4 10 136 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Sugar Description An account of the resource Free Sugar.--It is expected that the Saluda, which has just sailed for Liberia, with emigrants and merchandise, will bring with her, on her return, some twenty or thirty hogsheads of sugar. We anticipate this cargo with the more pleasure, as it will afford the Abolitionists an opportunity of encouraging free, black labor. -African Repository. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator, reprinted from African Repository Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.13.1839 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Debate on the Sugar Duty Description An account of the resource The following remarks were made in the House of Representatives on the 5th inst.: Mr. Taylor, of Louisiana, regretted that the House was called upon to decide upon the dangerous questions involved in this bill in a manner far too hasty for safety. He referred to the past legislation of Congress upon the subject of the tariff, and showed that the greatest increase in the production of sugar had taken place in Louisiana and Cuba, and that its greatest increase of consumption was in Great Britain and the United States. Gentlemen had said that the production of sugar In the country was not equal to his consumption; but it was his opinion that if they were well acquainted with its cultivation they would think that it was just as likely to meet the demand as any branch of manufacture. Mr. Colfax, of Indiana, spoke in favor of free sugar; and while thanking the Majority of the Ways and Means Committee for allowing him argue for the sugar consumers before them while preparing their tariff, and for the reduction they propose to t-n percent., urged that the change should not be a partial, but an entire one. He intended that the sugar duly was not needed for revenue purposes, the treasury being already overflowing; mid that as a practical experiment, having been tried for sixty years, it had utterly failed, the crop having virtually run out. He argued that one eighth of the whole tariff receipts last year were collected from sugar and molasses, making twenty five millions of consumers pay a lax as needless as oppressive; that the total horns product was not one-sixth of the consumption; that New Orleans itself imported twenty-five million pounds of foreign sugar last year, and Baltimore forty-three millions; that the whole crop of the country was insufficient to supply the farmers of the Mississippi Valley alone, leaving the remainder of the whole country to draw their supply from abroad; that more duty had been paid on imported sugar last year than the whole amount raised in this country would have cost at Havana, and that it would therefore have been a saving to have repealed the tax and given the whole amount as a bounty to the sugar planters to consent to the repeal, that if the Chinese sugar cane recently introduced proved half as valuable as is claimed for it, sugar would not need protection any more than corn or cord wood. He expressed th opinion that if the question of free sugar was submitted to the voters of every Congressional district in the Union, not twenty out of 234 would vote no. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Weekly Vincennes Gazette Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.18.1857 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Juvenile Department. Aunt Margery's Talk With the Young Folks. Description An account of the resource JUVENILE DEPARTMENT. <xsl-text></xsl-text> For the Liberator.<xsl-text></xsl-text> AUNT MARGERY'S TALK WITH THE YOUNG FOLKS. FIRST EVENING. Go fetch my spectacles, Georgy, and let me look at these pictures you have been talking so much about. Ah, they are about the poor slaves! When I was a child, I never saw any thing of this kind. Look, aunt, how frightened the poor things look, as that ugly cross man. comes among them with his great whip. Oh if I was only a man, and where they are, how I would like to give it to him over his own shoulders! and I would too, if he didn't quit when I told him to. O George, that would not be right, said a little girl about two years older than himself; besides, It would very likely make him angry, and he might whip the slave a great deal harder when you were gone. <xsl-text></xsl-text>George. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Yes, but I wouldn't let him; I would break his whip all to pieces. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Aunt M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>But I will tell you, little George, and Catharine too, how you can help the slaves much better now while you are a child, than by fancying what you would do if you were a man. <xsl-text></xsl-text>G. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Can you, aunt? oh how glad we shall be to know that! <xsl-text></xsl-text>Aunt M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Well then, you know, do you not, that it is to work for the whites that so many of the colored people are kept in slavery? <xsl-text></xsl-text>G. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Yes, Aunt. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Aunt M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>But did you ever think about their having to work for you? <xsl-text></xsl-text>G. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Why no, aunt; we never saw any slaves. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Aunt M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>But they work for you, for all that; But it is such a little while since you knew or cared about the slaves, that I expected you had never thought of it. What were you eating, Catharine, when you came from school this evening? <xsl-text></xsl-text>C. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Molasses candy, aunt, and George had mint-stick. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Aunt M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>And don't you know that the molasses and the sugar were made by slaves? <xsl-text></xsl-text>C. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Yes, aunt, I did know, but I had forgotten it then. Then you mean, I suppose, that the slaves work for us when we use any thing that they raise, and we use sugar every day, so that I am afraid they work for us a great deal. But I never saw you eat any sugar, or any thing with it in, except when another told you it was free sugar . I did not know till the other day what she meant by that, or why you eat no sugar. But the free sugar is not made by slaves. I wonder every body does not use that sort—I mean except the people who keep slaves. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Aunt M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>There are many persons, my dear, who cannot get free sugar so conveniently as the other kind. There is a much greater quantity raised by slaves than by free people; and many persons who have been accustomed all their lives to use it, do not think enough about the way in which it is made to be willing to do without it, or to take much trouble to procure such as is free. But it is only because people will buy what is raised by slaves, that slavery is continued; if they would not do so, nobody would want to hold slaves, because it would not be profitable. Little children can help some in this way to get the slaves made free, and when they grow older they can help much more and in many other ways. And every person who will use no more than can be helped of any thing that is made by the labor of slaves, will, very likely, be the means of inducing some-others to do the same; and these other people will get their friends to think as they do, so that one person may in the manner be the means of twenty or fifty becoming the friends of the poor ill-used slave. <xsl-text></xsl-text>C. <xsl-text></xsl-text>What else do the slaves raise, aunt, besides sugar? <xsl-text></xsl-text>Aunt M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Cotton, rice, ginger, pepper, coffee, and several other things are raised by slave labor. But there is much coffee raised also by free people that which is brought from the island of Java, and from St. Domingo or Hayti, and some other places, is raised by free people. Cotton, rice and sugar are raised in the United States by slaves, but much sugar is brought from the West Indies. The labor of cultivating sugar, and rice also, in the way they are managed on the slave plantations, is very severe and both of them are things that people can do without. Children do not buy their own clothes, and therefore must wear whatever their parents please to provide them with. But they can do without sugar and rice pudding if they will. They need not spend their money for sweet things unless they choose, and when they are at their meals they can tell their parents they had rather not eat anything that is raised by the slaves. A little friend of mine, who is about six years old, came to me a few weeks ago, after hearing the story of 'An Evening at Home' read from the 'Liberator,' to ask me to tell her more about the poor slave people. I did so; and when she went to her tea that evening. I heard her say, 'Mother, I don't want you to put any sugar in my tea; I had rather have it without, because the sugar was made by slaves.' And her mother did not give her any. You can do so too; and if you say, 'if you please, mother,' I do not think your mother will be offended with you, though she does not herself like to go without sugar for the sake of the slaves. And now we must go down stairs, for ten is ready. <xsl-text></xsl-text>C. <xsl-text></xsl-text>But you will talk to us some more to-marrow evening, when we come home from school, will you not, aunt Margery? Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.21.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Communication. Free Sugar and Molasses Description An account of the resource (COMMUNICATION.) FREE SUGAR AND MOLASSES. The patrons of the Liberator, who are accustomed to think and write, are respectfully requested to consider what would be the probable consequences to the West India sugar plantations, if every town in New-England could show one or more establishments like that mentioned below. We have been informed that in the neighborhood of Jaffery, N.H., there are now erecting works for preparing on a large scale, <xsl-text></xsl-text>sugar and molasses from potatoes, <xsl-text></xsl-text>which are worth on the spot 17 cents per bushel. It is calculated that after paying for the potatoes and the expense, a nett profit of 20 <xsl-text></xsl-text>cents per bushel will be made. <xsl-text></xsl-text>A bushel will yield 7 lbs. of Sugar. For further particulars, see Silliman's Journal, the last number issued, where the process for making Sugar of potatoes is detailed. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.31.1832 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cases of Conscience Description An account of the resource <div> The Pennsylvania Freeman gives us a gentle h[?] for having so dull a conscience respecting the use of slave labor produce. It copies an item from a late No. of the Christian, and glances an arrow at us, as will be seen below. REFORMATORY.—The Editor of the Christian Freeman has been asked, on a case of conscience, whether it would be right for a strict temperance man to sell timber to a cooper to make up into rum casks. The Editor says he has not 'instinctive discernment' enough to decide so nice a point. We should think a plain NO was the-only tolerable answer. A man who well sell grain to be distilled into intoxicating liquor, or timber to encask it, fails to discountenance intemperance 'in all suitable ways.'— <xsl-text></xsl-text>Practical Christian.<xsl-text></xsl-text> The Practical Christian decides that point without any hesitation. One would think it quite as easy to say No, to the question, is it right for abolitionists to pay the slaveholder the price of the products of his stolen labor, because they are a little cheaper than the products of honest industry. Yet our good friend Ballou lacks the 'instinctive discernment' to answer this. Why can he not see as clearly the wrong of this connection with sin, as in the case he names? Surely it is quite as direct, and abstinence from it as practicable. Cannot our Free Produce friends discriminate correctly, or is the obfuscation all in <xsl-text></xsl-text>our <xsl-text></xsl-text>mental vision? We could not sell stave timber to work up into rum casks, or our grain to be manufactured into whiskey. Why? Because these uses of our stave timber and grain are <xsl-text></xsl-text>evil<xsl-text></xsl-text>, SINFUL; and we cannot be innocent in knowingly selling useful substances for sinful purposes. But the distiller has some old rejected liquor casks, which are suitable for keeping soap. We need casks for that purpose, which is a good purpose, and these are much cheaper than new ones. So we go and purchase his old ruin casks for soap barrels. We testify faithfully against his sinful business, and tell him that while we can sell him nothing to make a <xsl-text></xsl-text>bad <xsl-text></xsl-text>use of, we can sell to him or buy of him anything to make a <xsl-text></xsl-text>good <xsl-text></xsl-text>use of. We are inconsistent, are we? If we cannot furnish him for money our stave timber and grain to pervert to sinful uses, we cannot buy his rejected liquor casks to put to a <xsl-text></xsl-text>good <xsl-text></xsl-text>use! We do not understand such logic. Again; we cannot sell ship timber to build a known slaver, nor help kidnap slaves, nor furnish articles to be worked into slave whips, branding irons, torture collars and hand cuffs, nor recognize a slaveholder as a suitable member in the Christian Church, or in a republican State. But, says brother Free Producer, 'you can purchase and use cotton cloth manufactured out of cotton raised by slave labor! You have no scruples of conscience against this!' No. If we can buy it as an out-spoken anti-slavery man, without compromise or concealment, we have no scruples against doing so. It is a good thing, which we need for a good use, and which we obtain without abating or suppressing our testimony against slavery, or cotton mill oppression. 'But you know that the cotton was raised by slaveholders, by means of slave labor.' Yes, and we know that it was manufactured into cloth without paying all the operatives a full equivalent for their labor. Shall we therefore scruple to buy and use it for a good purpose? 'But you thereby and others in enriching the wicked cotton grower, and so confirm him in slave-holding.' Shall we not do the same thing if we trade at all with people who trade with slave-holders? Why not? We buy broadcloth which was paid for in England with southern cotton. The slaveholder sold his cotton to a trader, who took it to Liverpool, and exchanged it for broadcloth. He brought the broadcloth to Boston, whence it came to Milford, where we buy a piece of it for a new coal. In this case we do not enrich and encourage the slaveholder, do we? A slave-holder swaps a slave for four horses, or for ten silver watches, or for five bales of linen goods. Now we may innocently buy one of these horses, watches, or a bale of linen goods; but if we buy a cotton shirt, or a pint of rice, or a pound of sugar, we buy <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods<xsl-text></xsl-text>, and as a partaker are guilty with the slaveholder of the great transgression. We confess we do not see how men and women of sense can reason in this way. We respect their tenderness of conscience, but we cannot respect their logic. If the fault is in our own head or heart, Heaven grant us a speedy deliverance. We want to go all lengths with a right conscience. But we do not believe a thoroughly enlightened conscience ever quarrels with a thoroughly enlightened reason. Brother Freeman, if we are wild and inconsistent, do not let us off without due correction. </div> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12.1.1848 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ladies' Department. DIALOGUE. No. II Description An account of the resource LADIES' DEPARTMENT. For the Liberator. <xsl-text></xsl-text>DIALOGUE. No. II. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Ella. <xsl-text></xsl-text>It would have reflected greater creditors Pennsylvania, if, instead of countenancing a bill introduced into the State Legislature, for the removal of free persons of color, a liberal appropriation had been made for procuring raw cotton, cultivated by freemen; and establishing a manufactory for that description of cotton, to the exclusion of all other;—also for the offering of premiums for free rice, sugar, &c.; this would have been going forward and foremost, as Pennsylvania always should. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Anna. <xsl-text></xsl-text>How patriotic! Surely the forests of Pennsylvania must be congenial to the growth of female lawgivers. As for the appropriation, men may settle that; I meddle not with legislation; but seriously, does Ella really think, that her self-denial will effect the emancipation of one slave? will cause less sugar to be made, less cotton and rice grown? I admit, that if the whole United States were to adopt the plan, some good might be done; but what beneficial effect can be produced by the efforts of a few in Philadelphia, in Chester County, and New-York, is I confess beyond my comprehension. <xsl-text></xsl-text>E. <xsl-text></xsl-text>I am in a mood too serious, Anna, to feel sarcasm, much less return it. Were I possessed of the positive knowledge that my abstinence would not cause the least diminution is the toil of the slave, nor hasten his liberation; that would not justify me in evil doing. If slavery in the abstract is wrong, (and that we none deny,) it is certainly wrong in any way to countenance, or support the system. Which of us would tell the drunkard that ardent spirits will debase his mind, and destroy his constitution, but his becoming temperate cannot cause the distillation of one gallon less of spirits, and therefore, unless the whole community would at once refrain from using it, he may as well indulge his love of strong drink; the one that would hold such language to a drunkard, may with impunity advance similar to an abolitionist:—every thing must have a commencement my dear Anna, look back only a few years when abstinence was counted a strange thing, when a proposition to have formed a 'Free Produce Society' would have been regarded as the fantasy of a disordered imagination. We do not know but that the little leaven hid in Philadelphia, may continue to increase, until public opinion be completely revolutionized, and not a defendant of the atrocious system be found in the Union. <xsl-text></xsl-text>A. <xsl-text></xsl-text>I should rejoice at the annihilation of slavery, provided the lives of the white inhabitants might not he endangered thereby—but if the slaves ever are emancipated it must be through legislative interference, and that should not concern us, as the enactment of laws belong only to men. I would not endeavor to dissuade my friend from attending to apprehended duty, but would have her guard against cherishing an enthusiastic zeal that may cause her to forget the sphere in which we move, is circumscribed, 'Or deviate from the course decreed, That woman should pursue.' <xsl-text></xsl-text>M. <xsl-text></xsl-text>On my brother's plantation I know the slaves are better off than the free colored population of this state. The life of a slave is not so wretched, his wants are provided for, and he is contented. <xsl-text></xsl-text>E. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Oh! Mary, say not so! tell me not that a man deprived of his liberty can be contented, can be other than miserably wretched. I doubt not but G----- uses his slaves more humanely than many Virginia planters, but while he refuses to restore to them their just rights, (excuse me Mary,) he stands on a level with W-----k the notorious dealer in live stock in a neighboring city. And while we contend for the manumission of the slave, we forget not that the free man of color is disfranchised of his right as an American citizen, without even the imputation of a fault. Thanks, Anna, for the caution,—far from me be fanaticism, but further still, a callous indifference to the misery that surrounds me, to scenes of woe, though distant, always near. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Elizabeth. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Though silent, I have not been inattentive to your conversation; it is therefore with reluctance that I interrupt by reminding you of the hour, perhaps I may have the pleasure of meeting you again. BERA. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9.15.1832 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bera Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Strange Occurence Description An account of the resource The following communications are from a source upon which we place great confidence. If the statement be true, relative to the body found in the hogshead of molasses, speculation will be busy in deciding upon the mode and intent of its incarceration. A gentleman of this city informs us, that, in 1816, he saw a human head taken from a hogshead. of molasses on one of our wharves, probably belonging to a slave who had been murdered by his owner or overseer. While we resided in Baltimore, a lady found the finger of a colored person in her sugar dish, an engraving of which was made for the Genius of Universal Emancipation. What horrors cluster around the slave system! <xsl-text></xsl-text>For the Liberator<xsl-text></xsl-text>. A STRANGE OCCURRENCE. There was lately sold, by a merchant in this city, to a gentleman in Bristol, Ct. a hogshead of molasses, which, on opening, was found to contain <xsl-text></xsl-text>the <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>body of a colored man!! <xsl-text></xsl-text>— but how he got therein, no account is given. To our surprise, they are trying to keep it a secret in this city. We therefore leave you to make such comments on this singular affair as you may think proper; but, in our opinion, it is a murder most foul. We think that this will be a pertinent text for the advocates of Free Produce. <xsl-text></xsl-text>Hartford, July <xsl-text></xsl-text>21, 1831. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.30.1831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abstinence from Slave-Grown Produce Description An account of the resource ABSTINENCE FROM SLAVE-GROWN PRODUCE.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Adin Ballou, of Hopedale, thus handles the Free-Produce question, in the Practical Christian: In another column will be found a communication from Charles Cadwallader, calling our attention, and that of the Hopedale Community, to the question of duty in respect to the consumption of slave-grown productions. He refers us to our Declaration of acknowledged duties, and invites us to consider whether we are not aiding and abetting slavery and the slave-trade by purchasing for our use the various articles of slave production. It is very surprising to our Pennsylvania friends, and those generally who are scrupulously conscientious against the use of slave-grown produce, that so many of the New England Abolitionists remain comparatively indifferent, to this matter. It seems to them that we are partaking in the sin of slaveholding by purchasing and consuming the articles they iniquitously force their slaves to produce, and that we are strangely blind not to see it. On our part we sincerely respect their scruples of conscience, and above all their fidelity to those scruples, and yet have been unable to perceive, with our degree of intellectual and moral light, the forcible reasons, or to feel the moral convictions they do against using the produce in question. This may be owing to obtuseness of judgment, or obliquity of moral sentiment, and therefore we are admonished to examine the subject, and to search ourselves more thoroughly, that we may be sure of our duty in the matter. Nothing is more common than for men, in the main intelligent and conscientious, to overlook or disregard the nicer applications of their acknowledged moral obligations. It is astonishing how blind and mistaken good men sometimes are with respect to particular duties. Considering these things, we welcome friend Cadwallader's communication, and desire with open convictions to state our views of the subject he presents. We think we may venture to say that the members of the Hopedale Community would generally abandon the use of slave-grown produce, if they should be rationally convinced it was their duty. We are now sufficiently convinced that it would be sinful in us to unite with slaveholders religiously, politically, or socially; i. e. in <xsl-text></xsl-text>Church<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>State<xsl-text></xsl-text>, in <xsl-text></xsl-text>community<xsl-text></xsl-text>, or in <xsl-text></xsl-text>marriage<xsl-text></xsl-text>. We are also convinced that it would be sinful in us to sell anything to them, or buy anything of them <xsl-text></xsl-text>peculiarly <xsl-text></xsl-text>belonging to the system or state of slavery as such; i. e. any article which would not be equally proper and useful in a state of freedom as in a state of slavery. We are furthermore fully convinced that it would be sinful in us to trade or hold any intercourse, however innocent in itself, with slaveholders, the express condition, or legitimate tendency of which, under the circumstances, should be to render us dumb on the subject of slavery, or to indispose us to testify against it. If we could not trade with slaveholders in articles suitable to a state of freedom, or could not preach, or teach school, or practice medicine, or publish books and papers for them without being <xsl-text></xsl-text>obliged <xsl-text></xsl-text>to be silent concerning the sin of Slavery, or to wink at the wickedness of it, we should be bound to keep utterly aloof from all such dealings and intercourse with them. This duty is founded on a principle of universal application—viz: that we are never to compromise with obvious evil doing. That there is a vast deal of mercantile and other intercourse with slaveholders which is maintained by a sacrifice of principle, for the sake of temporal advantage, is lamentably true. Men and women from the North every year seek their fortune at the South, consenting to be gagged for the time on the subject of Slavery, or insensibly yielding to the expediency of smoothing down their testimony against it. We can see that this is sinful—that it is even <xsl-text></xsl-text>basely <xsl-text></xsl-text>sinful. Now if it can be shown that the ordinary use of cotton, rice, molasses, sugar, wheat, flour, Indian corn, &c. by persons who on that account feel under no restraint, or temptation to refrain from a manly testimony against Slavery, is <xsl-text></xsl-text>also sinful <xsl-text></xsl-text>, we shall feel bound to abstain therefrom at once and forever.—These articles are all good in themselves. Nature originated them for the use of man. She shines upon and moistens, expands and matures them even when their planting and growth are attended by the lash-driven slave. Does the wrong inflicted on the slave, who aids their growth and preparation, so vitiate them that whatever consumes them necessarily becomes implicated in the sin of the slaveholder? We do not see this to be a rational conclusion. The consumers of whom we are now speaking had no participation in stealing the slave from his native land. They have no participation in holding him a slave—none in justifying the master—none in withholding rebuke for the wrong done by him. They use these articles of sustenance and comfort just as they would do, if they had been grown only by freemen —without the least consciousness of any occasion or temptation to favour slaveholding on account of what they thus eat and wear. How then do they sin? Certainly not in their <xsl-text></xsl-text>consciousness <xsl-text></xsl-text>of wrong, nor in their <xsl-text></xsl-text>intentions <xsl-text></xsl-text>. Wherein consists their <xsl-text></xsl-text>wrong? <xsl-text></xsl-text>It is said they are partakers of stolen goods, and are therefore as bad as the thief. Is God a partaker with the man-thief because he gives cotton-seed, earth, sunshine and rain, without which the slave would be of no use to him? And may we not consume what God helps wicked men produce, when the thing produced is in itself good? No, (say our brethren,) if you <xsl-text></xsl-text>do <xsl-text></xsl-text>you are joined in guilt with the man-stealer, the slave-trader, the slaveholder and the slave-driver. You <xsl-text></xsl-text>receive <xsl-text></xsl-text>and <xsl-text></xsl-text>reward <xsl-text></xsl-text>them <xsl-text></xsl-text>for <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods. But the goods are not <xsl-text></xsl-text>stolen goods <xsl-text></xsl-text>, in the proper sense of terms. Is a bushel of wheat to be considered stolen goods because a man raised it by the help of a stolen horse? If so every article produced by instruments unjustly acquired or used becomes contaminated. If I purchase a stolen horse, knowing it to have been stolen, I am guilty with the original thief. But suppose the original thief uses that stolen horse to raise a field of corn, of which I buy five bushels for a laudable use in my family, am I then guilty? Or does the sin lie in trading with the thief at all? Or does it lie in affording him means of sustaining himself and family? If so, the principle carried out would forbid us to trade with a known sinner at all, even in a thing in itself innocent. Or is this the point—that knowing a man to be a horse thief, and to be a justifier of horse theft in general, and also to be raising produce with stolen horses only, I should certainly be an a better of his sin, if, in addition to a faithful rebuke, I did not refuse to make use of the articles raised by such means? It is narrowed down then to this,—that I could not buy and consume the productions of such a man without giving a moral sanction to his deliberate and systematic theft. If this be a correct view of the case, it would of course apply to the man-thief with inconceivably greater force. But if we may take this course with the slaveholder, ought we not to take it with all other sinners? Or can we fix such limits to it as to demonstrate that the <xsl-text></xsl-text>principle <xsl-text></xsl-text>is of just and rational application to easily conceived cases? We invite friend Cadwallader to write again and define the nature and extent of the principle involved in the duty he urges. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.7.1847 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Labor Goods. Description An account of the resource Communications.<xsl-text></xsl-text> Free Labour Goods. COLLINS, 10th-mo. 1846. It has long been the sentiment of my mind, that it is wrong for us willingly and knowingly, to aid in supporting any cause, the effects of which produce sin and misery. That Slavery is the cause of much, <xsl-text></xsl-text>very <xsl-text></xsl-text>much misery and distress, perhaps no one will pretend to deny; and that even <xsl-text></xsl-text>some <xsl-text></xsl-text>of the <xsl-text></xsl-text>Abolitionists <xsl-text></xsl-text>are supporting, this cause, by trafficking in, and consuming slave-earned goods. It seems inconsistent with reason, that we should pray for the of we are maintaining, by constantly dropping weights in the scale which we fain would raise. Let us withhold the weights, and the scales will soon come to an equilibrium, when a little would weigh down our scale. But as future events are hid from us, so that we cannot always determine the issue of any course which we may pursue, it is necessary that our reason be directed by unerring wisdom, and that all our actions proceed from pure motives. Then we need not fear the result; for whatever evil may come in by and bye, we may rest assured does not proceed from any act of ours, but had its origin in another source. Have we not a sufficient number of Abolitionists deeply interested in the cause, who will establish a free produce market? Will they not appropriate a portion of the money which they are using for other branches, in this cause, to assist in bringing about such a trade? I think this would be the most effectual step towards freeing the blacks, that has yet been taken, if it could be judiciously managed. Let such individuals be selected to manage and oversee the business as may be confided in; such as feel their interests bound together with the interests of all others. Let them go to the Southern planters, and in the spirit of meekness and love, say to them: “We wish for some of your cotton, sugar, and rice, but we are fully determined not to traffic in <xsl-text></xsl-text>slave-earned <xsl-text></xsl-text>goods; therefore, if you will set your slaves at liberty, and hire them, we will purchase the produce of their labour, and pay you an extra price for it.” This might encourage some one to try the experiment of employing men, instead of slaves, and perhaps others might follow the example, induced by the prospect of a more ready market; and as there are already some free plantations, there could soon be a sufficient quantity of goods obtained to make a beginning. Then these articles might be kept by themselves and fitted for market. It has often been urged that we should be likely to be imposed upon, by having slave-earned goods presented to us instead of free goods. But I think a remedy for this might be found, by having the price of free goods stationed a cent or two at least lower on a pound of sugar, or a yard of cloth, than the market price of slave goods of the same quality. Some may think this would be doing too much; but let us pause and view the subject a little. This would be bearing only a small share of the burden which we, ourselves have been heaping upon the slaves, by being accessory with their masters, by buying and consuming what they have compelled the slaves to raise. No matter how many hands the goods come through; the consumer is the one for whom they are intended. Were there no consumers of slave goods, there would be none handed forth, consequently no slaves wanted. So that the sin of Slavery does not wholly rest upon the slaveholders, but in part upon the purchaser and consumers of the goods; who, for the sake of gain to themselves, have as it were, agreed with the slaveholders to cheat the slaves out of their hard-earned wages. They have done it in deed if not in word, until it would seem as if nearly all classes of community had become coworkers with the slaveholder. How can Abolitionists continue in this? Will they not overthrow this iniquitous trade by introducing the free trade as here proposed? If they would reserve a share of the money now devoted to the Anti-Slavery cause, for the purpose of procuring free goods, and keep back the money designed for buying slave goods, and turn that into the free scale also, this might enable them to give a price for free goods sufficiently high to encourage the slaveholder to produce free goods by changing his slaves into free men and women. And let it be remembered that each weight thus kept back and put into the free scale counts two, or weighs down as much as two on any other consideration. And should we not be willing to sacrifice a little time and money to recompense the slaves for the wrongs we have done them; and how can we do this in a better or more safe way. This would give them an opportunity to stay with their old masters, or choose new ones just as they could agree; and they would not be compelled to leave their state, town, or neighbourhood, to find their liberty at the risk of their lives, not knowing where to find friends, or daring to return to those they left behind. There are some individuals who are doing nearly without cotton goods, and others who are purchasing very reluctantly; and would be willing to be at more trouble and expense to procure free goods. Such as those would willingly contribute a little towards supporting a trade in free goods. There is another class who seem all unconscious of its being any crime to use the products of slave labour, but feel compelled to buy goods where they can get them cheapest. Doubtless such would take free goods, so that the free market would soon increase, and continue to increase, until it gained the whole trade.—Slave goods would then soon grow dull in market, for no one would wish to purchase them, as long as they could get free goods at a lower price. If there could be a channel like this, ever so small, once put in operation, with good, faithful attendance, it would soon deepen and widen. The immediate effect of this would be the undoing of the heavy burdens to let the oppressed go free; and at the same time assisting the poor people who are now almost compelled to purchase what is worse than stolen goods, though many of them are innocent of it because of their ignorance. Thus, many would become supporters in the Anti-Slavery cause unawares. I ask again, will not Abolitionists withhold their money from buying slave goods, and introduce it into the free trade. Some people seem to think because there are some few articles of slave labour which we cannot consistently discard the use of, that they may be excused for using the whole. The article of paper, for instance, we must have; but I do not consider that we are supporting Slavery, in the use of it, for no one buys cloth for the sake of the rags. Not a vestige more is bought than would be if the rags were thrown away. However, I do not wish to discourage any, and all other means of assisting the slaves, which may be pursued consistent with truth and righteousness, but hope they will refrain from using the produce of their labour until it can be changed into free labour; wait a little longer for goods; do with a little less for the sake of the oppressed. Some think themselves entitled to the labour of the slave because they are labouring in the abolition cause. Let such consider that although they are working with good intent, how much faster they might progress by moving straight onwards, instead of taking two steps forwards and one backwards. Therefore, if we wish to progress in the cause, let us cease to support Slavery. I could freely purchase goods of any merchant having a quantity of slave goods on hand, if he had become sensible that in buying these goods he had been oppressing the slaves, and was firmly resolved no longer to partake in this trade; for I should consider such goods free. But I cannot feel justified in taking goods out of any store where, in all probability, they will draw upon the slave to fill the vacancy. I rejoice that there are several free produce associations already established in the country. With much respect for them, I wish them good success in their undertaking, but think they would progress faster in the cause if they would adopt this plan of buying and selling. True, it would take more capital to carry it on, but I presume there are many, not yet called Abolitionists who for the release of the slaves as we, and I trust many of these would come forward in this cause and cast their mite into the treasury to assist in carrying out this new plan. But while we are endeavouring to assist the slaves, let us not be unmindful of the pitiable condition of the slaveholders. They are bound with fetters stronger than iron. If <xsl-text></xsl-text>we <xsl-text></xsl-text>had a father, a brother, or a son, who was a slaveholder, how soon should we fly to him with entreaties for him to disengage himself from so vicious a calling. And let us not forget to plead earnestly with the master to release his slaves from bondage. AMY TAFT. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Amy Taft Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10.22.1846 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slave Labor Produce. Description An account of the resource SLAVE LABOR PRODUCE. ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE, <xsl-text></xsl-text>Providence, July 7 <xsl-text></xsl-text>, 1836. WM. LLOYD GARRISON: <xsl-text></xsl-text>Respected Friend <xsl-text></xsl-text>,—It is so important that every thing should be done that can be done, consistent with christian principles, for the liberation of the slaves, that it is very painful to witness an unwillingness to renounce, as much as possible, the use of articles of slave produce, and a disposition on the part of any, in the least degree, to discourage others from so laudable a course. Where the path of duty appears so plain, we might suppose that every <xsl-text></xsl-text>christian<xsl-text></xsl-text>, and every <xsl-text></xsl-text>abolitionist<xsl-text></xsl-text>, would be very careful to keep aloof, as much as possible from contamination: even if it subjected him to the <xsl-text></xsl-text>total <xsl-text></xsl-text>relinquishment of certain articles usually deemed important in the family, in short that nothing but the risk of health and of life should induce him to partake. But when we reflect that substitutes can generally be procured, and often of a quality and price as favourable; that Free Produce stores have been established in some of the larger cities, and that others would immediately be established if the patronage would authorise, there is no longer any reasonable excuse. I have been informed this day of a man in Burrillville, in this State, who refused to sign any paper to promote African emancipation, because he was apprehensive it would raise the price of molasses! He acted on the principle that it was better to perpetuate the bondage of two and a half millions of his fellow men, than that he should be subjected to the expense of a few cents extra on the gallon for the molasses he might want to use in his family! How far from this principle do those differ, who, rather than incur any additional expense and trouble for the articles they consume in their families, give all their patronage to those who traffic in the bodies and souls of men? I look upon this as a very important part of that system of means now happily in use for the attainment of your great object. I have been impressed with this sentiment for more than 15 years, and I am ashamed to say, and it should lead me to the deepest repentance, that during this long period, I have but occasionally and partially, lived up to that course which I knew to be right. When in N. York, in May, hearing the remarks made on the resolution to which allusion has been made by Judge Jay and Gerrit Smith, Esq., I resolved that with the Divine assistance, I would endeavor to avoid, as much as possible, the use of those articles, and in so doing up to this time, I can truly say I have had that satisfaction which the world does not afford, that satisfaction which the luxurious do not enjoy. I have copied with some slight variation for your examination, and insertion in the Liberator, if you think proper, the following from a monthly publication, published in Tennessee, in 1820, by Elihu Embree, of the Society of Friends, and which served to enlighten my mind in regard to this subject. With much respect, WM. DROWN. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 8.6.1836 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Wm. Drown