3 10 136 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce Societies Description An account of the resource For the Liberator. <xsl-text></xsl-text>FREE PRODUCE SOCIETIES. I should have attempted, ere this, to answer the inquiries of S.T.U. had I not hoped that some one more competent would have undertaken it; but since none have appeared, limited as is my information on the subject, I will endeavor to impart the little knowledge I possess; and if it fail (as it certainly must) to satisfy his inquiring mind, it may be that we shall hear from him again on this important topic. He inquires: 'How many Free Produce Societies are there in the United States? How long since the first was formed? How large are they? On what principles are they established? Do they adopt the principle of total abstinence from the productions of slave labor, or only of procuring free articles when they can? If total abstinence is not the principle on which these societies are founded, how far is it adopted by the members as individuals? What objection would there be to giving up the use of articles obtained by slave labor? There are in Pennsylvania four societies for promoting the use of articles obtained by the labor of freemen. The first was organized in 1827, the second in 1828, the third and fourth in 1831. The recent establishment of the two last evinces the growing interest that it felt; and it is ardently to be desired that they may continue to multiply, until the total extinction of slavery shall preclude the necessity of their existence. The first Free Produce Society has about two hundred members; the second, near one hundred; the third, five hundred; and the fourth, about thirty-five. There being such a scarcity of articles manufactured from cotton, raised by freemen, and these only of a very coarse texture, (to say nothing of groceries) for so large a number to adopt, as a society, the 'principle of total abstinence,' would be to attempt an impossibility. This is a gloomy picture; yet it is nevertheless true, that with a population rising twelve millions, it would be impossible for eight hundred persons to abstain entirely from the use of articles obtained at the price of blood. It may be that there is a considerable quantity of free produce thrown into the market among slave produce; and as an inducement to those at the south, who do not keep slaves, to cultivate their land exclusively by the labor of freemen, and keep their produce separate from that which is polluted with the blood of our fellows, I would propose that the Free Produce Societies should offer a premium for such articles at present. Even the paper used in advocating the cause of the slaves, is obtained through the same impure channel as the garments on our forms and the food on our tables. I believe the members, generally, give a decided preference to, and frequently a premium for free produce. Many of them, also,—some who are not members,—abstain from the productions of slave labor, with the exception of paper and specie. I should not suppose that any one who admits that slavery is unjust, would have any 'objections to giving up the use of articles obtained by slave labor.' As far as I know, the only barrier to the general use of free articles is the difficulty of obtaining them; and it is earnestly desired that the day may not be distant, when it will be possible for all to free themselves from the imputation of the guilt of abetting men-stealers in their iniquitous trade; and the greater the difficulty, the more impressive are the calls upon us to double our diligence—to omit no effort in our power to make—to consider no sacrifice too great, until the barrier is entirely removed, until the sight of an article manufactured by slaves, shall elicit the exclamation of 'Whence is it? How came it here?' As free cotton is in great demand at this time, I would request 'S.T.U.' if he knows where any can be obtained, to inform us through the medium of the Liberator. V.W.X. PHILADELPHIA, 2d mo. 21st, 1832: Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource V.W.X. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.10.1832 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce Description An account of the resource Free Produce. P<sc>HILADELPHIA</sc>, 4th mo. 8, 1841. F<sc>RIEND</sc> R<sc>OGERS</sc>:—I had hoped that the anti-slavery papers would generally have complied with the request of our Free Produce Committee, to copy their “Address to Abolitionists,” without each being furnished with a special invitation; but it seems I was mistaken, for I am not avare of more than two or three having copied it. I will, therefore, issue a special invitation to the Standard, to conply with the request contained in the resolution of our commitee; and do hereby particularly invite all papers claining to be anti-slavery, to do likewise, unless they think the subject on which it treats is of too little importance to occupy the space of three columns in their papers. I know not why it is, that the subject of abstinence from slave labor produce receives so small a share of the attention of the anti-slavery press. The addresses, annual reports and resolutions of our associations rarely get beyond the columns of the Freeman. Take, for instance, the proceedings of our last annual meeting; ‘tis true, a few papers copied a portion of the report, and a few of the resolutions we adopted; but the extract from the report was that portion which referred to the exclusion of our delegates from the so-called-by-some World's Convention, and there. solutions were those condemnatory of the proceedings (in that particular instance) of that body, together with those approving of the formation of the British India Society.—But that part of the report in which we endeavored to show that duty required abolitionists to abstain from the use of slave labor productions, and the resolutions relating to our principles, have been passed by as of no moment. From the notice the anti-slavery press has generally taken of our last meeting, strangers to our object would not dream of our being a “Free Produce Association,” but would set us down as a “Society for condemning the exclusion of female delegates from the World's Convention, and for the approving of the British India Society,” or some similar association. B. S. J. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource B.S.J. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.22.1841 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Address to Abolitionists Description An account of the resource From the Pennsylvania Freeman. Address to Abolitionists. At a stated meeting of the Executive Committee of the American Free Produce Association, held First month 29th, 1841, the Committee on “Address to Abolitionists” presented a report, which was read and adopted. Voted:—That Anti-Slavery papers, and others favorable to the cause of abstinence from slave produce, be respectfully requested to insert the same; and to forward a copy containing it to the Association at No 31 North Fifth st. Philadelphia. Extracted from the minutes, B<sc>ENJ</sc>. S. J<sc>ONES</sc>, Sec. The following resolutions were adopted at the last annual meeting of the “American Free Produce Association.” Whereas, We believe slavery to be a violatiou of the moral law, and of the rights of humanity, and destructive of the best interest of society; and that all who willingly contribute their support to the system are justly chargeable with the guilt of slaveholding; therefore Resolved, That the consumers of slave produce, by giving direct encouragement to the slaveholder to continue his system of robbery and oppression are its main supporters and that it is their duty immediately, and forever to abstain from purchasing or using goods, the consumption of which tends to strengthen and sustain slavery. Resolved, That the abolitionists who uses the products of slavery, to the extent of his convenience, stands upon the same platform with the slaveholder, who uses slavery as far as is convenient for him, and that the same argument justifies alike the conduct of either. Resolved, That moral principles are uniform in their application. The principle which forbids us to purchase from the robber the spoils of his outrage, applies to any participation in wrong doing, and that it is one of the laws of the moral government under which our Heavenly Father seeks to bring us, that the proclaimer of truth shall succeed in establishing it only as he lives up to the testimony he preaches. Resolved, That we eminently attribute the want of success in the abolition enterprise, to professed abolitionists <gap>witnessing by their lives the truths they proclaim.</gap> The Executive Commitee or <gap>would earnestly appeal to their fellow laborers in the cause of freedom, to think of these things.</gap> As the advocates of Emancipation have been faithful to their trust, so has their enterprise gained strength and power. Mighty has been the conflict—glorious the triumphs. Though we have by no means done all that could have been done, yet much has been effected: and is it not swing to individual unfaithfulness that we have not accomplished greater good? We believe that examination will show such to be the case. We have not aimed to reform others too much, but ourselves too little. We have chosen rather to contend with giant strength against a mighty array, than to suffer the petty inconveniences, and triffing vexations of a solitary sentinel on some remote and almost unnoticed post. We have desired more to see great and glorious results, than consistent action. In the camp of the champions of liberty are to be found the wedges of gold, and the silver, and the Babylonish vest; not secreted as they were by Achan, in the day when Isreal went forth to battle, but openly displayed in the sight of the foes of God and truth. Brethren, is it not so? We have refused to dip into the Jordan of consistent action; and the leprosy still clings to us, while from those we attempt to cure comes the just and biting taunt, “Physician heal thyself.” Discussion has flashed brightness upon much that was before dark. Abolitionists can now see, with comparative clearness, the duties, they owe to themselves, and to the slave. Many refuse longer to hold fellowship with a proslavery church—or submit to the pro-slavery dictation of political partyism. Their duty in these particulars, has been established and built up by argument: be ours the more neglected—though not less important task—of showing to professed abolitionists, the inconsistency of their conduct, and to fasten upon them the guilt of slaveholding, while they continue as they now do, by purchasing the fruits of his robbery, to encourage the oppressor in his iniquity. It is a maxim in common law, as well as in common justice and common honesty—a maxim sanctioned by common sense—that the receiver of stolen goods, knowing their character, is as guilty as the original depredator. In many cases he is far more guilty; for he is often the motive power which calls into activity the agency of the lesser villain; for by opening a market for stolen goods, he offers a premium for the commission of theft. That slaveholding is sinful—sinful under all circumstances—is a proposition which no abolitionist will deny. This truth is incorporated in the constitutions of our societies—it is written upon every page of our publications, and inscribed upon the heart of every lover of freedom. We have contemplated it in its various phases, and spoken of it until anti-slavery and proslavery arguments have become familiar to us as household words. But while we have seen the injustice of slavery, and the policy and duty of its immediate annihilation, have we sufficiently considered its origin—have we clearly seen all the pillars which support this temple of sin? The lust of gold laid its foundation—cent per cent reared the edifice, and won for it the admiration of a corrupt and avaricious people and the sanction of a time serving priesthood. The approval of Church and State may make its courts a place of popular resort, and confer “respectability and standing” upon those who minister at its altars; but such approbation cannot of itself sustain it. Has the approval of Church and State given strength to the African slave trade? Has not avarice maintained it in defiance of their opposition? Christendom has denounced it, and her cruisers watch the coast. The Church, willing to be equally moral with the State, sides with her; and yet, half a million victims are annually torn from their homes and enchained in foreign lands. And why? Because the lust of gold has blunted the moral sensibilities of the world. Because the nations that denounce it, purchase of the trader; and they who profess to abhor it, share its gains. Surely, the Christian philosopher and the Christian's God, must regard the enlightened purchaser who creates and continues the demand, as more truly guilty than his paid agent, the trader! It is interest, and not principle, which binds together in an almost inpenetrable phalanx, the two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders of America. Cotton, sugar, rice and tobacco, are the staple productions of our slave-working states; and it is to the demand for those commodities, the South owes her shadow of prosperity. Her non-slaveholdcitizens know and feel this, and fancied interest bids them sustain their existing system of labor. But though the South can raise these productions, her slave-labor cannot drive factories and Old and New England ply the shuttle for her. Northern warehouses groan beneath the weight of her slave-cultured cotton—the shelves of Northern merchants are loaded with her fabrics; and the vessels of New England do the carrying trade for the southern planter. Thus has slavery enlisted in her cause the North and the South—the trader on the sea—the merchant, and the manufacturer. Her gold is poured into our treasury, and her stolen goods find purchasers among those who profess to abhor her name. Interest is the mighty agent against which we have to contend. The planter before entering upon his labors, first calculates the profits likely to accrue from the enterprise in which he is about to engage. Having satisfied himself of this, he purchases his negroes, and plants his cane or cotton seed. If his land is equally adapted to the cultivation of either, and he finds there is a surplus of cotton in the market, but a scarcity of sugar, and that such will probably be the case the coming year, he chooses the cane—and the higher the price of sugar, the harder are his laborers driven The shoots are set—the plant ripens, and the gathering season comes. The cane is cut and stored, and long after midnight are the wearied slaves compelled to tend the sugarmill, that the products of their toil may early reach the market. Their task is finished; and the planter exults, because of the quantity of sugar he has made. But is that sugar justly his; has the slave no claim upon it for his toil; has the product of his labor, which the strong arm of violence has wrested from him, indeed become another's? Is it not the fruit of oppression—the product of unrequited and coerced toil, won by robbery the most audacious, and theft of the vilest character? We grant the planter has a just claim for a portion of the sugar. The land upon which it was grown is his; and his money purchased the implements employed in its culture. Giving to this consideration its just weight, we see not how any man of common honesty and common intelligence can purchase that sugar, knowing the manner in which it is obtained, and not feel that he is abetting the planter in his iniquitous system, and encouraging its continuance. We are certain that no abolitionist could go upon that plantation, and after looking on the toil-worn form of the slave, buy the sugar of his raising. He would turn with loathing from its sweetness. Any professed friend of the slave, who would purchase such goods under such circumstances, would justly be denounced as false to the cause of freedom. Abolitionists, with all their faults, are not guilty of such glaring inconsistency—such gross violations of elementary morality. The web is more fiuely spun. Though almost impalpable as air. it binds them as with massive chains of iron. The consumer's connection with slavery is not so readily seen, for the sugar is sent to a southern port and from thence transferred to the merchant of the North; and that, which we might not buy of the planter, or the planter's agent in New Orleans, has how assumed an entirely different character: and we as freely partake of it as though we were not encouraging slavery by so doing. We have reached the other end of the rope, and though we twist with a vigorous hand, we try to persuade ourselves that the poor slave in the middle, is hurt only by the twisting of the planter at the far end: forgetting that if we lose our hold, the slaveholder would spare himself the labor of twisting an unfastened cord. The planter knows he is but the agent of the consumer, supplying him with the kind of goods he requires, and in quantities to suit. The consumer says, “I have sugar and rice enough for next year, I want cotton.” The seed is planted, the pods in due time are filled, the crop gathered, and the order supplied. The following year he asks for rice and sugar; and the obedient planter, ever willing to oblige those he is paid for serving, sets out his shoots, and seads his slaves to scatter the seed-rice in the swamp land. The work required is accomplished, and thus, year after year, is the consumer's agent actively engaged in laboring for him. Little does the slave think, as he toils beside the tall cane plants, or bends to his labor among the snowy whiteness of the cotton crop, that his professed friends at the north will feed upon the sugar and wear the cotton he has grown. Nor will the perishing victim of the riceswamp miasma dream that he is sacrificed because abolitionists choose to gratify their palates at the expense of his life. Brethren examine this matter. Sorutinize it closely. See if you can discover wherein the planter, who directly robs the slave, is more guilty than the abolitionist, who is the purchaser and consumer of goods thus stolen. We all admit the planter has done a grievous wrong—that the goods cultivated by slave labor do not justly and entirely belong to the slaveholder. Try, then, if you can find at what particular stage of the transfer from the estate of the planter to our tables and persons, the stolen property becomes honestly acquired. We can see no difference in moral guilt between the slaveholder and consumer of slave-grown produce —between the thief and the purchaser who buys of a known thief. Let us not be misunderstood. We use the term slave produce in its general acceptation. We do not suppose that slave products are, in themselves, worse than free products, or stolen goods more objectionable in themselves than goods honestly obtained. If it can be shown that the use of such goods, in particular cases, does not sustain and encourage theft and slavery, we sin not in using them. Among the arguments sometimes urged against abstinence, are its expense and attendant difficulties: we are told, too, that it would be a physical means of abolishing slavery, a compulsory measure that would be injurious to our cause. When we consider the present limited demand for free cotton, sugar, rice, and other goods that are generally slave cultured, and the almost prohibitory duties which are laid upon such articles coming from other lands, need we <gap>that stolen goods are afforded for a less price than those which have been honestly and <gap>paid for. “Free goods,” says the non-abstainer, “cost ten or twenty per cent, more than slave goods: and did I purchase them, I should do less to advance the cause of freedom than by giving the difference in the cost for the purpose of disseminating our principles by means of the press and the living speaker.” Such reasoning might answer, were we discussing a question of mere expediency, but will not apply to a matter of principle. As well might James G. Birnev have thus reasoned, when contemplating the recent emancipation of his entailed slaves. There were men who would probably bring from three to five thousand dollars in the market, awaiting his signature to a deed for their emancipation, to stretch forth their unshackled forms free as God had created them. Did his hand pause in the act?—Did he calculate the vast amount of good he could do the anti-slavery cause with the money they would sell for? No! he refused to do evil that good might come. His act was a glorious gain for principle—a righteous triumph for consistency. Principle required he should not “use his neighbor's service without wages, and give him not for his work;” and principle is equally stern in requiring the same of us.</gap></gap> If we live not up to that which we profess, but suffer interest or expediency to turn us aside, how can we reasonably expect to win others to embrace our principles. That it is difficult for us wholly to abstain, is an established fact. But does it lessen our obligation to be faithful in a righteous cause? We know that slavery is so interwoven with all our institutions—has so extended itself through all the ramifications of society, that it is almost impossible to keep ourselves unspotted from it. But the difficulty of so doing should be no apology for lukewarmness or indifference; it should rather incite us to greater zeal and watchfulness, and strengthen our determination to withdraw our support from it. It is not the magnitude of the difficulty that affrights us, but the constant succession of petty, personal, unnoticed sacrifices we should have to make. Abolitionists are accustomed to encountering and overcoming difficulties;—why, then, should they plead their existence in this particular as a justification for inaction or sinful indulgence. We are told that abstinence is a physical means, a compulsory measure. If the objector means it is a moral truth enforced by the agency of peaceful physical power—by such agents as is the pen of the writer, and the lips and tongue of the oral teacher, it may not be denied. It is such physical means as is abstinence from strong drink in the temperance cause, as is abstinence from the use of warlike weapons in the peace cause, as is abstinence from all sin in the cause of Christianity. Is it compulsion to refuse to purchase a stolen jewel of a thief, or contraband goods from the smuggler? Is it compulsion to refuse to share in the plunder of a pirate, or to hold fellowship with the oppressor? If these be compulsory measures, then, too, may abstinence be ranked as one. God has commanded us “not to be partakers in other men's sin;” and surely if He regards as guilty the slave holder, whose education and habits from early childhood have tended to weaken the natural abhorrence of oppression, and make him to regard slavery, if not as a righteous institution, at least a necessary evil—how much more guilty must we be in His sight, who have seen its iniquity and felt for the captive's wrong, who are professedly anxious for its overthrow, and yet join hands with the oppressor upholding him in his sin, and sharing in his plunder? We would urge upon you total abstinence, not only as a measure of true expediency, which, if carried out by all the professed friends of freedom, would upheave slavery from its base; but as a vital principle which lies at the very foundation of the anti-slavery enterprise. As well might the temperance advocate drink the burning poison—the non resistant preach peace with the sabre by his side, as the abolitionist denounce slavery while partaking of its gains. The drunkard and the warrior could see the inconsistency of the temperance man and non-resistant, as do the slave- holders that of the abolitionists. To them, such inconsistency betrays a lack of confidence in our principles—a want of faith in the cause we advocate. They hear us preaching against slavery with our lips and tongue, while they see us, with our hands, build anew her altars and quicken her consuming fire. What wonder that our southern brethren should doubt our sincerity? We call upon them to free their slaves, refusing ourselves to make a lesser sacrifice, and part with some of the luxuries or conveniences which we derive from the captive's unpaid toil. Did we wholly abstain, and “touch not, taste not, and handle not,” that which is the produce of slave labor, the planter, however much he might condemn our principles and measures, would honor us for our consistency. The words of truth would come pure and unsullied from our lips, made more eloquent by the simple beauty of consistent action. We know how few abstain; but we attribute this, not to the unsoundness of the arguments urged by the advocates of such a course, but rather to an unwillingness on the part of some to make the very many world-unnoticed sacrifices which would be required; and to the impatience of others to see great and immediate results from their actions. Let such remember that the “seed-wheat of humanity” is not planted without toil, nor does it whiten for the harvest in a single day. The laborer in the moral, as in the natural world, must first scatter the seed, and then wait in patience and in faith for the promised harvest. To such as are not satisfied of the correctness of the principles advocated by the friends of abstinence, a plan may be suggested for consideration that has been elsewhere proposed, and which, to be consistent in consistency, should be adopted. It is a measure far more economical and humane than the plan now pursued in reference to the slaves. Create a fund that shall be applied to the purchase of land and negroes. Subscribe liberally for an immense estate and a large gang will be needed. It has been computed that there are 250,000 professed abolitionists in the United States. Deduct from that number ten thousand as consistent total abstinence abolitionists—total abstinence we mean from all that encourages slavery—there remains 240,000 to be supplied with sugar, cotton, coffee, rice, &c.; these will require at least twelve thousand slaves, or one to each twenty. Let some distinguished friend of the colored race be appointed chief overseer of these 12,000; with power to select from the anti-slavery ranks, pious and benevolent drivers, who will not work them too hard, and will whip them but little. Set them to work; and let the holders of the stock be supplied with goods directly from the plantation. This would save the commissions now paid to northern and southern merchants. Not only would there be the satisfaction of knowing that the slaves were moderately worked, seldom whipped, and well fed; but in addition to the pleasure which this reflection would naturally produce, there would be the advantage of buying stolen goods at a trifling advance on cost. Would not this plan be far better than the one now pursued—purchasing indiscriminately of all who offer for sale; ignorant whether their slaves have been kindly treated as slaves, or whether they have wrought out their lives by the seven-years' plan of the Louisiana sugar districts? We fear, brethren, that our guilty inconsistency owes its existence more to the heart than to the head—that the feelings more than the intellect have led us astray. Let not our sympathies he chilled by selfish considerations. We have spoken words of consolation and hope to the perishing bondmen—let not our actions belie the doctrines our head approves. When surrounded by home enjoyment, and freely partaking of all that brightens life, let us not forget the toil-wearied slave. And when our thoughts go out to him, and our soul is made willing to share with him in the sufferings he endures—to partake of the mental and physical anguish that becomes his portion; let us ask ourselves in how much we are responsible for his condition? Whether he toils and suffers that our conveniences may be fulfilled—our luxuries be undiminished? And in the answer we give our own hearts, may we feel that we have acted upon the principle of doing unto others as we would be done by; so shall we be justified in the sight of our Heavenly Father; and the acceptable offering of a pure and spotless heart be received by the Great Parent of all. JAMES MOTT, Chairman of the Ex. Com. of American Free Produce Association. BENJ. S. JONES, Secretary Philadelphia, 1st mo. 1841 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived National Anti-Slavery Standard, reprinted from Pennsylvania Freeman Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 4.22.1841 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Died. Lorenzo Mabbett Description An account of the resource In Concord, Erie Co., N.Y., on the 5th inst., LORENZO MABBETT, an active Abolitionist and Reformer, aged 40 years. He was particularly interested in promoting abstinence from the use of the productions of slave labor, and left directions that no article of that kind should go into his coffin. He died in calmness and peace. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator 20:26, p. 3 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6.28.1850 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letters from the Editor. No. I. Description An account of the resource <div> NORTHAMPTON, July 14, 1843.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>MY DEAR FRIEND—Before coming to this place, I had heard such encomiums bestowed on the beauty of its position and appearance, as to excite high-wrought expectations and a lively curiosity in my breast, in regard to it. These have been abundantly realized; so that I, too, am prepared to join the throng of admirers, and to concede to Northampton the palm for romantic loveliness and the most charming scenery over every other place that I have yet visited in our flourishing Commonwealth. I have long claimed for Newburyport, my own beloved native place, an unrivalled location, and attractions of the most bewitching character; but, on the whole, Nature has showered her gifts with a more prodigal hand on Northampton. Each of these places has features peculiar to itself, which place it beyond comparison. Here I miss the Merrimack river, rolling majestically in its broadest dimensions towards the Atlantic, and also the sight of that great ocean in the distance; but ample compensation is made in the proximity of the Connecticut river, and in view of the sublime range of hills which surrounds this place on every side. Ride in whatever direction you choose, if you have any taste for the sublime or beautiful, you will be filled with delight, and constantly induced to exclaim, in the devout spirit of the royal singer of Israel,—'O Lord, how manifold are thy works! in wisdom hast thou made them all: the earth is full of thy riches...Thou greatly enrichest it with the river of God, which is full of water; thou waterest the ridges thereof abundantly; thou settlest the furrows thereof; thou makest it soft with showers; thou blessest the springing thereof. Thou crownest the year with thy goodness; and thy paths drop fatness.' At first, the atmosphere seemed to be so laden with perfume as to be almost oppressive, so great was the contrast with the rank smells of our crowded city. The pride of this place, as furnishing the finest sites for dwellings, is Round Hill, which is indeed a gem of exceeding beauty, and which reminds me of English scenery in connexion with princely opulence. The highest elevations are Mount Tom and Mount Holyoke; of which the latter is the popular resort, though the altitude of the former is somewhat greater, and the view from which, (in the opinion of a friend who has been something of a traveller on both sides of the Atlantic,) is surpassingly magnificent. I intend visiting them before my return; for though 'the eye is never satisfied with seeing,' it is the medium through which an immense amount of satisfaction is conveyed to the mind. I will then give you my 'impressions.' Having seen the Welch and Scottish mountains, and stood on the summits of the Green mountains of Vermont and the White mountains of New-Hampshire, these do not strongly affect my imagination, as their height, I believe, does not exceed one hundred feet. Yet in appearance they approach to the sublime, and form a striking contrast with the intervales and meadows in their vicinage.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>This is the residence of SYLVESTER GRAHAM, who has encountered his share of the world's obloquy for attempting to reform it from some of its beastly habits, but who has displayed a martyr's spirit and front in giving utterance to his convictions of truth, as it relates to the bodily as well as spiritual redemption of mankind. Though not a convert to all his views, I admire his firmness, his courage, and his manifest desire to bless mankind by showing them how, in his opinion, they best can 'glorify God in their bodies and spirits, which are his.' Comparatively few have been found disposed to adopt his dietetic theory, in all its minutiae; but tens of thousands of persons have been happily affected by his lectures and writings, and saved from the direful effects of a vitiated appetite; though, of this great multitude, few, I am apprehensive, are disposed to acknowledge their indebtedness to him. Shame on them for their lack of gratitude and magnanimity! But this is the fate of every reformer, in his day and generation. Time and posterity will take care of his memory.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Our able and vigorous anti slavery coadjutor, D.L. CHILD, is still here, but expects to leave for New York (via Boston) in all next week, to assume the editorial management of the Standard. Success has not crowned his efforts in the sugar-beet cultivation, but the has probably done all that any one could have done, in his circumstances, and deserved something more than success. He has toiled early and late, in season and out of season, not 'like a slave,' but like a freeman and 'with a will,' and far more severely than a human being ought to toil. He has exhibited immense energy and resolution, and, especially for one 'bred to the law,' and fond of literary pursuits, astonishing industry. The location of the land which he has tilled is very pleasant, and he has made some substantial improvements on it. I regret, for the sake of humanity, as well as for his own sake, that his experiment has failed; for an additional blow would be given to slavery, if free sugar could supplant that which is raised by slave labor—as it will, unquestionably, at a day not far distant. The Standard, under his care, cannot fail to be an ably conducted journal. He has great qualities of mind, and has been identified with the anti-slavery cause from an early period. Standing aloof, as he does, from every religious sect and political party, (though of religion and politics he has his own views,) I confide in him to pursue an impartial course, as editor of the Standard,—to give credit to whom credit may be due,—to regard the success of our cause as paramount to all questions of national policy,—and to give no quarter either to spiritual or political wickedness in high places. It is to be hoped that Mrs. CHILD will be a liberal contributor to the Standard, especially to its literary department, and that the distinguishing elements of their character will be blended together in the management of the paper.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>The town of Northampton (by which term I now mean the houses, stores, &c.) wears an air of dilapidation, and will not compare in architectural taste and beauty with many other places in the State, though it has a few handsome buildings. Aside from its delightful location, it presents no features either of an impressive or interesting character. The spirit of enterprise appears to be exiled from it, and it has the misfortune to be under the control of a few wealthy men, who, having more than a sufficiency of this world's goods, have long since retired from business, and seemingly wish not to be disturbed in their repose even by the hum of prosperity. A rail-road is talked of between this place and Springfield, and some steps have been taken towards its commencement; but how soon it will be completed, is extremely uncertain.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Inviting as is Northampton to all tourists and sojourners from our great cities during the summer season, I am told that the hotels are yet vacant, and that the prospect is, that they will continue to remain so. Let it be made accessible by a rail-road, and no doubt multitudes would be induced to visit the place, who now 'pass by on the other side.'<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>My present location is about three miles from the centre of the town, in a spot quite rural and...that I can report nothing of their civil hospitality. Besides my unpopularity as an abolitionist in this region, religious bigotry reigns with despotic sway over the minds of the people, and inflames their prejudices against me on account of my contending for that liberty wherewith Christ makes his followers free. It is melancholy to see those, whom God has made to serve him, so priest-ridden, and bewitched by carnal observances, and misled by sectarian creeds. Thought I find 'none so poor' (with scarcely an exception,) as to give me a friendly welcome to the town, yet I have no complaint to make, but feel happy in the assurance that I am not slighted for any evil that I have done, but for my fidelity in exposing the religious and political impostures of the times. With the amiable Cowper, I can rejoicingly say— <xsl-text></xsl-text>'Tis my happiness below,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Not to live without the cross,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>But a Saviour's power to know,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Sanctifying every loss.'<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>There are a few choice anti-slavery spirits here, but these reside chiefly in the 'Community.' Some days prior to the fourth of July, we resolved to celebrate that day by an anti-slavery meeting in the town; and accordingly deputed a committee (Dr. Hudson and James Boyle) to apply for the town hall, for that purpose. The person who has charge of the hall was seen by them, and agreed to let us have it. Notices of the meeting were sent to the different clergymen, to be read from their pulpits; but none complied with the request, excepting the Baptist and Unitarian. Some fifty handbills were printed, and posted in various parts of the town, informing the people of our intentions, and inviting them to attend; but these were torn down by the lawless spirit of pro-slavery almost immediately, so that comparatively few persons were notified of the meeting. The morning of the 'glorious fourth' came, and a small band of us assembled at the town hall, but found the doors closed against us, and no one to tell us for what cause! The friends of impartial liberty were thus turned into the street, rudely and dishonorably, with this alternative—either to hold their meeting in the open air, or to shake off the dust from their feet on the town, and go elsewhere. Nothing daunted, they immediately organized in front of the hall, under two finely over-shadowing elm trees, by calling that unblenching friend of human rights, Prof. WILLIAM ADAM, to the chair, and appointing DAVID LEE CHILD secretary. I then addressed the assembly at some length, after reading a portion of the first chapter of Isaiah, making my remarks as applicable to the day and the occasion as it was in my power, and exposing the awful guilt and hypocrisy of the American people in pretending to be worshippers at the shrine of Freedom, and to be praising God for their deliverance from a foreign yoke, while they were keeping in abject bondage a population larger than that of all New-England! The words that I uttered were those of 'truth and soberness'—and though they were calculated to make the ears of the wicked to tingle, and the hearts of the hypocritical to writhe in agony, yet they were such as the oppressed in all ages and in all climes have loved to hear, such as became a freeman, such as exhibited slavery in its true colors, and such as left the whole country without excuse for its abominable deeds. It was the first time that I ever mounted literally a stump as a rostrum from which to address the people, and I found much more freedom of spirit on it than I had ever found in a pulpit. James Boyle followed me in a speech of great cogency and power, in which he went into an examination of the religious aspects of our cause, and demonstrated that, for the continuance of slavery in our land, the American church and clergy are pre-eminently guilty, and deserve to be abandoned by all who fear God or regard man. He made some very pointed allusions to the pro-slavery position of the clergy in Northampton, and their subserviency to public opinion. 'You will find them all ready enough,' he said, 'to countenance the temperance picknick, to be held this afternoon, because the popular gale sets strongly in that quarter; but not to attend a meeting like this, or to advocate a cause so unpopular as ours.' It was the intention of Dr. Hudson and D.L. Child to be among the speakers on the occasion, but they both felt unwilling to offer any remarks, lest (as they said) they should weaken, rather than deepen the impressions that had been made on the minds of the audience. The broadest invitation was repeatedly given to all who were present, to participate in the proceedings, and especially to deny (if they could) the soundness of any of the positions that had been assumed, or the arguments that had been offered, or the allegations that had been made; but no one ventured to appear in defence either of Church or State. An elderly gentleman, named Taylor, (not a resident of the town, I believe,) stepped forward, and said that he was as much of an abolitionist as any body, and hated slavery as much as Mr. Garrison did; that I had spoken in 'unmeasured terms' of slavery, but he had no fault to find on that score; but that I had not told the people what they could do to abolish the system. He thought we had nothing to do with it; it was a part of the compact, and incorporated into the Constitution; and it was our duty to support it until that Constitution should be amended, though he was decidedly opposed to all political action on the subject! After premising that I knew not how to speak in <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>measured <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>terms of a system so unclean and impious as is slavery, and that they who have an object to effect are seldom found lamenting that they know not what to do, and that the grief of abolitionists is, that so much is to be and can be done, and that there are so few to do the work, I proceeded to show in what manner and on what grounds the people of the North were justly chargeable with upholding slavery, and, consequently, how they might extricate themselves from their present guilty relations. But, if I satisfied others on that point, I did not convince Mr. Taylor, who shook his head, and reiterated his declaration, that, slavery being sanctioned by the Constitution, we were bound to sustain it as law-abiding citizens. He argued that, so long as it was in the statute book, the law of the land was of paramount authority to the law of God. I admired his honesty in avowing this monstrous doctrine—a doctrine which is practically enforced as orthodox by the great body of our religious and political leaders, though in the abstract conceded to be heretical. He was quite certain, moreover, that the abolitionists had retarded the abolition of slavery many years—an assertion which Messrs. DcDuffie, Calhoun, Clay & Co. would rejoice to see demonstrated as a fact, and which indicates either profound ignorance or consummate effrontery, by whom soever made. This was easily disposed of, and the meeting was then dissolved.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Our audience was probably twice as numerous as it would have been in the hall, from the novelty of the gathering in the open air. Among the listeners, I am told, was the Rev. William Allen, D.D. formerly President of Bowdoin College. I wish he had taken the stump, and defined his position on this momentous question. The weather was delightful, and the proceedings throughout were perfectly orderly; not the slightest disrespect being shown, in a single instance.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>There are three newspapers published here—two whig, and one democratic. The Courier and Gazette (both whig) took no notice of the meeting,—whether from motives of policy, or in the spirit of contempt, I don not know, but in giving, as they did,...served in the town, their silence in regard to a meeting held under such peculiar circumstance, in so public a manner, and with such a noble object in view, is certainly not creditable to their humanity or courtesy.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>In the Democrat,—which has for its motto, as if purposely to illustrate its rottenness, 'Uncompromising hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man,'—appeared an editorial sketch of the meeting, which was chiefly confined to a personal attack upon myself, and to a broad caricature of what was said and done on the occasion, expressed in the language and spirit of the lowest blackguardism. I send you a copy of the paper, containing the article, which I wish you to place in the receptacle provided for such ebullitions in the columns of the Liberator. It furnishes additional evidence of the fact which has long since been demonstrated to the world, that there is nothing under heaven so devoid of principle, so callous to shame, so reprobate in spirit, so profligate in practice, so impudent in pretension, so hypocritical in conduct, so heartless in feeling, or so villanous in design, as the existing DEMOCRACY of the United States, falsely so called.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Who can with patience for a moment see<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>The medley mass of pride and misery,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Of whips and charters, manacles and rights,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Of slaving blacks and democratic whites,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>And all the piebald policy that reigns,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>In free confusion, o'er Columbia's plains?<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>To think that man, thou just and gentle God,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Should stand before thee with a tyrant's rod,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>O'er creatures like himself, with souls from thee,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Yet dare to boast of perfect liberty!!'<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Alluding to me, the editor of the Democrat politely says—'He began with a lie in his mouth, by saying that he was refused admittance into the town hall.' The facts respecting our being excluded from the hall are precisely such as I have already mentioned. The plea now made, in order to get rid of the odium which must ever attach to such unworthy conduct, is, that the hall had been previously engaged to the ladies engaged in the Temperance celebration on that day. But it avails nothing—for, first, the hall was not occupied during the forenoon, if at any other period in the day, either by the ladies or by others, but remained empty and locked throughout our meeting; secondly, it was a piece of deception to give us the assurance that we should occupy the hall, if it had been already promised to others; and, thirdly, whether such an agreement had been made in behalf of the ladies, or not, no one presented himself to enlighten us on this point, or to prevent any misapprehension that might arise under the anomalous circumstances of the case, or to correct any of our statement. 'Finding that no one contradicted him in his falsehood,' continues the editor—I give you his name, 'Rinaldo R. Taylor'—'he made the most of it by a long harangue against the town, (a false assertion,) and thanked heaven that he was allowed to speak in the open air— (that is true.) 'He said that $5000 had been offered for his poor head by some lynching characters at the South.' Those lynching characters were the Senate and House of Representatives of Georgia, backed up in legal form by the Executive of that State. This atrocious attempt, by the offer of a large bribe, on the part of a sovereign State, to secure the abduction and subsequent murder of a citizen of Massachusetts guiltless of any and every crime, and simply for advocating universal liberty and equality, is treated by this 'democratic' traducer as a capital joke, but which, in the matter of dollars and cents, he thinks was carried a <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>little <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>too far—for, 'judging from the effect of his preaching here, we should say that it was a very extravagant offer.' Ha! ha! ha! What can be more droll or witty? Now, it may be safely affirmed that the man who can thus treat an offer so murderous, needs nothing but the opportunity and the courage to perpetuate any crime within the scope of human transgression. With his own hands he tears off the mask of his profession, and reveals himself in his true character. But the editor adds—'Indeed it is our firm belief, that if these lynchers were to pay Wm. L. Garrison, editor of the Boston Liberator, and David L. Child, editor of the New-York Standard, the $5000 to keep their heads on their shoulders, and employ them in delivering lectures about the country, it would be a better speculation (for slavery, of course,) than to chop off their heads.' Slang like this is the popular 'democratic' currency. But, mark the argument! D.L. Child and W.L. Garrison will do more to perpetuate slavery, by 'delivering lectures about the country,' than the chopping off of their heads would do to secure the same end; therefore, let them live! But, should the 'lynchers' be, after all, the more sagacious in this matter, why then the heads of these fanatical abolitionists ought to be chopped off, by a just regard for our 'constitutions and laws,' and as a good 'specution'!<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>I am next charged with having used 'disgusting language, not only against departed patriots, both clerical and laymen, but against the constitutions and laws framed by them,' &c. Why did not this patriotic democrat expose the injustice of my remarks on the spot? Why did he skulk from manly discussion, and by silence give his consent to the accuracy of all that was advanced by the speakers? Doubtless, on that occasion, he felt that discretion was the better part of valor, as did a certain redoubtable here of old, whose lies, like his own, were 'gross as a mountain, open, palpable.' Why, in giving an account of the meeting, does he suppress the fact, that all persons who were present, whether friendly or hostile to the anti-slavery movement, were invited to give utterance to their sentiments; and that, though charges of a grave character were urged against both Church and State, and repeated solicitations made to have them corrected if they were not true, no one came forward—no, not even to screen the clergy of the place from condemnation, or to convict me of 'lying,' in regard to the town hall? He knows that when our opponents were called on to say in what manner we had disturbed the truth—<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>'There was silence, deep as death,<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>And the boldest held his breath<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>For a time'—<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>until he could utter his ribaldry through the medium of the 'Northampton Democrat.'<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Again—'The clergy came in for the greatest share of abuse, and were told to extend the solemnization of the marriage vow to the horses in the stables, the cattle in the yards, and the pigs in the pens.' This the critic calls 'disgusting balderdash,' but, in the true spirit of knavery, he does not state in what connexion this language was used; that it was simply an illustration—the <xsl-text></xsl-text><xsl-text></xsl-text>argumentum ad hominem—to show the folly of those who, while they maintain that slaves are justly the chattels personal of their masters, affect to regard the suppression of the marriage institution among them as a great evil! As if property stood in virtuous need of the marriage vow!<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>But I must close. Let the article in the Democrat appear in the next number of the Liberator, without abridgment, and send a copy to its courteous and veracious editor.<xsl-text></xsl-text> <xsl-text></xsl-text>Yours, for free discussion, <xsl-text></xsl-text>WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. </div> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7.28.1843 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource William Lloyd Garrison Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Juvenile Department. Edward and Mary. Description An account of the resource <div> JUVENILE DEPARTMENT. <xsl-text></xsl-text> For the Liberator<xsl-text></xsl-text>. EDWARD AND MARY. 'Why do you call that new frock of yours, that you seem so proud of, your <xsl-text></xsl-text>free <xsl-text></xsl-text>frock, Mary?' said Edward Middleton to his sister on the morning after his return from boarding-school; 'and what did you mean last evening by talking of free sugar and free cakes?' 'Don't you know,' answered his sister,—'no, I forgot,—you have been so long from home that I suppose you do not know, that we have taken to using <xsl-text></xsl-text>free things <xsl-text></xsl-text>lately, that is, such as are made by free laborers instead of slaves.' 'What is that for?' 'Because it is very wicked, you know, Edward, to keep people in slavery, and make them work all day as hard as they can, beside often treating them very badly, and then not pay them a cent of their earnings.' 'But they are fed, and clothed, and taken care of,' interrupted Edward. 'I do not think you would like to be so fed, and clothed, and taken care of,' answered Mary; 'only, at best, a blanket and a little straw to lie on, and nothing but corn and rice, with sometimes a little soup of salt fish, to eat all the year round; and often not enough of that. You thought it very bad to be sick last winter, though you had a kind mother to nurse you, and everything done to make you comfortable;—how would you like to be beaten to your work, as some of the poor slaves are, as long as you were able to stand, and when you were suffered to lie down, have no soft bed, nor scarcely any attention paid you?' 'I am neither a slave nor a negro,' answered Edward, coolly. 'No, but you are a human being, Edward, and so are they; and I should suppose you would have the same feelings; but if you think the color of the skin a matter of so much consequence,' added she laughing, 'you ought to be very careful of your complexion; you have tanned monstrously since you were last at home, I assure you, and, according to your own rule, you cannot expect us to like you quite so well as formerly.' Edward smiled. 'Well, Mary,' said he, 'I acknowledge that I do not think that the mere color of a man's face can be a very reasonable excuse for treating him ill. But the southern slaves are the property of their masters, sis; and if it was wrong, do you think the laws would allow them to be kept in slavery?' 'But you forget, Edward, that the masters of the slaves, the owners of this property, as they call it, have a great share in making the laws, and they will be sure to have such as suit themselves. It is the very circumstance of its being lawful, father says; which makes slavery so much more disgraceful to our country. Would you not be very much ashamed, if you were a man, and in Europe, and any one there was to ask you, if men and women in the United States were not advertised for sale in the newspapers, and driven about the country in herds like cattle, and sold, too, just like them, at public auction? And you know you could not deny that it was the truth!' Edward colored and looked rather uneasy, for the honor of his country was a point on which he was particularly sensitive. But he was not willing yet to give up, and his mortification gave a slight degree of asperity to his tone as he replied— 'White people never are sold here; and the slaves have never been used to anything else; beside, Mary, the blacks are naturally inferior to us.' 'Oh, Edward, how can you think so! they are human beings, created by the same God, and with the same sort of minds as ourselves; but they have never had any such advantages of education as we have, for, in the slave states, you know, they are not even allowed to learn to read and write; and here, though they are free, people have always been too much prejudiced against them, to give them a fair chance of shewing their talents; beside, they have mostly been too poor, when they were young, particularly, to spare the time, or to go to the expense of much learning.' 'And if they had as fair a chance of being well educated, do you think they would ever have as much sense as the white people?' 'Yes, certainly I do. There are instances enough to prove it, and if you will let me, I will show you some of them.' 'Very well; but I do not promise to be convinced, though,' said Edward, 'I dare say,' added he laughing, 'you will give up the notion of not using any more slave produce first. I do not think you will long hold out against the temptation of cakes and molasses candy.' 'We shall see,' answered Mary, quietly. 'Yes, we shall see, no doubt,' said Edward, again laughing. 'But, Mary, you have not yet told all your reasons for not liking slave produce. If slavery <xsl-text></xsl-text>is <xsl-text></xsl-text>wicked, what have you to do with it? Do you expect to abolish it?' 'No, to be sure not, myself alone; but if nobody would buy anything that was raised by slave labor, their masters would be glad to set them free, and have them to their work, so that they might sell their crops But I had much rather go without preserves, and cakes, and all such things, than to eat such as are made with slave sugar; for I cannot help thinking all the time, that perhaps some poor slave has been beaten almost to death, on account of the very morsel I may be eating; and I think, too, that if slavery is wicked, it must be wrong to use the things that encourage the master to keep his slaves.' 'Well, I think you will soon be tired of it, Molly,' said Edward, as he put on his hat and left the room. Edward did not forget the subject of their conversation, nor would his sister have suffered it to pass from his memory had he been inclined to do so. She wished to conquer his prejudices, and as he had hazarded a prediction of her instability, he made use of every opportunity to advance its fulfillment. But Mary was not so easily laughed out of her principles as he had expected. Both her resolution and temper were proof against all the attacks of temptation, teasing and ridicule; and her firmness gradually inspired her brother with more respect for her sentiments. There was less of contempt mingled with the good nature with which he listened to her conversation on her favorite topic; and from attending merely to oblige her, to the various proofs which she was at somepains to collect and produce to him, of the mental equality of the colored race, he began to read, and to listen with considerable interest; and at length even to assist her in her researches, and sometimes to supply her with arguments to use against himself. He had looked over the 'Account of the Africas Free School in New-York,' and acknowledged that George Allen's essay was as good as he could have written himself;—he had read some of Phillis Wheatley's and George Norton's poetry—Mott's Sketches of the People of Color had afforded them several evenings of very agreeable entertainment, with which Edward was as much gratified as his sister. Mary told him the story of the Spanish painter slave, Juan de Pausa, and read to him the most interesting passages of Brissot de Warville's Memoir of the Black of America; and Edward, at last, frankly owned himself almost convinced. He was sitting one morning, after breakfast, with his mother and sister, looking over a volume of Montgomery's Poems, when the following lines in the 'West Indies' arrested his attention— 'When Clarkson his victorious course began, Unyielding in the cause of God and man, Wise, patient, persevering to the end. No guile could thwart, no power his purpose bend; He rose o'er Africa like the sun in smiles, He rests in glory on the western isles.' 'Mother,' said he, when he had finished reading it, 'I have often heard of Clarkson;—will you tell me something about him?' 'He was one of the earliest, the most active, and the most useful advocates for the abolition of the African Slave trade,' answered his mother. 'When he was a young man, and a student at the university of Cambridge, the question, "Is it right to make slaves of others, against their will?" was given to the students as a subject for a latin prize easay. Clarkson was a young man of talents, and as he had gained the premium on the preceding year, he was particularly anxious to do so on this, as a failure would have been esteemed disgraceful. 'Then he was not very much interested in the subject on which he wrote?' enquired Edward. 'No; he had probably never thought much more about it than you had of American slavery when you came home from school; but he had no sooner become, in some degree, acquainted with it, than he was filled with horror at the atrocities which it presented to his view. His essay was finished, and received the distinction for which it contended, but he could not drive from his mind the thought of all the oppression and cruelties that were practised by his countrymen, upon their unoffending fellow creatures. The sufferings of the poor Africans were continually before him. He became exceedingly anxious that the British public might be awakened to a sense of the wickedness they were encouraging; but at this time he was not acquainted with any one who sympathized in his feelings, and it seemed to him almost impossible that a single individual, and he so young a man too, should be able to bring about any change in a traffic which had been so long authorized by the government, and with which the interest of many of his countrymen were closely connected. However, he resolved to translate his essay into English, and have it published, which he did, and was, by this means, introduced to several persons of the same sentiments as himself; and finding it was necessary for the advancement of the cause, that some persons should devote to it probably his whole life, he generously gave himself up for that purpose.' 'It was a noble resolution!' exclaimed Edward, while his eye kindled with his increasing interest; 'did he succeed, mother?' 'He did; but it was not till after a long and weary struggle, during which, his time, his health, and his talents, were are all bestowed upon this one great object. But he was rewarded for all when he saw his labors successful, and his country purified from the disgrace and guilt of trading in human flesh.' 'Cannot you tell me anything more about it?' asked Edward. 'I could, but if you wish to know anything' further, you had better read the Abridgment of his History of the Abolition, which you will find in your father's Library.' 'Mother, is American slavery really so bad—so bad as it is represented?' said Edward, hesitatingly, like one who fears the confirmation of some unpleasant presage. 'I believe it is, my dear, quite as bad as the worst pictures have portrayed it. It is not very easy to exaggerate the atrocity of this system. We cannot deny, either to ourselves or the world, that two millions of our countrymen are kept in a state of the most abject slavery; that the infamous traffic in human flesh is countenanced by the Government; and that parents and children, brothers and sisters, and husbands and wives are forcibly separated from each other, and sold to strangers by the sheriff's officer, or the auctioneer. Edward! how would you feel to see me daily driven out into the fields to labor, by the horsewhip of a merciless overseer, and sometimes, for a trifling fault, or when, perhaps, I had sunk down, exhausted from toil, to see me beaten till the lash was red with my blood?' 'Mother!' exclaimed Edward, starting up and flinging his arms round her, while the tears sprang to his eyes, and his cheeks flushed to the color of crimson. 'Yet this,' continued his mother, 'is what many of the poor negro women have to submit to, and what their sons are obliged to behold in silence; and the African children are said to be remarkably attached to their parents, Edward,' she proceeded, in a low impressive voice, after a momentary pause, while she put aside the hair from his forehead and stooped to touch it with her lip,—'if you live to be a man, you will have it in your power to tread in the steps of Clarkson,—to assist in removing this disgrace from your country, and to aid in rescuing the poor negro mothers and sisters from a state of degradation and suffering, which you start from beholding your own reduced to, even in idea.' Edward released himself from the circling arm of his mother, and stood, for a moment, as if he was endeavoring to gather his thoughts and feelings into more distinctness. 'Mother,' said he, at length, 'I feel now what the command means, that we should do as we would be done by. And if ever I am a man, and slavery is not abolished then, you shall see that I have not forgotten what you have told me to day. E.M.C. </div> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.21.1831 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource E.M.C. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "What Does Your Sugar Cost?" A Cottage Conversation on the Subject of British Negro Slavery. (Concluded.) Description An account of the resource "WHAT DOES YOUR SUGAR COST?" A COTTAGE CONVERSATION ON THE SUBJECT OF BRITISH NEGRO SLAVERY. (Concluded.) From the Fiscal's account, printed by order of the House of Commons, June 23, 1826. page 39. "Mr. Grade, the manager of l'Esperance, is charged by the slaves with various delinquencies. A pregnant woman, named Rosa, was employed picking coffee with some other women. Thinking they did not pick enough, or well, Mr. Grade ordered the driver Zondag to flog them. The driver did so. Rosa had previously objected to working, as being too big, and being unable to stoop; but the manager overruled the objection, and she went to pick coffee on her knees. When Zondag came to her, he said to the manager, This woman is big with child. The manager replied, 'Give it to her till the blood flies out.' She was flogged with the whip doubled. This was on a Friday. She was sent to the field on Saturday, but, being seized with pains in her loins, was sent to the hospital. The doctor examined her, and ordered her to the field again. On Sunday she was delivered of a dead child, after a severe labour. The child's arm was broken, and one eye was bruised, and sunk in the head. This woman had had seven children before by one husband. The driver Zondag, and several others confirmed the above statement. The driver being particularly asked, whether on his representing that Rosa was pregnant, the manager had used the expression, 'Never mind, flog her till the blood comes,' replied, Yes.'" (pp. 25 - 27.) Woman weeps. - "Why, Madam, is a black woman to be used worse than a white one?" Daughter weeps. - "I can tell you, mother - because, because, mother, she has no one to stand up for her. Father would not let you be served so - nor William, either." Lady - "But if the father of Rosa's seven children had raised his arm to defend her, he would have been put to death. This is one of their laws - "Slaves who shall strike, or offer, or dare to strike, or use any violence towards their master or mistress, shall, for the first offence, suffer death, transportation, or such other punishment as the court may think fit to inflict. And for the second offence, death, without possibility of escape. Do not weep for them my good girl, but try to help them. Tell others how they are used, till every body helps them, and listen once more to their ale of woe." "General Murray, the late governor of Demerara, well known by the share he had in the prosecution of Smith, the Missionary, has two estates in Berbice, Resolution, and Busses Lust. On the 2d October, 1821, the manager of the former estate, Hopkins, was reproved by the Fiscal for having given three successive floggings to a Negro named Mark, who states, - "He has been flogged severely by the manager, on account of complaining he was sick, three different times; once twelve, another time thirty-nine, and again twenty-five lashes have been inflicted; shows marks of severe flogging, and much neglected." - (p. 49.) "On the 29th of November there is another complaint from the same estate. Michael says he is a negro, and knows well he must work; but that they work from morning till late in the evening picking coffee, 'and when he comes home, between six and seven in the evening, instead of going home to get some victuals, he is ordered to work till twelve at night, bringing mud from one place to another. Also on Sundays they are ordered to work, and if they should refuse they would be flogged.' Philip makes a similar complaint. "Thomas says he is an old man, and the work that the manager gives him to do is impossible for him to complete, from the weakness of his body and state; for which he is always punished, and kept continually in the stocks." (p. 50.) "The result of the complaints made to the Fiscal is seldom given. In this instance it is given in very laconic terms, and will doubtless surprise our readers: Two directed to receive SEVENTY-FIVE lashes." Mother. - "We will never, never more eat sugar." Daughter. - "I'll never more drink any coffee at all, that I won't." Lady. - "You may have very good sugar, not made by slaves, like this" - (shews her some free sugar.) Woman. - "How am I to get it? I am in debt to our huckster, and I know he only sells that vile slave sugar." Lady. - "Go and ask an honest worthy grocer, who was never known to tell a lie or deceive any one, to give you a pinch of free sugar, with its price per pound written on the paper. Then persuade twenty-four of your neighbours who deal with your huckster, every one, to tell him - 'We want sugar like this, and we will have no other:' keep your word, 'till he has got the right sugar, then eat in peace, and thank God that you were born free, and beseech him earnestly to release these poor blacks from slavery. I know a poor blind woman who is confined to her bed, and there she lies, begging God to help 'them to right who suffer wrong.' She is often asking him to pity her poor black fellow-creatures, and to rid them out of the hands of the wicked.' If every English woman would only do what I recommend: there would soon be an end of slavery; of British slavery, I mean." Woman. - "I wish to help them too, Ma'am; but what will my husband say? I hope he will be as willing as I am to give up the slave sugar." Lady. - "I have been told that he is a sensible man, and that he fears God: he knows that these poor creatures are slaves, and he will remember that 'all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.' If the blacks were in your place, and you in theirs, what would you wish them to do for you?" Woman. - "Oh! I should wish them to pity me, and pray for me, and to beg others to pray for me, and pity me, and the less they eat of the sugar I was whipped to make, the less I should have to make; and if my voice could reach the ears of such kind friends, I should say, 'Blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy.' May the blessings of a poor black woman be on your head." Lady. - "I think, except their own slaves, none that were greatly distressed, ever pleaded to Britons without being helped. Our slaves would have been heard before now, if their bleeding flesh could have had tongues to tell us their wrongs, but the cries of our slaves have been unheard, and their groans could not reach us; theirs 'has been silent, enduring, uncomplaining vice,' their very abjectness prevented them, like the beats, from sending messengers to us, to beg for our help; and it is this thought, 'they cannot plead for themselves,' that gave me courage to knock at your door this morning, to ask you 'what your sugar cost?' and now I have called upon you, and have begged you to help them, will you refuse? Remember that 'whoever so stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he also shall cry himself, but shall not be heard.' Prov. xxi. 13. and say with David, 'Deliver me from blood guiltiness, O God.' Psalm li. 14. Good bye, I will leave you some verses to read when I am gone, and I thank you for listening to me so kindly." - (The Lady does away.) PITY FOR POOR AFRICANS. I own I am shocked at the purchase of slaves. And fear those who buy them and sell them are knaves. What I heard of their hardships, their tortures, and groans, Is almost enough to draw pity from stones. I pity them greatly, but I must be mum, For how could we do without sugar and rum? Especially sugar, so needful we see, What, give up our gingerbread, coffee, & tea! Besides, if we do, the French, Dutch & Danes, Will heartily thank us, no doubt, for our pains, If we do not buy the poor creatures, they will, And tortures and groans will be multiply'd still. If foreigners likewise would give up the trade, Much more in behalf of your wish might be said; But while they get riches by purchasing blacks. Pray tell me why we may not also go snacks? Your scruples and arguments bring to my mind, A story so pat, you may think it is coin'd, On purpose to answer you, out of my mint; But I can assure you I saw it in print. A youngster at school, more sedate than the rest, Had once his integrity put to the test; His comrades had plotted an orchard to rob, And ask'd him to go and assist in the job. He was shock'd, Sir, like you, and answer'd - "Oh no! What! I rob our good neighbour! I pray you, don't go; Besides the man's poor, his orchard's his bread, Then think of his children, for they must be fed." "You speak very fine, and you look very grave, But apples we want, and apples we'll have; If you will go with us, you shall have a share, If not, you shall have neither apple nor pear." They spoke, and Tom ponder'd - "I see they will go, Poor man! what a pity to injure him so! Poor man! I would save him his fruit if I could, But staying behind will do him no good. "If the matter depended alone upon me, His apples might hang till they dropt from the tree; But, since they will take them, I think I'll go too, He will loose none by me, though I get a few." His scruples thus silenced, Tom felt more at ease, And went with his comrades the apples to seize; He blam'd and protested, but join'd in the plan, He shar'd in the plunder, but pity'd the man. Daughter - "Why, mother, Tom was as great a thief as the others, after all." Mother. - "So he was; and we shall be as bad as the planters, if we share in the sugar, and pretend to pity the slaves: we shall be neither more nor less than HIPOCRITES like Tom." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Freedom's Journal Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 8.24.1827 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource MR. GARRISON--I have a little incident Description An account of the resource (For the Liberator.) MR. GARRISON—I have a little incident which I must beg you to make public through the medium of your paper, particularly for the benefit of the ladies, who may perhaps wish to imitate such an excellent and laudable example.—I was present, a few weeks since, at a wedding, where the cake used on the occasion was not only made with free sugar, but on its pure white icing were mottoes written in delicate letters of green—'<xsl-text></xsl-text>Remember the slave,<xsl-text></xsl-text>' '<xsl-text></xsl-text>May oppression cease<xsl-text></xsl-text>,' <xsl-text></xsl-text>&c <xsl-text></xsl-text>. I assure you, this allusion to the subject in a way so novel, yet so impressive, was a cause of pleasant surprise. There were, at the same time, secret papers or mottoes handed round to the company, being couplets on the subject of slavery, abolition, &c. Here are specimens— 'Eat this candy without fear, No blood of slaves is mingled here.' 'If slavery comes by colors, as we see, Fashions may change, and you the slave may be.' With many others of like import. I hope this example may be imitated not only by my fair friends in Boston, but by my countrywomen every where. Hereafter parties may be made interesting and instructive by the means above alluded to. The subject may be brought before us in a thousand different ways—all tending to arouse our sleeping energies, and create a feeling of sympathy for the oppressed. B.W. Philadelphia, 28th Feb.1834. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 3.15.1834 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource B.W. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Prospects for the New Sugar Crop Description An account of the resource PROSPECTS FOR THE NEW SUGAR CROP.--At a meeting of the Louisiana Agricultural Society, held recently, a paper was read from Judge Post, President of the Society, in which he informs the Society that the future prospects of the sugar interest in Louisiana have undergone an unexpected and highly favorable change. - <xsl-text></xsl-text>Nat. Intell. <xsl-text></xsl-text>"The cane has of late years been subject to a variety of diseases, including a borer worm, an insect often found in the West Indies, but until lately unknown in Louisiana. The severe cold of last winter, while it nearly destroyed the crop on hand, also destroyed that mischievous insect and the other causes of disease, whatever they are. An unusual breadth of land has been planted this year, and, with anything like a fair season, in his opinion, an average crop will surely be made." If the friends of free sugar persist in their agitation, we should not wonder if the sugar planters should quit complaining altogether, and find out that the cane was never healthier, the season better, the extent of planting greater, the prospect brighter. Really, it is time to have done with such trifling. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The National Era Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2.19.1857 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Produce. Description An account of the resource For the Liberator.<xsl-text></xsl-text> FREE PRODUCE. In the Liberator No. 15, in Aunt Margery's interesting conversation with the children, she observed that free sugar came from Java or Batavia—(sugar from the East Indies, I believe, is generally free)—but coffee raised on the island of Java, I learn, is generally cultivated by the Malay slaves— prisoners of war.—Those who feel scruples about using the products of slavery would be pleased to have the point settled. There is plenty of free coffee from Africa and St. Domingo for sale in New-England. S.B. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Liberator Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5.12.1832 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S.B.