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                <text>Communications, TROIT, June 29, 1848.</text>
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                <text>&lt;ul&gt;&#13;
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Communications.&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;TROIT, June 29, 1848.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;FREDERICK DOUGLASS: My dear Sir,--I am on my return from a visit to my brother-in-law, James G. Birney. His health has been much impaired for several years, and it was not probable that I should ever see him, unless I should visit him. I found him residing at Lower Saginau. It is now in the heart of a wilderness; but in a dozen years it will be a town of no little importance. The commerce of the noble Saginau and of its partially navigable tributaries, will make it such. These streams drain a country of very great fertility, and abounding in good pine timber. Many lumbermen in the State of New York, have purchased land of me. They would have done far better, had they made their lumbering establishments at Lower Saginau.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;But I take up my pen to testify, in a few words, to the good character of the colored people of this city. They number one thousand, and are as a class, industrious, frugal, temperate, upright and intelligent. I have spent a Sabbath with them. In the morning, I attended their Methodist, and in the afternoon, their Baptist church. Mr. Gardner is the pastor of the former, and Mr. Davis of the latter. Mr. Davis is a neat, beautiful, and able writer. He formerly lived in Buffalo. He is a native of Maine.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;I find several acquaintances among the colored people of this city - namely, Robert Banks, George R. Symes, Lewis Haydon, and Henry Bibb and his wife. Banks and Symes were members of the colored school, which was sustained for several years in my little village. They are very worthy men. Mr. Bibb is preparing to go to England this Fall. His special employment there will be to advocate the disuse of the products of slave labor. His worthy wife will probably accompany him. Among the most estimable colored men of this city is Mr. George Baptist. I owe him much for his kind and useful attention to me.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;The colored people of this city justify themselves for congregating here, instead of scattering in the interior, on the ground that they can thereby better protect themselves from men-stealers, and can thereby better protect from men-stealers the almost daily arriving fugitives from the Southern prison-house. A large share of the colored people of this city are fugitive slaves.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;What a land is this, in which the poor and the weak are obliged to congregate themselves together in order to keep at bay the rich and the strong, who would steal them! You will perhaps say, "What a constitution cursed this land!" I would rather say, "What a people cursed this land!" Such a people, even though their Constitution had been dropped down from Heaven, would interpret it in behalf of justifying the oppression and devouring the poor. They have already in the Bible a Heaven-sent Constitution; and thus wickedly and blasphemously do they interpret it.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;With great regard,&lt;br /&gt;Your friend and brother,&lt;br /&gt;GERRIT SMITH.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Gerrit Smith</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The North Star&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>7.7.1848</text>
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                <text>We are very glad to hear again from our correspondent 'S.B.'</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;We are very glad to hear again from our correspondent 'S.B.' The story which he relates, may be also found in the Worcester Magazine copied from the Farmer's Letters, written, if we rightly remember, by a Mr. Dickinson, who in the same volume gives a curious description of the island and the inhabitants of Nantucket. We hope he will furnish us an essay on the gross inconsistency of those persons, who are conscientiously opposed to slavery, and yet consume the products of slave labor&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;. What would be thought of the officers of justice, who should most rigorously punish thieves, and at the same time purchase their goods, knowing them to be stolen? What would be thought of the conduct of the Governor of New Zealand, if he should say that he did all he could to put a stop to the horrid murders committed by the natives, and should at the same time be in the habit of paying a high price for every human head, which they should bring in properly prepared and tattooed? It is a correct maxim in law 'the receiver is as bad as the thief,' the accomplice as the robber, and nothing is more evident than that slavery is sustained and perpetuated by the citizens of the free States. and by those very persons, who profess to be vehemently opposed to slavery but who are unwittingly tearing down with one hand what they are building up with the other. 'Touch not, taste not, handle not' should be written on every article known to be the productions of slave labor.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;2: 23, p. 91</text>
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                <text>A Good Man Gone.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;A recent arrival from England brings us intelligence of the death of Mr. GEORGE RICHARDSON, at Newcastle-on-Tyne, which occurred on the 9th ult., in the 89th year of his age. The deceased was a member of the Society of Friends, and a consistent advocate of Peace, Temperance and Freedom. He early espoused the cause of the oppressed of the West Indies, and quit using the products of slave labor as one of the means of bringing about emancipation. In him the American Abolitionists had a firm and unwearied coadjutor. He labored zealously and most successfully for the amelioration of the condition of the poor in his own town. His door always opened to welcome the stranger, no matter of what country, clime, or color. In each outspoken action of his life one sentiment was ever prominent, and that the noblest one that ever actuates a human soul, the sentiment of duty. Few indeed have trodden with more care and less weariness "the straight and narrow path," or followed more faithfully that light which lighteth every man into and through the world. The outcast and needy of Newcastle will not soon find another George Richardson. The young may well imitate his character, while all can view his life as a beacon calling them on to higher and holier duty in the great work of making the world better. No unkind thought will follow bin to his grave, but it will be a place sought out by the pilgrim from a distance, as well as by the poor that loved him so well while living.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;br /&gt;"Thus, sleep the good, who sink to rest,&lt;br /&gt;By all their country's wishes blest&lt;br /&gt;When Spring, with dewy fingers cold,&lt;br /&gt;Returns to desk their hallowed mould,&lt;br /&gt;She there shall desk a sweeter sod&lt;br /&gt;Than Fancy's feet have aver trod.&lt;br /&gt;There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray,&lt;br /&gt;To bless the turf that wraps their clay,&lt;br /&gt;And Freedom shall a while repair,&lt;br /&gt;To dwell a weeping hermit there."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;W.W.B.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;We most fully unite with the grateful tribute thus rendered to our late venerable friend, Mr. GEORGWE RICHARDSON, of New Castle upon Tyne. 'A good man gone' may well be said of him,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Goodness&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;, was the main feature of his life, and all who were brought into contact with him were impressed with the goodness reflected from every line of his broad benevolent countenance. Privileged often to visit him sixteen years ago, and again two years, ago, we always felt like saying when contemplating him; 'Mark the perfect man behold the upright for the end of that man is peace.' He was emphatically the friend of the whole human family. Every man in need or in suffering whom he could, soothe, succor and relieve was his neighbor. He had counsel for the ignorant and erring, sympathy for the oppressed and an open band to the poor and needy. He was among the last living representatives of that noble body of good men in England who held up the hands of CLARKSON, WILBERFORCE, and Sir FOWELL BUXTON, while they carried the British nation up to she act of Emancipation. The dose of a life to long and so well spent, leaves no room for mourning, but rather leads to a feeling of peaceful gratitude that such a friend, has lived so long to serve and bless all within the reach of his influence.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator; Douglass' Monthly&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Liberator&lt;/em&gt; concludes at the W.W.B. signature.&lt;em&gt;&amp;nbsp;Douglass' Montly &lt;/em&gt;adds the final paragraph of the article.&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Liberator &lt;/em&gt;9.26.1862&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Douglass' Mothly &lt;/em&gt;10.1862&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>W.W.B.</text>
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                <text>Communications. Interesting Extracts.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;COMMUNICATIONS.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;INTERESTING EXTRACTS.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Editor of the Liberator.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;RESPECTED FRIEND—While different religious societies are taking up the subject of slavery, it may interest thee to learn how far the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;meetings&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;of Friends are interesting themselves in what has heretofore been only an individual concern. The last Yearly Meeting of Philadelphia says, in its epistle to its members,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'The situation of many of the slaves in the southern States is peculiarly afflicting; the laws of their taskmasters are cruelly-at variance with the principles of the Lord Jesus, whose holy religion they profess. Thus, in some places, it is made a penal offence to instruct slaves in reading and writing; by which they are debarred from a participation in the benefits of reading the scriptures, although some of their oppressors consider a knowledge thereof&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;essential to salvation.'&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;The treatment of free colored persons, in some of the States, is most unjust and degrading; as by iniquitous laws they are liable to be banished from their native soil on account of their color. Among the means proposed for the correction of this enormous evil, none has appeared better calculated, in the view of many Friends, for the attainment of that object, than refraining from the use of articles which are produced by slave labor.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Epistle from the Yearly Meeting of Friends in New-York, contains the following paragraph:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'The long protracted oppression of our brethren of the African race calls for our continued sympathy; and since some of their faithful advocates have been recently removed from works to rewards, it becomes in interesting question, whether our testimony on their behalf shall decline or rise with renewed energy. The public mind is, we trust, awakening to a sense of the rights of this people; and it is deemed worthy of inquiry, whether we could not more generally, by abstaining as way might open the use of the products of slave labor powerfully plead their cause.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Hudson, N.Y.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>4.9.1831</text>
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                <text>Products of Slavery</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="right" style="text-align: left;"&gt;&lt;i&gt;For the Liberator.&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;PRODUCTS OF SLAVERY.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;MR. EDITOR— I have long felt a deep and painful interest in the condition of our unfortunate fellow beings, whose cause you have so warmly espoused, and whose rights you have so strenously advocated. I have hoped that the 'Liberator' would do much good in our community by attracting public attention to the evils of slavery; affording information to many who were ignorant of the nature and extent of its horrors, and awakening a benevolent sympathy for its wretched victims. Though I have always pitied the slaves, and thought them an unhappy and injured race, and that those who held them in bondage were unjust, tyrannical and wicked for so doing, I had never supposed the extent of misery on the one side, or of injustice and cruelty on the other, so extreme, as I now perceive it to be. I considered it, (as many others still do) an irremediable evil, which might be meliorated by the increasing extension of philanthropy, and especially by the progress of christianity; but I had formed no estimate of a probability that the whole system might be annihilated. I now feel convinced that it may, and ought to be entirely abolished; that the oppressed slaves may be emancipated, and their oppressors taught to know and feel the injustice and criminality of retaining them in bondage. I am convinced that no human being has a right to exact the unwilling and uncompensated labor of his fellow mortals; to deprive them of liberty, or obstruct their advancement in knowledge and virtue. I doubt not this conviction will ultimately prevail in every community, where the obligations of religion and philanthropy are acknowledged; though the process may be slow; having to contend with much ignorance prejudice and error. This conviction, however, is but the first step towards a result so desirable as the total abolition of slavery. Every long established custom acquires a strong hold on the feelings of those who are habituated to its control; we know that its power in many cases is almost unconquerable; and this is especially the case, where a custom, however injurious in its tendencies, is a source of pecuniary emolument, or worldly aggrandizement to those interested in its continuance. It therefore becomes necessary for the attainment of this great and good object— the universal emancipation of our colored brethren— the complete overthrow of this abominable traffic in human flesh— to investigate the whole subject fairly and calmly; to discuss it fully and freely; to ascertain, as far as possible, what are the best means and methods for the accomplishment of this great end. On this point, I find there is great diversity of opinion. Men of equal talents, equal piety, and equal benevolence, take different and almost opposite views of the whole subject: my mind has been much perplexed, by hearing what seemed to me very strong arguments on both sides of the question.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With regard to the main subject, universal emancipation, as I before remarked, I have no doubt. I think it may, and it ought to be accomplished; but with regard to the means of its accomplishment, I do not feel so decided. I wish very earnestly to obtain more light, to understand more clearly how the measures which have been suggested can operate to produce the desired effect.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the Liberator of February 19th, I noticed an article on 'Free and Slave Labor;' containing several questions, respecting the practicability of measures which have been recommended. I have been hoping these questions would receive plain demonstrative answers from some one well acquainted with the subject; and that my own doubts might thereby be solved. I should not then have troubled you with this communication. If it can be proved that abstinence from the products of slave labor will tend, in any considerable degree, to effect the desired object, many friends who are interested in the cause, would unite with me in adopting the practice, immediately, without hesitation. We have been assured by one party, that such a practice would certainly produce this effect; but have not yet been told how. We have been assured by others, that this measure could do no good, and might even injure those whom we are seeking to benefit. We do not feel satisfied either, with their theory. I will briefly relate some of their arguments. They say, 'that if we refuse to purchase the products of free labor, and thereby lessen the demand for those articles, the planters will send them to Europe, or elsewhere; they will retaliate on us, by refusing to purchase our articles, and obstructing our foreign trade; this operation will only shift the difficulty, without removing it wholly. Our own manufacturers will suffer, by losing a ready market for their commodities; thus our own means will be diminished; the southerners will be irritated, without being reformed, by our coercive measures; and the poor slaves will remain in the same unhappy condition, notwithstanding all our efforts to relieve them.' This is a melancholy consideration indeed; I shall be thankful if it can be proved unfounded. If a fair and distinct reply can be given to the queries before stated, and I can be convinced of the utility of the plan which induced them; I shall be rejoiced to aid the good cause, in that way, and also in any other wherein I have ability. Positive assertions, violent declamation and bitter denunciations against the offending party, prove nothing to my mind. I have heard much of this rhetoric on many occasions; and pardon me, if I say, on this particular subject, I have been pained several times by reading articles in the 'Liberator,' which manifested an unchristian spirit. It is undoubtedly the duty of christians to hear their testimony against the vices of the age; and any one whose office or situation entitles him to repaire, admonish or exhort his brethern, would speak freely, and even boldly, if occasion require it. But those who wish to follow the example of their divine Master, or the teachings of his apostles, will temper indignation with mildness, being&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;grieved&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;at the hardness of men's hearts; they will instruct with meekness such as oppose themselves, even to the dictates of humanity; and feel some compassion for the sinner, while condemning his sin. They will at least refrain from such sarcasms and invectives as will have a tendency to rouse the evil passions, without awakening the consciences of those whom they censure. I will not, however, enlarge here; perhaps I have already said too much.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hoping you will answer the questions proposed, or refer your correspondents to some publication in which the subject has been fully stated and explained, I close this communication with sincere wishes that the right cause will prevail and prosper.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A.O.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;OBITUARY.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;Died of paralysis, on the 21st inst., at his residence, Fairmount, Ohio, JACOB HARRIS, aged 78 years. The subject of this obituary, without making any pretension to unusual sanctity, endeavored to&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;practice&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;the precepts of Christianity. He was opposed to war and the taking of human life, and, believing the enforcement of all legal enactments to be based upon the use of the sword, he had not, for that reason, voted for the last thirty years. He was opposed to oppression, and on that account he had abstained from the use of the products of slave labor, as far as practicable, for many years. He was a zealous advocate of the Temperance cause. He aimed to be just in his dealings, having frequently refused to take, though it was offered, more for an article than he thought it was really worth.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The National Era&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;FREE PRODUCE SOCIETIES.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Having given in our last, extracts from the proceedings of the Free Produce Societies, we feel induced to throw some thoughts, which have suggested themselves, before our readers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Why do any say that abstinence from the products of slave-labor can effect nothing? Surely, they do not reflect; for in the first place, is it not something to the individual, to know that he has washed his hands of the guilt of oppression? That which is done intelligently and conscientiously, makes a better man; and as men become consistently better, their influence is extended—others observe the advantages they have from a rigid compliance with the requisitions of duty, and it is impossible but that they should desire those advantages for themselves—this desire very naturally will lead them, as it led those, to whose condition they aspire—for the peace here spoken of, is only to be had on the common terms—namely; to ascertain&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;intrinsic right&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;and&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;conform&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;to it. All truths are facts, or directly deduced from them. The sentiment just expressed, that the example of the virtuous, though silent, and often unperceived, is nevertheless operative, is a well attested fact. To whose mind it was first suggested, that the consumer of the products of slave-labor was accessary to oppression, is not known; it is known, however, that but few years have elapsed since it claimed the attention of some isolated individuals, who, however highly they ranked in other respects, had the lustre of their greatness obscured in the vision of their admirers, by this speck of innovation—this mist of enthusiastic, it may be, fanatic eccentricity. Now, hundreds bear the same testimony, and thousands have it under serious consideration. If, twenty years ago, the example of a conscientious man convinced his neighbor in a year—the two, each his man in the next, and so on, in a geometric series, whose annual ratio of progression is two, (and this it is believed existing associations will establish, up to this time) how long would it take to convince every one whose pecuniary interests are not opposed?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let it not be inferred that there is any implied indifference to other modes of arresting the enormous evil of slavery; the distinct object of this article is to defend&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;abstinence&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;in those who practice it, and to&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;recommend&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;the propriety of it to the consideration of others.—&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;ib.&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>PETERBORO', June 24, 1836</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="right" style="text-align: left;"&gt;PETERBORO', June 24, 1836.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;MR. GARRISON:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I this day saw in the Liberator of 18th inst. a communication from Judge Jay.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I wish to say a few words for the purpose of showing, that it was not a measure of my own to get an expression of the American Anti-Slavery Society on the subject of using the products of slave labor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Whilst in New York last month, I attended several of the meetings of the Anti-Slavery delegates. I witnessed a part of the debate on a Resolution offered by, I know not whom, declaring the ordinary use of such products to be wrong. I took no part in the debate: but seeing, that not a few of the delegates would be dissatisfied with its passage, and being desirous of preserving harmony amongst them, I wrote and presented, as a substitute, the far milder Resolution, on which Judge Jay comments. The substitute was adopted and carried, with but one dissenting voice—that of Charles Stuart, a man, who never consents to sacrifice a hair's breadth of moral principle. 'O si sic omnes.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As I was a new member of the Society, and had found not a little fault with it, I felt that my fellow members might lack, and justly too, perfect confidence in the soundness and maturity of my&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;abolitionism.&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;Having this feeling, I was more willing to listen to others in these meetings, than to present my own views and schemes. The Resolution, which passed in one of these Meetings, respecting 'the present struggle in Texas,' was written by another person, and handed to me to move. Nor should I have taken a part in the proceedings of the late Anniversary of the Society, had not the Committee of arrangements insisted on my doing so.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These remarks, whilst they will acquit me, in the mind of my excellent friend, of the origination of the movement, so exceptionable in his view, will also account to him for the peculiar style and phraseology of the Resolution in question.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It never occurred to me, before reading Judge Jay's communication, that it was less proper for the Delegates in their meetings held&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;after,&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;than in those held&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;before&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;the Anniversary 'to assume to pronounce in the name of the American Anti-Slavery Society:'—and I do not now see that it was.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I am much pleased with the general rules and principles laid down in Judge Jay's communication. They are just and important; and I hope, that the members of the Anti-Slavery Society will not trespass upon them. But I am far from admitting their applicability to the case under consideration. If a portion of our abolitionists think, that the consumption of slave-labor products—especially by abolitionists—stands in the way of the abolition of slavery, is it 'a violation of good faith,' and a violation of the Constitution of the Society for them to say so in the meetings of the Society? For one I have long thought, that there is no single thing, which abolitionists could do, that would contribute so far to the abolition of slavery, as their abstinence from the&amp;nbsp;products of slave labor. Let one hundred thousand men and women in this nation avow, and adhere to their noble determination never to pollute their lips or their persons with that, which is wet with the tears and stained with the blood of 'the innocents'; and I believe, that the testimony of such self-denial would carry more conviction to the minds of slave-holders of the truth and power of anti-slavery doctrines and of the sincerity with which they are held, than all the testimony of types and pens. Judge Jay and I both have written and spoken somewhat for Temperance. But our advocacy of the cause would have been ineffectual, if we had coupled with it the drinking of ardent spirit. Now, I do not say, that the argument against using slave sugar, is as extensive and as conclusive, as that against drinking ardent spirit:—but I do say, that a part of the argument which we are accustomed to employ against the one, may as properly be employed against the other. One object we have in view, in inducing good men to abstain from whiskey, is that, in consequence of their abstinence, the owner of the whiskey-distillery will have such a troubled conscience and will withal become so odious, that he will consent to abandon a business, which destroys his peace and respectability. We hope for a similar effect from abstinence from the&amp;nbsp;products of slave labor. Indeed, were no more than the Ministers of the Gospel in the Southern States to determine to 'touch not, taste not, handle not' these blood-bought things, the inconceivably wicked system, which produces them, would quickly fall before the irresistible power of their example.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And here, Mr. Editor, allow me to make a suggestion for your own benefit. I acknowledge, with pleasure, that I am more indebted to your writings than to those of any other man for my abhorrence of slavery. Nor is the pupil in this case any the less grateful, because the master has occasionally boxed his ears. But, I want you to increase the power and efficacy of your writings and of your uncompromising integrity and fearless vindication of the truth, by your thorough espousal of the doctrine of abstinence from the&amp;nbsp;products of slave labor. It is strange, that you should lack the spirit, which moved your Revolutionary ancestors to seal up their lips against tea. Rely on it, that the Garrisons of that day were not tea drinking men. It is strange, that any of the Garrisons of this day should be eaters of slave sugar.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I did not take up my pen to say a word in favor of abstinence from the&amp;nbsp;products of slave labor. Of this, however, I am fully convinced, that, whenever Judge Jay shall see this abstinence to be one of the means for effectuating the abolition of slavery, he will then see nothing in the Constitution of the Anti-Slavery Society, to forbid his urging it, in the capacity of a Member of that Society. Until he take this view, he will consistently regard the action of the Society on this subject, as impertinent. Judge Jay will, of course, perceive, that the Constitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society, under his strict interpretation of it, gave no liberty to pass a large share of the Resolutions, which were passed along with the Resolution in question. I cannot believe, however, that he construes this instrument so rigidly, as it might be inferred he does, from the sentence in his communication beginning with the words: 'Now on examining.' Judge Jay's communication has manifestly proceeded from his misapprehension, that the Delegates undertook to direct the attention of the Society to an object other than its single Constitutional object:—whereas, in point of fact, they were but considering another means of promoting this one single Constitutional object. I readily admit, however, that the peculiar language of the Resolution in question, and his ignorance of the circumstances under which it was offered, go far to account for and to excuse his misapprehension.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;GERRIT SMITH.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="right" style="text-align: left;"&gt;HAVERHILL, April 7, 1838.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;MR. GARRISON:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SIR—In a recent correspondence with a friend, who is 'as much opposed to slavery as any body,' he says, he thinks those individuals in N. England, who inherit the property acquired by their fathers in the slave trade, 'stand precisely on the ground of the great majority of the slaveholders'—(those, I suppose, who inherit slaves)—and that they should give up their property, which is in 'dollars,' as well as those which is in slaves, as he thinks it would be no greater sacrifice than they demand of the South, and as the only test which will satisfy him of the genuineness of their philanthropy; but he says he hears not a word about this property.' Now, all these 'dollars' and cents would aid our cause much, very much; for who, but the colored man, should have the benefit of said property?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He also thinks that in using the products of slave labor, 'the partaker is as bad as the thief,' and that to cease doing so would be a sure remedy for slavery—and is ready any day to adopt this method of doing away slavery, whenever his abolition brethren shall become determined so to do. He thinks that to rail against slavery, and at the same time purchase the products of slave labor, is like railing against rum-selling, and at the same time purchase rum.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I think there is some difference, as rum is pernicious in itself—products of slave labor not, but good when made by free labor. But whether the difference is sufficient to justify the purchasing those articles, I know not. I wish for the right paths.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Yours for the slave,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CELIA.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Articles, Letters to the Editors, etc.</text>
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                <text>Communications.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p align="left"&gt;COMMUNICATIONS.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;LAMPETER, (Pa.) 2nd mo. 1st, 1834.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p align="left"&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;Esteemed Friend W.L. Garrison:&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have been a reader of the Liberator for the last fourteen months, and have perused its pages with much interest; and in the last number which came to hand, issued January 4, I noticed an article headed 'THE PRODUCTS OF SLAVE LABOR,' signed C.F. which contains sentiments with which I do not unite. He says—&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;'It is often eloquently urged upon us that we should not so much as touch any thing suspected of contamination with the accursed system; and in abhorrence of the sin of slavery, there is danger lest we rashly adopt a course of conduct, calculated rather to retard than forward the cause so dear to us. Unless it can be shown that the practical bearing of the course of total abstinence proposed, is a mean of the abolition of slavery, I cannot think myself called to abstain. I have already given my reasons for not believing the use of slave&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;products to be morally wrong, and having gone thus far—the question of the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;probable&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;results of abstinence upon the community is a difficulty which meets one at the threshold.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I shall endeavor to show the practical bearing that&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;total&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;abstinence, especially if it were&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;universal&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;abstinence, would have on the system of slavery. First, They depend, at the South, upon slave labor&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;for existence, We of the north, east and west, make those labors&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;profitable, by using the products of them. For instance:—How would the editors of the Liberator support their paper, if every one would withdraw their patronage? Do not their patrons support them? Would not that, or any other paper, cease, if they had no other support but that of the editors and publishers? if no one would 'so much as&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;touch&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;' or&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;look&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;at them? Again, how or what would the retailers do, if there were no consumers? And what would the wholesale merchant do, if there were no retailers? And what would the planters do, if there were no merchants, retailers or consumers, to uphold them in their 'accursed system'? Would not the slaveholders have to abandon their&lt;br /&gt;man-stealing and robbing? and this, too, for better reasons, and in consequence of more pacific and christian conduct, than it would be to 'hold a knife at their throats.' Nor is it stronger or weaker than&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;'moral persuasion.'&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;Let C.F. answer it.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Does C.F. think that it is immoral to steal, rob and murder, in order to procure articles to subsist on? And are we not sharers in the crime, if we receive and share in them, knowing them to be such? If I handle the plunder, and another holds the bag, and the third carries it to C's house, and all four use it; does C. act morally, or immorally, in partaking of it, seeing 'the receiver is as bad as the thief'? And perhaps the thief maintains his family by his pilfering and robbing! Yet, if I withdraw my support, it will 'directly tend to deprive them of bread, and increase the distress they already experience as a consequent of' stealing, &amp;amp;c. Would he think this good reasoning? Yet it is a fair comparison with the course C. appears to favor. I can see no essential difference between highway robbery, which the laws of our country do not justify, and robbing a man of his liberty and property, who is held guiltless by the laws of the slave&lt;b&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="color: red;"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/b&gt;States; the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;principle&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;is the same; the only difference is in the degree if it will at all bear a comparison. The latter is a thousand fold more wicked and unjust; for what would a man take in exchange for his liberty? Now, if we do not perceive it expedient to cease from supporting a system which cannot be perpetuated but by violence and fraud, it must be because we are so habituated to it, and educated in the&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;use&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;of its products; and this habit and education so far become&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;'second nature'&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;to us, that our moral senses have become blunted in the perception of its wrongs and enormities. 'Beside, why should we connect with anti-slavery principles—so plain and defensible in themselves—a measure of doubtful expediency, and one about which there is a division of opinion in the community? So far as this measure is not necessarily connected with our views as to the abolition of slavery, so far it is an injury rather than a benefit, because it connects an extraneous principle to one which should be brought before the American people, untrammaled and unprejudiced.' Now I think that abstinence is not a measure separate and distinct from anti-slavery principles, as C.F. supposes; but one with it, and belonging to it. He likewise says, it is 'a measure of doubtful expediency.' Now, if we who profess anti-slavery principles doubt the expediency of our not availing ourselves of the use of articles taken by violence, and fraud, and blood-shed, and handed down to us through several transfers, and for which we can show no better title than the master (so styled) can for his slaves—so may he doubt the expediency of his sacrificing his claims. Now, to be consistent, we ought to cease even our&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;'moral persuasion'&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;with the slave-holders, for their title is as good as ours; they did not steal the slaves first; they bought them, they will tell you, or, rather, the system&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;'was entailed&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;upon them by their fathers.' Might not the slaveholders reason in the same way, with the same propriety that he has done? There is this difference; they are the first perpetrators—we are their agents; and how can they continue in their system of robbery without our agency? Besides, is there any measure, about which there is no division of opinion? If not, then all measures are rendered abortive, seeing there are doubts and divisions concerning them all. Let C.F. not be deceived by the adversary of all good; for, remember, we are not to do evil that good may come, in partaking of their sins, lest we also partake of their plagues. If they perish, will not the guilt rest upon the heads of the oppressors?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The editor favors the opinion that his correspondent 'is a&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;total abstinence&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;man in disguise.' If so, I think he does not regard the truth as a man should, professing such just and christian principles. I shall have to express a different opinion of him; I believe he is not an abstinence man, though personally unknown to me, for his 'weapons' do not favor those of a&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;total abstinence&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;man; but of a contrary principle. Therefore, let him seriously consider it, and answer for the benefit of&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;himself&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;xsl-text&gt;&lt;/xsl-text&gt;&lt;/i&gt;'and others.'&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ABSTINENCE.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="988">
                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Liberator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="989">
                <text>3.1.1834</text>
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