testimony is before the public, and he cannot retract it, however much he would like to do so. He is responsible for the statement that Daniel Webster believed and maintained that Slavery and Freedom must wage perpetual war, until the latter is triumphant. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The National Era Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.20.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Half Slave, and Half Free Description An account of the resource During the Illinois canvass between Hon. A. Lincoln and Senator Douglas, when the former asserted the sentiment that "this government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free," it was thought monstrous by the Democratic journals generally, and Mr. Douglas in particular. The doctrine was said to be as now as it was dangerous, and with the ignorant, aided by sophistry, the little giant used it with tilling effect against his opponent. But now it seems that no new dogma was proclaimed by Mr. Lincoln, in littering that sentiment, and that he was but echoing the doctrines of the father of Democracy, Thomas Jefferson, when he said that "this government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free." More than eighty years ago he wrote and published the following language in relation to this subject: "Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations; the real distinctions which nature has made; and many other circumstances will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions, which will probably never end but in the extermination of one or the other race. Nothing is more clearly written in the book of destiny, than the emancipation of the blacks." Will not the Democracy of to-day take as good doctrine, coming, as it does, from its venerated and wise sire? The Hon. Abraham Lincoln has said nothing more pointed upon this subject than the foregoing. But this same doctrine of the eventual emancipation of the negro race has been entertained by many statesmen and philosophers. It is clearly set forth in De Tocqueville's admirable and philosophical work, "Democracy in America," first published in this country in 1838. And Edward Everett, in his late oration at the inauguration of the Statue of Daniel Webster, expressed the views of that great statesmean on the "conflict" between Free Labor and Slavery in this country, as follows: "He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed and is witnessing, that the newly acquired and newly organized territories of the Union would grow up into Free States; but, in common with ail, or nearly all the statesmen of the last generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country. He thought he saw that, in the operation of the same causes which have produced this result in the middle and Eastern States, it was visibly taking place in the States North of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there, also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor would eventually be found most productive, and would there be ultimately established." So we see that this annunciation of the belief of the final extinction of slavery is based upon no new philosophical principles, but simply the principles of human progress. To say that American slavery will exist always is to say that the hand of human progress shall be paralized in this fair land. To assert the fact that slavery will become extinct does not imply that any other than a peaceful solution to this problem shall obtain So far as the Republican party are concerned no other means are intended to be used to bring about this result but those naturally springing from the progress of civilization and Christianity. They will be potent enough and the result can be easily foreseen by those who are not blinded by selfish interests or partisan bigotry. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Vincennes Gazette Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.1.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor. Description An account of the resource Free Labor. --- The more we dwell upon the varied and extended significance of this term, and more truthfully and completely it seems to define and comprehend the ideas and sentiments embraced and represented in the anti-slavery movement. To chattelize man for his labor has been the great temptation and incentive to the wicked cupidity of his fellow. To obtain his toil without compensation is the motive which has rifled Africa to myriads of human beings, and perpetrated the horrors of the "middle passage," Were it not for this single object, slavery could not exist for a moment. To emancipate, to free labor, involves all that is embraced in the abolition of slavery. It expresses more than this to our mind. It puts forth a grand idea, intelligible to all the millions of the human race who earn their bread by the sweat of the brow. Labor-patient, persevering, self-rewarding, hopeful and true - is, we believe, one of the crown dignities of humanity. If it be true, that one of the elements of the air we breathe is so vital to our existence, that we could not live an hour should it be withdrawn or tainted, it is equally true that manual labor is as vital an element of the prosperity of any community. Slavery is the most unmitigated and degrading indignity that can be inflicted on labor. It is more than a wrong, more than a cruelty; for the victims of mere wrong and cruelty often command the honor and respect, as well as sympathy of mankind. But slavery degrades, abases labor to the condition of the brute beast of burden; hence, in the countries in which it exists, every occupation involving labor is smutched with a shade of shame; hence, those born in such countries to the necessity of labor, if they have any feeling of self-respect beating in their bosoms, are forced to flee beyond the limits of the curse. But if this eclipse be total over the land of bondage, it is partial everywhere. No one may say how the estimation in which labor was held in the freest country in the world has been affected by the existence of slavery. No one may say by how many or by how few links of association the most industrious and virtuous artisan in New England or Old England is connected with the condition of the slave in the rice fields of Carolina. No one may say how insidiously and widely the idea is working its way into the political and industrial economies of the freest nations, that the condition of slavery must, somehow, be accepted as the bass line, the point of departure of their operations; that, somehow, it must determine the compensation and the honor of labor. Hence, we hear on all sides a great deal about the introduction of Coolies, or Chinese, into the different slave States, as a substitute for the enslaved Africans. But what fits them for substitutes? Why, chiefly, their capacity to live on a pennyworth of rice per day; their willingness, perhaps, to work for sixpence from sun to sun. Put this and that together in the popular rationalities of this political economy, and they mean this; if ever free labor shall cultivate the cotton, rice, of corn-fields of the south, it shall be brought down as near to the lowest level of slavery as possible, in the matter of compensation. Is that all? No! it shall be brought down as near to the level of slavery in the quality of dignity as in that of compensation itself. Slavery is to measure and determine both. Slavery is to be the base line, on which the economist is to plan; one foot of his compass, and, with the other, step off a thin parallel, on which free men may work for sixpence a-day, and live on raw turnips or a handful of rice. We earnestly hope that the working men of every free country will awake to the importance of this subject; that they will see the bearing of slavery upon their own condition; then will they perceive the length and breadth of the meaning of Free Labor. Under this banner will they rally with sympathies and interests that beat and throb with all that is precious in their earthly hopes and well-being. - <xsl-text></xsl-text>Burritt's Bond of Brotherhood. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Provincial Freeman, reprinted from Burritt's Bond of Brotherhood Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.10.1855 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Intelligence Description An account of the resource FREE LABOR INTELLIGENCE. - A recent letter from Trinidad speaks of the lively interest of the inhabitants of that island on the subject of cotton growing, and of their intention to plant a large quantity of land that has hitherto been lying almost waste. The writer enclosed a specimen of native cotton, which has been valued in Liverpool at nine and a half per lb. Another account of from Jamaica speaks earnestly of the importance of the people of Great Britain prefering free produce to slave-grown, and of the probability of a large supply of free cotton being grown in that colony at no distant period. Other letters from the maker of the new Roller-gin (a gentleman residing in Edinburgh) tell of the hearty approval of his machine by the manufacturers of Manchester, after it had been closely tested in that town; and the writer adds, "I am now engaged in the construction of one for Australia, one for Jamaica, and one for the East coast of Africa. Today, I am forwarding one to Natal. I receive <xsl-text></xsl-text>L <xsl-text></xsl-text>12, 12s. each for these machines; but so soon as I receive an order to any extent, and can make a division of labor in their construction, I will inform you of the lowest price for which I can furnish them." It appears that this gin, which may be conveyed to the West India Islands for about 10s., is all the machinery that is necessary for the cleaning of cotton. How cheap and simple a source of comfort and revenue might cotton growing become to the inhabitants of those islands! Be it also remembered that the exuberance of the West Indian soil and climate allow of two crops of cotton being gathered in the year, instead of only one. The frosts of winter uniformly cut off the American plant, and call for its being renewed each spring; while, in the West Indies and Natal, the same shrub lasts for six, eight, or ten years, and requires comparatively no attention, except being kept clear of weeds. Why, with this source of an abundant supply within easy reach, and only requiring a spirited demand for it to fill the British markets - O why should the ladies of England continue to clothe themselves in garments wrung from the bondsman's sufferings? Why should his back be forever bleeding in their service, and the holiest ties of love and affection be constantly rent asunder to find victims for the auction-block, and human cattle for the cultivation of the sugar plantation and for the rice and cotton field? Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The North Star Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.5.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Oversight Description An account of the resource When Edward Everett delivered his oration on Webster for the first time, it contained a paragraph stating Mr. Webster's sentiments in regard to the final universal prevalence of free labor in the United States, coinciding closely with that of Mr. Seward in his 'irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces.' meaning that 'the United States must, and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation or entirely a free-labor nation.' Everett's statement in regard to Webster is as follows:— 'He (Mr. Webster) not only confidently anticipated what the lapse of seven years since his decease has witnessed and is witnessing, that the newly acquired and newly organized territories of the Union would grow up into free states; but, in common with all or nearly all the statesmen of the lest generation, he believed that free labor would ultimately prevail throughout the country. He thought he saw that, throughout the operation of the same cause which have produced this result in the middle and eastern states, it was visibly taking place in the states north of the cotton-growing region; and he inclined to the opinion that there, also, under the influence of physical and economical causes, free labor would eventually be found most productive, and would therefore be ultimately established.' Attention was called to this coincidence shortly after the delivery of the oration, but it to stated that when it was repeated before the Legislature, the passages above quoted was omitted. Mr. Everett undoubtedly doubtedly had it pointed out to him that he had committed an oversight in making any such statement in reference to Mr. Webster, and with his characteristic cowardice he afterwards suppressed it. This to exactly of a piece with hit conduct in regard at Charles Summer, when, it will be remembered, he apologized in the most abject manner for having subscribed to a testimonial for Mr. Sumner after he had bean beaten by Brooks. Mr. Everett ascribed his carelessness at that time to the effect of an opiate. How he can excuse himself in the present instance we do not know. But it to certainly remarkable that he has found occasion to apologies for almost the only acts of hit life which have given any evidence of his having any heart. Edward Everett, many years ago, at an age when the hearts of men, if ever, beat with lofty aspirations, on Plymouth Rock, expressed the alacrity with which he would shoulder his musket and help to suppress a slave insurrection. He has never apologized for that. When in Congress he said, 'Democratic slavery is not in my judgment to be set down as an immoral or irreligious relation.' He has never apologized for that. When Governor or Massachusetts, he announced in his inaugural message that the discussion of slavery was an offence indictable at common law. He has never apologized for that. He has gone about the country for years delivering a eulogy on Washington, in which he omits all reference to the great patriot's opinions on slavery, and to his manumission of his slaves. He has never apologized for that. And now in his eulogy upon Webster, he dare not rebuke him for his advocacy of the fugitive slave law, and the fatal recreancy of the 7th March, affirming the duty of catching fugitive slaves to be 'an affair of birth morals and high principles,' and endeavoring to persuade the people of Massachusetts to 'conquer their prejudices' against the performance of this duty. He has never apologized for that. But he can lick the dust and eat his own words when he has by some accident made a slight sow of sympathy for a Senator from his own State struck down by a ruffian, or has grown publicity to sentiments of the subject of his eulogy in favor of freedom. —<xsl-text></xsl-text>New Bedford Republican Standard. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator, reprinted from New Bedford Republican Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.21.1859 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous. Mexican Colonization: And Sugar, Cotton, and Rice Cultivation, By Free Labor. Description An account of the resource MISCELLANEOUS. MEXICAN COLONIZATION; AND SUGAR, COTTON, AND RICE CULTIVATION, BY FREE LABOR. <xsl-text></xsl-text>To American Philanthropists, and Men of Capital, Industry, and Enterprize, generally<xsl-text></xsl-text>. Having recently explored the eastern parts of the Republic of Mexico, and obtained an extensive grant of land, in the State of Tamaulipas, for the purpose of establishing a Colony, I am desirous to invite the public attention to it, particularly that of enterprizing planters, agriculturalists, manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers. The State of Tamaulipas borders on the Gulph of Mexico, and adjoins the south-western boundary of Texas. The great River, '<xsl-text></xsl-text>Rio Bravo del Norte<xsl-text></xsl-text>,' runs through the north-eastern part of this state, watering one of the most beautiful, fertile, and healthy regions, on the continent of America. Its climate is the most pleasant, through the year, that can well be imagined. Situate between the degrees of 23 deg. and 28 deg. north latitude, the heat of summer is agreeably tempered by the sea breezes, and the rigors of winter are entirely unknown. This section of country is adapted to the culture of sugar, rice, corn, indigo, tobacco, and cotton; also the various culinary vegetables, generally produced in our middle and southern states. Fifty or sixty miles in the interior, wheat, rye, oats, barley, &c. may also be raised to advantage. The soil is, invariably, a dark rich loam. The face of the country is, in general, level near the sea coast, and more and more rolling as we proceed from it. Limestone abounds in the elevations, over the whole country. Many parts are timbered, sufficiently to answer general purposes, and others exhibit dense forests. A large portion, however, is open plain, clear, and ready for the plough. Nearly the whole produces a most luxuriant, perpetual pasturage, for horses, cattle, sheep, &c. &c. By a treaty, concluded and ratified between the Governor of the State and myself, the grant of land, above mentioned, is to be secured to me, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>fee simple<xsl-text></xsl-text>, on condition of my introducing a certain number of settlers, within a stated period. The contract stipulates for the introduction of <xsl-text></xsl-text>Two Hundred and Fifty<xsl-text></xsl-text>; but the terms are such, that, the settlement of one fifth part of that number will secure a large tract (in <xsl-text></xsl-text>fee simple<xsl-text></xsl-text>, as aforesaid,) fully adequate to their liberal accommodation:—and, on the other hand, when the full complement shall be settled, any number more, who may choose to locate themselves in places adjoining, will be furnished with lands, gratis, on application to the local state authorities. The government is, also, under an obligation to lay out a Town, at its own expense, in such place as I shall direct, and furnish every settler with one lot, <xsl-text></xsl-text>gratis<xsl-text></xsl-text>. In addition to this, I will give each one, on condition of settlement, a quantity of land sufficient for a good farm, be his occupation what it may. To a few capitalists, however, who will give employment to such of the settlers as may not be able to enter immediately into business on their own account, I will furnish as much land as they can occupy to any degree of advantage, in proportion to the amount of capital they will invest, and the number of persons they will thus employ. Should they, at any time, experience difficulty, in procuring laborers among the colonists, they can obtain them from the Mexican settlements, at fair wages. The colony will be located in a beautiful, healthy part of the country, contiguous to other settlements; and, of course, where no fears will be entertained, either of Indian depredations, or difficulty in obtaining provisions in its commencement. Good markets will, also, be near at hand, for all kinds of produce, when the colonists may have it to spare; and excellent roads may be made, with little or no expense of manual labor, for the transportation to those markets, or to places where there is every facility for steam boat navigation thither. The government of the country is, strictly, republican.—It is modelled very much after the plan of our own. The people are, emphatically, republican in sentiment:—and although they have but recently thrown off the shackles of a crushing despotism, they are rapidly advancing in knowledge, liberality, and retinement. By the laws of the State of Tamaulipas, the freedom of religious opinion is guarantied to all strangers, who may settle therein. And one article of my treaty with the government, is couched in these words:— 'ARTICLE 8TH.—<xsl-text></xsl-text>The colonists shall not be molested for their opinions, either political or religious; and the government obliges itself to respect and protect them, in the enjoyment of those opinions, provided they do not disturb the public order<xsl-text></xsl-text>.' Colonists are exempt from the payment of taxes, either to the State, or General Government, for the term of five years:—and they may take in with them, <xsl-text></xsl-text>for their own use<xsl-text></xsl-text>, articles for provisions, clothing, building materials, household furniture, implements of industry, and all kinds of machinery, for milling, manufacturing, &c. &c. <xsl-text></xsl-text>free of duty<xsl-text></xsl-text>. My principal object, in procuring the grant of land, and attempting the establishment of a colony, as aforesaid, has been, from the first, to afford an opportunity for the advocates of Universal Emancipation to <xsl-text></xsl-text>test the advantage of FREE LABOR, <xsl-text></xsl-text>on this continent<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in the culture of sugar, rice, cotton, &c. It is important that such experiments be made as near as possible to our slaveholding states, where those articles are produced; (both the laws, and the prejudices of the white inhabitants, forbid its being done, effectually, therein;) and the section of country that I have chosen, is the most suitable, for this purpose, of any that I have yet become acquainted with. Among several very respectable persons, who have already signified their willingness to embark in this very important and philanthropic enterprize, is a gentleman formerly of New-England, but now resident in the Mexican Republic. He is a man of excellent talents, very general intelligence, and strict integrity. He has been, himself, a sugar-planter, for many years, first in the State of Mississippi, and afterwards in Mexico. In the former place be employed slaves—in the latter free laborers:—and he states that, from his <xsl-text></xsl-text>personal knowledge<xsl-text></xsl-text>, the labor of free men, in the cultivation of the cane, is the <xsl-text></xsl-text>most profitable<xsl-text></xsl-text>. He further assures me, that there can be no rational doubt of the perfect success of the experiments, which I propose, if the business is properly conducted. This gentleman appears to take a deep interest in the cause of the abolition of slavery; and will join one or more of its friends, should it be desirable on their part, in cultivating and manufacturing sugar, in my colony, upon an extensive scale: The cotton, grown in this region, is of the finest quality; and the land is exceedingly well adapted to its cultivation. Rice, also, may be produced with the greatest ease, by any one acquainted with the proper mode of culture. There are, annually, two rainy seasons, and two dry. Two crops of corn, &c. are produced, within the year, on the same ground, if planted at the proper times. When the land can be irrigated, it will produce a regular succession of crops, without reference to seasons, as fast as they can be grown and harvested. The great advantages, therefore, to be derived from the amenity of the climate, &c. in amassing wealth, by the cultivation of the soil, (to say nothing of the breeding of stock, which requires no care, neither winter nor summer, further than to keep it domesticated,) must be obvious to every man of reason and reflection. And to this I may add, that the mildness and salubrity of the climate, in conjunction with the purity of the atmosphere, in the particular region alluded to, has restored the boon of health to many a northern invalid, who has placed himself within the pale of its renovating influence. In the admission of settlers, no distinction will be made on account of national ancestry, or color. Morality, industry, and general respectability, are the only requisites. As the great mass of the Mexican people are, themselves, a mixture of the native Indian, European, and African races, (an immense majority as dark colored as our mulattoes,) they freely admit <xsl-text></xsl-text>all <xsl-text></xsl-text>'strangers' to the rights of citizenship, and the full enjoyment of perfectly ' <xsl-text></xsl-text>equal<xsl-text></xsl-text>' privileges, immunities, &c. The establishment of such a colony, as I propose, will, therefore, in addition to the accomplishment of the primary object, above mentioned, probably pave the way for the emigration of many of our colored people, in the United States, who are unhappy in their present situation, and desirous to exchange it, for one where they may in <xsl-text></xsl-text>fact<xsl-text></xsl-text>, as well as in <xsl-text></xsl-text>name<xsl-text></xsl-text>, enjoy the rights of freemen; where the door of improvement is fairly open to them, and where every obstacle to the success of an honest emulation and an honorable ambition is entirely out of their way. The whole country will be open for their reception; and they may fix their residence in whatever part they choose. It will, also, be obvious to every man of intelligence, that the facility of emigration to Mexico, gives it the decided advantage over every other place, where the climate is suitable for those at the South, and to which their attention has yet been invited. Indeed, considerable numbers of them have already settled there, and are doing well. The journey may be wholly performed by land; or they can go part of the way by land, and part by the rivers, or the sea at their option. The colonists will be subject to the laws of the country, from the moment they enter it;—and no special regulations, for their government, are contemplated, further than what those laws prescribe, or what they shall, themselves, assist in making,—except, that perfect equality, political and social, will be enjoined on all, and the vending of ardent spirits will be totally prohibited. In concluding this address, I repeat, that the principal motive which has led me to engage in this enterprize, has been to furnish a convenient opportunity to test the value of free labor, in the production of sugar, &c. For more than sixteen years, I have used my humble endeavors to advocate the cause of Universal Emancipation, in general terms. Though I labored a long time, almost single-handed, a <xsl-text></xsl-text>host <xsl-text></xsl-text>of the talented and philanthropic of the land have, at length, stepped forth, and are now 'pleading,' manfully, in behalf of the suffering slave. Our opponents have so far abandoned the field of <xsl-text></xsl-text>argument<xsl-text></xsl-text>, as to admit the correctness of our reasoning, 'upon abstract principles.' But they stoutly deny that we have the ability to carry our maxims into <xsl-text></xsl-text>practical operation<xsl-text></xsl-text>. After a laborious, painful, and tedious exercise, in exploring a vast extent of country, and in negotiating with the constituted authorities thereof, I have succeeded in making the necessary preliminary arrangements, for a resort to the 'practical,' final, and hitherto <xsl-text></xsl-text>incontrovertible <xsl-text></xsl-text>argument, against the perpetuation of slavery. This kind of 'argument' has overthrown that horrible system in the British dominions, and <xsl-text></xsl-text>will, eventually, do it here<xsl-text></xsl-text>, if promptly applied. I, therefore, appeal to philanthropists, generally,—both men of wealth, and others who are enterprizing and industrious,—to come forward, and assist in <xsl-text></xsl-text>proving <xsl-text></xsl-text>the truth of the doctrines we have long maintained. Though other <xsl-text></xsl-text>means <xsl-text></xsl-text>to carry on operations are wanting, I have, now, <xsl-text></xsl-text>land <xsl-text></xsl-text>enough, <xsl-text></xsl-text>at their service<xsl-text></xsl-text>,—and I hope this appeal will not be made in vain. It is my intention to return to Mexico again, as soon as my business can be arranged for the purpose, and forthwith commence the establishment of my colony. I wish to engage from fifty to an hundred settlers, immediately, to accompany me thither, or to join me at Metamoras, a seaport town, on the Rio Bravo del Norte. A lively commercial business is carried on between that port and those of New-York and New-Orleans. Vessels are constantly going to and fro, and opportunities to obtain passage, by sea, are frequent. Should emigrants prefer going by land, they will proceed by way of Red River, in Louisiana, and through the Texas country. The proper seasons for their arrival in Mexico, are, the latter part of August, and the early part of January. To such as I can see, before going out, the particulars, relative to terms of settlement, &c. &c. will be fully communicated, and contracts will be made with them; which contracts will be guarantied by the State, when they enter it. Should any arrive in my absence, they can obtain information relative to my arrangements, by applying to <xsl-text></xsl-text>Richard Pearce<xsl-text></xsl-text>, Esq. my agent, at Matamoras, aforesaid. In the meantime, (until the first of August, ensuing,) Letters addressed to me at Philadelphia, <xsl-text></xsl-text>free of the expense of postage<xsl-text></xsl-text>, will be promptly attended to. Agencies will also soon be established in various parts of the United States, in order to facilitate the emigration; and the public will be notified thereof, from time to time, through the medium of newspapers to which I can have access. BENJAMIN LUNDY. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Nashville, <xsl-text></xsl-text>5 <xsl-text></xsl-text>th mo. (May) <xsl-text></xsl-text>11<xsl-text></xsl-text>th<xsl-text></xsl-text>, 1835. N.B. Editors of newspapers, and other periodicals, are generally and respectfully requested to give the above an insertion. B.L. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Benjamin Lundy Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.13.1835 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter from an English Gentleman to Gerrit Smith, Esq. Description An account of the resource Letter from an English Gentleman to Gerrit Smith, Esq. --- GERRIT SMITH: RESPECTED FRIEND: - I feel persuaded that a lengthened apology will not be required of me for this communication. I still feel anxious to observe proper courtesy, while I introduce myself (I hope not for notoriety) and my subject to thy attention. Although not American by birth, I have been long enough in this country, with a large family of children, to believe I am very much American by adoption, though now exclusively so, or I still think I can, without committing an act of treason against my adopted country, entertain the sentiment. "England, with all thy faults, I love thee still," I have for many years believed that my Anti-Slavery principles require me to desist from expending what little patronage I have to bestow upon dealers in slave grown produce, and have labored, in my feeble way, to spread "Free Labor" doctrine. I never supposed myself alone in this sentiment. I now find individuals here and there that have the same views; among these, I reckon my highly esteemed friend, Lewis Tappan, and others. I paid a visit to my friends in England in 1850. When their, I attended several meetings, and took a little part in some, at which Dr. Pennington of New York, was the principal speaker in favor of the free labor movement. I was delighted to find the movement so well approved by many that I conversed with, Joseph Sturge amongst them. Thou knows, probably better than I do, to what extent it is received at the present time in that a country, and the extent of the preparations now making to facilitate its more full development. I learn from good authority that there is ca considerable amount of free grown cotton produced in this country; there certainly is, in this country, too, an increasing demand for it when manufactured, and it seems folly to send it to Manchester to have it converted into clothes, while we have the ills suitable to the work here. I am much inclined to the belief that could the scattered friends of this movement be brought under proper organization, and concentration of their efforts and friends, a large amount of free labor cotton could be procured and the demand increased. Thou knows that individuals, as such, can do but little; that to effect anything of moment, we must have the organization and concentration of our peaceful forces, which may be done, I apprehend, without opening our influence, politically or ecclesiastically. I have been invited to address my neighbors on this subject, which I purpose doing, as soon as I can get the statistical information I am in search of. I can avail myself of the assistance of the "Non-slaveholder," and occasional hints in other newspapers. I am glad to find the "Wesleyan,' is taking up the subject. Fact sand arguments weigh most with some people; with others, the authority of a name is more regarded. J. Wesley Loguen, from Syracuse, has been in this neighborhood, collecting funds of the underground railroad. He informs me that the slaves friend, Gerrit Smith, is a consistent advocate of the Anti-Slavery- enterprise, and assured me I could get his, the approval of our movements, as well as some statistical information of value to us and advised me to write thee, as I now doing. I have seen rice and cotton growing by the aid of free abolitionist in the south eastern counties of Virginia; and, as Napoleon Bonaparte said he could march an army where two men could walk abreast, I cannot see why the little cannot be converted into much, by proper management. Allow me to press upon thy consideration the propriety of our organizing as "The American Free Produce Association;" of holding a Convention during the fall or winter, at some convenient locality. Let us have a demonstration that there is dome "resolution in our resolves," to have no Union with slaveholders, politically, ecclesiastically or commercially. It thou would counsel me in relation to this, I shall esteem in a great favor; and I trust that however feebly I may use it, it will to be productive of harm to any one engaged in a lawful occupation. Waiting thy reply, I am, with high regard, thy friend, HENRY MILES. MONKTON, Vermont, 9th month, 12th, 1853. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Henry Miles Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Frederick Douglass' Paper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.30.1853 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Adam Arator to the Editor of the Liberator Description An account of the resource ADAM ARATOR TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIBERATOR. Well, sir, that night after the squire was at our house, I say awake a good hour, which is what a farmer don't often do, for sleep comes as easy and soft upon us as the night dews upon our tender plants, and is as necessary to us, and we are all wilted up in the morning if we don't get it, just as our plants would be without the dews. I turned the whole matter over in my mind as thoroughly as my new fashioned plough does my land. Why here's my farm, thought I, brings me in so much a year by selling the produce, and this is what I count on for my profits. Supposing now I could not sell any of it, because people thought I managed my farm so that I did not come by my stuff honestly. Supposing it was my neighbors only, who knew always, that thought so, and that I could sell my produce by trading farther off. Still I should like to have a good name among my neighbors, and a handy market for my stuff, and should set to thinking how I could manage my farm so as to bring this about, and not have my neighbors so shy of trading with me. Now this is what I should do, even if I knew all the time I'd been acting like a thief, which it's a tough matter for me to suppose of myself. But supposing I'd been under a delusion like as some people think the slaveholders are, and had not known justly that I was acting like a dishonest man; I think it would rouse me up pretty quick, to hear there was a set of men, if there were ever so few of them, who thought I was not honest enough to be traded with; and I guess my eyes would soon be as clear as theirs. So who knows but what our giving up using the slave-raised things would set some of the slaveholders upon looking into their ways and finding out that they were wrong, if they saw it was not done out of spite, but for honesty's sake; for it's no great matter to reckon upon, that there are some as honest men as I among them. If there are not, it shows slavery to be a worse canker worm than I thought it, eating away the very life of the soul. Then, sir, I turned it another way.—Supposing that Tim Bennet should come along tomorrow with a good yoke of oxen (which was what I just then happened to be in want of.) Now Tim is the cattle cheat of the county, though he's so sly, the law can't get hold of him. Cheating in cattle is his trade, just as cheating the poor slaves out of their earnings is the slaveholder's trade. Supposing I knew he'd cheated a poor widow out of this very pair of oxen. Shall I trade with him, and so share the profits of his cheating, and encourage him to do the same thing again? If I do, it is not for me to call him cheat. No, Tim, I shall go without the oxen if I can't get any that have been honestly come by. You need not tell me other folks will buy if I don't,—more shame for them,—but that's no reason I should dabble in any such dirty work. Now, sir, this is just the way the free states stand with the slaveholders, buying up their crops, and doing all we can to make their slaveholding profitable to them. Come, John, said I the next day, get the last census and let us figure it out, and see how many of us there are, who are pretending to think slavery's wrong, and yet doing our best to keep it up. So, sir; we began at Maine, and went through all the free states, and counted up all the people, and found there was rising seven millions. Now, John, said I, make them that don't know a squash from a pumpkin believe that seven million people's eating and wearing slave-raised produce has nothing to do with keeping up slavery. 'Clear then,' said John, 'as a demonstration in Euclid, that each one that uses slave productions does his seven millionth part; and little though it may be,' said he, jumping up, 'if it was but a <xsl-text></xsl-text>trillionth <xsl-text></xsl-text>part, father, I'd have nothing to do with such deviltry.' A true word to use, John, said I, though it may sound rather hard to some folks; but slaveholding is as much deviltry as any thing on this earth can be, and not a cent of my money goes to keep it up any longer, let us live how we may. Oh, my dear husband, said my wife, when we feel the want of any of the things we have been used to, let us remember how much harder it is for the poor slaves never to have any of them, though it was their own hard labor which raised them, than it is for us who have so many comforts left. This was no argument to be sure, sir, but its woman's way to talk, and seems pretty like. 'Well, wife, you're a kind soul to make it all so easy, but it will make a great stir among so many hired men as we've got about us, that won't feel our scruples, and won't like to go without some of the good things. How shall we do without molasses for our beer?' You must know, sir, I never have any kind of spirit drank by my men, nor cider neither, which is next door for headiness, but always gave them a weak sort of beer, pretty strong of the molasses as I reckon that's wholesome. So here was a quandary to be in, and just coming on haying time too. But Ned Grew thought about it as soon as I did, indeed sooner, for ever since that time my Nancy made such a fool of me at the dinner table, he's left off drinking beer and takes milk and water for his drink, and he named it to the men all about my notions, and recommended the milk and water to them. So they all fell in with it, knowing it was not stinginess in me, and soon got to like it just as well as the beer, and said it was more supporting; and never did I see a set of men swing the scythe smarter. They that could not bear the milk, never grumbled, but contented themselves with water; and it soon got to be a standing joke among them that Adam's ale was as good any day as ever Adam's beer was. You remember, sir, that my name's Adam, for I did not end off my letter to you just with two or three big letters as if I wanted to teach you your alphabet. No, no, none of your A.A's or B.B's for a man that never did any thing to make him ashamed of his own name. But to go straight on, wife managed so well that we seemed to get along as comfortable as ever as to eatables. To be sure, the little ones wished for a pie now and then, which I hope they'll soon have, for my neighbor Jones talks of tapping his young maples this year, and then we shall be as well off for sweetening as ever, for he's as honest a man as any body would wish to trade with. My piece of flax too has turned to very good account, for my wife and the girls have set to spinning and weaving again as brisk as ever, which they have not done much lately, since cotton's been so cheap; so that all they seem to care for now is something a little smart for outside wear; and as the accounts in your paper about cotton have seemed to be very encouraging, I hope to see my folks dressed as smart as ever before long. A proud day it would be to wife if she could get a gown, made from cotton raised by free labor in this country. If you should hear of any such cotton to be sold in Boston, do just put it into your paper, for I believe wife would go to the city for it, herself, which she has not done these ten years. But if it is not to be got, she'll content herself without it, and there is not one of my folks, that would not scorn to buy slave-raised things which they would count the same as stealing. I suppose the down shore people must be put to worse straights than we are, for I reckon there are no set of people that have the means of living comfortable within themselves more than a New-England farmer and his family. And seeing we are not in the way of doing any great things for the slaves, I think it would be a good notion for all my brother farmers to see what we can do by setting the example of being among the first to quit sharing in the fruits of oppression. And it's mighty comfortable to look round on a rising family, and know that they are all innocent of any share in this great sin of the nation. Who knows what the New-England farmers might do if they'd set about it? for we are not such nobodys as the city folks think. Well, sir, I've told my long story, and I wish you success in all your doings, and I don't doubt you'll have a good harvest. Never be sparing of your seed; if the first sowing don't spring, cast in more, and you may get something from the most unpromising. A lucky shower, or lucky sunshine, may give a start to seed in a spot where you looked for nothing. We call it lucky, sir, but I reckon you are not one who forgets who it is that sends the rain and the sunshine; and if we do our part to pick out good seed, never fear that any of them will be lost, if any good is to come from their sprouting. I keep getting into this figuring way, but I guess you'll understand, for it seems to start up to my mind as quick as white clover does on a piece of new cleared land; they're both natural to the soil I reckon. I got my college lad to look over my letter and see if he could trim it up a little. But he says 'no further, translating would spoil it.' I suppose John thinks of translating as I do of transplanting, that it requires a pretty nice hand to do it, or else the plant is spoiled. So I send it without any trimming. ADAM ARATOR. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.21.1831 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Adam Arator Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Convention of American Women Description An account of the resource CONVENTION OF AMERICAN WOMEN. PUTNEY, (Vt.) April 27th, 1838. MR. GARRISON: Permit me, sir, through the medium of the Liberator, to address a few words to my fair country-women, who are soon to convene at Philadelphia. Though far remote in the country, I am permitted to read and hear all the movements that are making to elevate the condition of my own sex, in various ways, though more especially those who are now suffering under southern slaveholders. What I have to say, has been suggested to me by noticing the efforts that are making to promote the use of free labor, and by witnessing the great want of employment that is now experienced by a large class of females in this section of the country. For several years past, the braiding of palm-leaf for men's hats, has given employment to a prodigious number of female hands; and it is almost incredible the amount that was earned, and the alacrity with which this opportunity was seized, to supply themselves not only with the necessaries of life, but with many of its comforts and superfluities. Of course, the market is now overstocked, and they are compelled, as it were, comparatively, to stand 'all the day idle.' I would therefore throw in my petition, and ask whether something cannot be done, by encouraging the working of palm-leaf into ladies' hats or bonnets? They can be wrought with great fineness and precision, and into any shape or fashion. Of the money that would thus be earned, there can be no doubt but some part of it would find its way into the treasury of the Lord, as it would enable many who would gladly cast in their mite, but now find it quite impossible. I am well aware, however, that no movement in our favor can in reality better our condition, while the present rage for dress and devotion to fashion continues-to have its sway over us; There is a slavery and a mischief in this thing not much inferior, in its effects, to the slave trade, and as much calls for benevolent exertion. And is it not some object to remove the great guilt that now separates the rich and the poor? Can the war of God be done upon earth, as it is done in heaven, till we feel that we have 'all one Father,' and the rich and the poor meet together'? To encourage industry in the lower classes of society, and at the same time to give your example and influence to simplicity of dress, by using our own, as much as possible, instead of foreign fabrics, must be an object worthy the attention of your Convention. Though I shall not be present on this occasion, my spirit will be with you, and I shall look to it with great interest, as indicating the approach of the latter day glory' and as preparatory to the fulfilment of the promise which has never yet received its full accomplishment—The seed of the woman shall bruise the serpent's head. P. NOYES. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.4.1838 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource P. Noyes