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                <text>Free Produce Societies (Article)</text>
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                <text>Having given in our last, extracts from the proceedings of the Free Produce Societies, we feel induced to throw some thoguhts, which have suggested themselves, before our readers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Why do any say that abstinence from the products of slave-produce can effect nothing? Surely, they do not reflect; for in the first place, is it not something to the individual, to know that he has washed his hands of the guilt of oppression? That which is done intelligently and conscientiously, makes a better man; and as men become consistently better, their influence is extended--others observe the advantages they have from a rigid compliance with the requisitions of duty, and it is impossible but that they should desire those advantages for themselves--this desire very naturally will lead them, as it led those, to whose condition they aspire--for the peace here spoken of, is only to be had on the common terms--namely; to ascertain&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;intrinsic right&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;and&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;conform&lt;/em&gt; to it. All truths are facts, or directly deduced from them. The sentiment just expressed, that the examples of the virtuous, though silent, and often unperceived, is nevertheless operative, is a well attested fact. To whose mind it was first suggested, that the consumer of the products of slave-labor was accessary to oppression, is not known; it is known, however, that but few years have elapsed since it claimed the attention of some isolated indivudals, who, however highly they ranked in other respects, had the lustre of their greatness obscured in the vision of their admirers, by this speck of innovation--this mist of enthusiastic, it may be, fanatic ccentricity. Now, hundreds bear the same testimony, and thousands have it under serious consideration. If, twenty years ago, the example of a conscientious man convinced his neighbor in a year--the two, each his man in the next, and so on, in a geometric series, whose annual ratio of progression is two, (and this it is believed existing associations will establish, up to this time) how long would it take to convince every one whose pecuniary interests are not opposed?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let it not be inferred that there is any implied indifference to other modes of arresting the enormous evil of slavery; the distinct object of this article is to defend&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;abstinence&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;in those who practice it, and to&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;recommend&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;the propriety of it to the consideration of others.--&lt;em&gt;ib&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Liberator&lt;/em&gt; 1:36, p. 1</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Newcastle on Tyne, England, Oct.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;12, 1850. To the Editor of the Non-Slaveholder.</text>
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                <text>Henry Highland Garnet's letter on the influence of the free produce movement in Britain</text>
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                <text>I am happy to inform you that our good cause is increasing daily in importance to the minds of the British people. The willingness which they manifest to hear the subject, has surprised even the most sanguine of our friends. No one pretends to say that we are wrong, and therefore we have only to arouse the generous feelings of the people; and convince them of the practicability of our measures, and we see them mustering into our ranks with such alacrity as to assure us that success awaits us. Very many who heretofore had placed the slave system in foreign countries far beyond their reach, are beginning to see how they may remove some of the chief pillars from the concern, and are prepared to act in consistency with their convictions. Our meetings are invariably crowded, and we have the satisfaction of seeing much spirit and determination in the formation of "Free Labor Associations," which is usually attended to in meetings more private and social. Already with four weeks labor we have formed eight flourishing Associations, which are connected with the Ladies' New Castle Anti-Slavery Society. &#13;
&#13;
The following is a brief statement of our movements:&#13;
Sept. 13 We commenced our Anti-Slavery campaign. The first meeting was held at Wallsend. It was well attended, and our cause was warmly received.&#13;
14th. At 2 o'clock I addressed a large concourse of children at Tuthill Stairs, Baptist chapel, New Castle, and impressed upon the minds of my little hearers, the condition and claims of the slave children of America.&#13;
16th. A large and spirited meeting was held in the evening at Gateshead. Rev. Mr. Anderson presided--the large school belonging to the Methodist chapel was crowded.&#13;
17th. Went to South Shields, called the "Heart of Old England." We were welcomed to the house of Thomas Scott, a gentleman much devoted to our cause. The meeting was held in the Wesleyan chapel, the largest house in town. Robert Ingham, Esq., ex. M.P. presided, and made an able address. Mr. Ingham is one of the most popular and beloved gentlemen in this part in the country. The church was filled to overflowing, and we were informed that many were compelled to leave the doors, not being able to gain admittance. It is estimated that more than 1200 were present. Mr. Wm. Harper did much towards the meeting. He is a ship owner, but will not employ his vessels in any way that will promote slavery. The venerable Dr. Winterbottom could not attend the meeting, but sent word that "he had a black man's heart"--the precise language used by the venerated friend of the oppressed, Gerrit Smith Esq.&#13;
&#13;
18th. Attended a private meeting at 11 o'clock, at the Wesleyan chapel, and formed a large and influential Association. At 3 P. M. joined a "Tea Party" at Rev. Mr. Pottenger's Baptist chapel, in Tuthill near New Castle. It was an Anti-Slavery gathering--and all the delicacies were fre labor of course. The meeting was in every way cheering and grateful to the hearts of the friends of the cause.&#13;
19th. Spent a part of the day with Jonathan Priestman, an esteemed minister of the Friends' in New Castle. In the evening attended a Free Labor Tea Party, kindly given me by the Wesleyan ladies at the Blenheim street chapel; a large number of gentlemen and ladies were present. The meeting was in every way delightful. Several speeches were made after the tables were cleared.&#13;
20th. An enthusiastic meeting at North Shields. The Mayor, Capt. Linskill, took the chair, and made a warm and able speech, approving the measure. Dr. Pennington joined me here and took part in a meeting.&#13;
27th. Met a private gathering in Gateshead, at the house of Mr. Brady to form a Free Labor Association. Several high-minded and influential persons were present.&#13;
30th. At 7 o'clock, went to our meeting at Smyrna chapel in Sunderland, and found the house filled, and scores standing around the doors. We entered, and were welcomed by a hearty greeting. The Union chapel some hundred rods distant was opened to receive the surplus congregation, and it was soon filled. Both Dr. Pennington and myself spoke in each meeting. We never saw more enthusiastic meetings. The next mornign a large Association was formed. &#13;
Oct. 1. Attended the second meeting at South Shields, which was even larger than the first. The Wesleyan chapel was kindly opened. The meeting was full to overflowing.&#13;
2d. Went to Hartlepool, and found the friends not expecting a good meeting, but was agreeably disappointed. Next morning a good Association was formed.&#13;
3d. Held a meeting at Friends' meeting house at Stockton. The house though large was crowded. There we also formed an Asosciation.&#13;
4th. Spoke at Middlesburgh in the Town Hall. The house could not hold the people who desired to hear. The next day we saw a good society started.&#13;
8th. We reached the beautiful town of Darlington. The place has several of the most "stately homes of England." The residences of several "Friends" are lovely beyond description. I would mention those of the Peases and Backhouses. We had a warm and cordial reception, and really our hearts were cheered to see those whose opulence and distinguished names give them so much influence joining in this infant Reformation with such spirit. Our meeting was held in the Central Hall, which was quite full. An association was formed the next day.&#13;
10th. Attended another meeting at Blagdon, which was not a whit behind the others for interest.&#13;
In most of these meetings at which associations were formed, we were aided by our friend A.H. Richardson. The demand for free labor articles is increased daily. Help us, dear friends in America, to satisfy that demand.&#13;
H.H. GARNET</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>11.1850</text>
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                <text>Chittenango Falls, Dec. 20. 1849</text>
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                <text>Letter from A.W. Nourse to Samuel Ringgold Ward on free labor</text>
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                <text>BRO. WARD,--I have long been convinced that it is inconsistent for me to pray, and talk, and vote against slavery, and then bolster up that diabolical system, by purchasing and consuming the products of slave labor. It is one of the plainest of all plain questions, that if the slaveholder could find no market for his plunder, he would be glad to let the oppressed go free. Who then are responsible for the existence and extension of slavery, if those who purchase and use this worse than stolen property are not? I have been pained and almost vexed at the course abolitionists take on this question; while they profess abundance of sympathy for the poor, suffering, bleeding slave,--while they denounce the slaveholder and his abettors in no measured terms; they themselves will use those very articles to produce which the slave suffers and bleeds; and the oppressors arm is strengthened to ply the gory lash.&#13;
&#13;
Among the arguments used in favor of consuming the products of slave labor, are, that those articles are more easily and cheaply obtained; that the products of free labor cost too much, that they are difficult to be got hold of. Now to me it looks as though every pound of cotton produced by slav labor, costs more than all the gold in California could pay for, if the whole territory were a solid mass;--it costs no less than the price of blood.&#13;
&#13;
But to discuss this question is not the chief object of this communication. I wish to inquire of you or some of your correspondents, where and how, those who despise the "gain of oppression," can obtain the products of free labor. Could not a free labor store be established in Syracuse.&#13;
&#13;
Yours, &amp;c.,&#13;
A.W. NOURSE&#13;
This subject deserves attention. Our opinion is that a pedlar of free labor goods, might supply a great many families.--ED IM. CIT&#13;
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                <text>1.2.1850</text>
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                <text>African Cotton</text>
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                <text>We call the attention of the friends of the free labor movement to the following letter from a gentleman in Boston to Benjamin Coates Esq., of Philadelphia, who kindly furnished us with a copy:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;BOSTON, August 8, 1859.&lt;br /&gt;"BENJ. COATES, ESQ.--&lt;em&gt;Dear Sir:&lt;/em&gt;--Having read your pamphlet upon African Cotton, I think you may be interested to know that I have imported about 4000 pounds from Liverpool, through the agency of Mr. Thomas Clegg, and am now causing it to be spun and woven at a mill under my charge. I shall have the pleasure of soon sending you a small sample of the cotton, and the cloth woven. I write now, as I think it possible you may wish to order some of the cloth, which I shall sell at our regular price; it will be a good honest sheeting of No. 24 yarn. I have tried this experiment in order to substantiate statements regarding cotton, and in the hope of turning the attention of some of our anti-slavery merchants that way.&lt;br /&gt;"Yours very truly, EDWARD ATKINSON."</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Weekly Anglo-African&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>8.27.1859</text>
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                <text>How Free Labor Pays</text>
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                <text>A planter of the Parish of Iberville, La., has addressed the following communication to the Freedmen's Aid Association of New Orleans: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I am a planter of twelve years' experience; this year I am working twelve hands, six men and six women; my laborers are to get one-fourth of the net proceeds of the crops. They have a full understanding of the interest in the said crops. Our contract was made on the 1st of February last, and the results so far is a complete success; we have to-day 85 arpents of corn, all in perfect condition. I don't mention the vegetable crops. Under the old system ten arpents to the and was considered a fair result, and more than three-fourths of the plantations failed to come to that standard. My laborers are all good people behaving well, having good common sense; they are honest and true to their family. Besides the crop in common, they have raised for their private account small crops of corn and vegetables; they have poultry, etc., of their own. Not a single difficulty has occurred among them since they have agreed to work on my farm." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thus, says the Pittsburg&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Dispatch&lt;/em&gt;, is the whole labor problem solved. Deal justly, give the freedmen some interest in their work, and there will be no trouble. In this case fifty per cent more of ground is cultivated under the old system, and the probability is that the planter will make that per cent more. It is probably best to "peg away" at the old slaveholders till they conclude to deal justly, and thus "fight it out on the line." It is nothing but sheer ugliness on their part that causes all the trouble and inflicts all the distress upon the freedmen.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Elevator&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>10.27.1865</text>
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                <text>The Yankee Cotton-Spinner in a Fix. Free Labour Question in America.</text>
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                <text>"I THINK that the Free Labour Question will come before the people of this country in a short time. The Slave States are fast erecting various kinds of manufacturing establishments, but more particularly for the manufacture of cotton goods. This will cause both capitalist and labourers of the Free States to take the side of Free Labour. The slave-holders have already in operation, in the Slave States, a number of establishments. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"In one, they have three hundred women at work. It costs but about twenty-five dollars per year to take care of a slave. They say that they can manufacture cotton goods twenty per cent cheaper at the South, than the free manufacturers of the North. If so, then the Northern manufacturers must stop, or try to keep slave-manufactured goods out of the market. I think the latter will be the case. The question of the impropriety of using slave produce is being discussed in this country in several of our papers. The Pennsylvania Freeman takes, I think, a good stand upon the question."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--&lt;em&gt;Letter from William W. Brown, dated Philadelphia, December&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;30, 1848.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Monthly Illustrations of American Slavery&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>2.29.1849</text>
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                <text>On Free Produce</text>
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                <text>Frances Ellen Watkins Harper describing how Solomon Northrup's narrative led her to "embrace the Free Labor doctrine most thoroughly"</text>
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                <text>Having read the narrative of Solomon Northrup (12 years a slave), she was led to embrace the Free Labor doctrine most thoroughly; and in a letter dated at Temple, Maine, Oct. 20, 1854, after expressing the interest she took in the annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society of that state, she [Frances Harper] remarked: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I spoke on Free Produce, and now by the way I believe in that kind of Abolition. Oh, it does seem to strike at one of the principal roots of the matter. I have commenced since I read Solomon Northrup. Oh, if Mrs. Stowe has clothed American slavery in the graceful garb of fiction, Solomon Northrup comes up from the dark habitation of Southern cruelty where slavery fattens and feasts on human blood with such mournful revelations that one might almost wish for the sake of humanity that the tales of horror which he reveals were not so. Oh, how can we pamper our appetites upon luxuries drawn from reluctant fingers? Oh, could slavery exist long if it did not sit on a commercial throne? I have read somewhere, if I remember aright, of a Hindoo being loth to cut a tree because being a believer in the transmigration of souls, he thought the soul of his father had passed into it ... Oh, friend, beneath the most delicate preparations of the cane can you not see the stinging lash and clotted whip? I have reason to be thankful that I am able to give a little more for a Free Labor dress, if it is coarser. I can thank God that upon its warp and woof I see no stain of blood and tears; that to procure a little finer muslin for my limbs no crushed and broken heart went out in sighs, and that from the field where it was raised went up no wild and startling cry unto the throne of God to witness there in language deep and strong, that in demanding that cotton I was nerving oppression's hand for deeds of guilt and crime. If the liberation of the slave demanded it, I could consent to part with a portion of the blood from my own veins if that would do him any good.”</text>
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                <text>Frances Ellen Watkins Harper</text>
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                <text>William Still,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Underground Railroad&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;(1872) in A Brighter Coming Day, 44-45</text>
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                <text>FREE LABOR PRODUCE IN SANDWICH, MASSACHUSETTS. ---We are pleased to find by the following editorial notice, which we take from the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Sandwich Observer&lt;/em&gt;, that facilities for discarding slave labor products are being gradually extended. We trust the example of Dr. Russell will be followed in other New England towns, and that the opponents of slavery will be careful to give substantial encouragement to this, and every other similar effort to promote the good cause.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Those who desire to make use of free instead of slave labor produce, can be supplied at the store of Dr. Henry Russell, in this town. We noticed by a circular that at the Free Produce Meeting in Newport last June, the following members of the Sandwich Monthly Meeting of Friends were appointed a committee to promote the use of articles produced by free labor--namely: Stephen Dillingham, Henry Russell, Ruth H. Baker, David Kelley, Elizabeth Dillingham, Mercy Wing."</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;4:12, p. 273</text>
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                <text>12.01.1849</text>
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                <text>FREE PRODUCE CONVENTION SUGGESTED (Article)</text>
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                <text>Responce to Henry Miles</text>
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                <text>--We see in F. Douglass' paper a letter to Gerrit Smith from our valued friend and contributor H. Miles of Monkton, Vermont, suggesting "the propriety of organizing an&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;American Free Produce Association:--&lt;/em&gt;of holding a convention during the fall or winter,"--"Let us," says H.M. "have a demonstration that there is some 'resolution in our resolves' to have no union with slaveholders, politically ecclesiastically or&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;commercially&lt;/em&gt;." G. Smith in an unpublished reply says,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I and my family have refrained for 20 years from Slave produce. IT IS ONE OF THE WAYS BY WHICH UNDER GOD, I AM ABLE TO MAINTAIN MY ANTI-SLAVERY PRINCIPLES. I should be much pleased to see such an Association as you speak of."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A kindred project has been entertained by some friends in this vicinity.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;1:11, p. 95</text>
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                <text>11.02.1853</text>
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                <text>Free Labor Produce (Article)</text>
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                <text>FREE LABOR PRODUCE&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Monkton, Vermont, 9th mo. 2d, 1853&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;ESTEEMED FRIEND:--I have been a member of the Free Produce Association of Friends of N.Y. Yearly Meeting for some years, but regret we have to report, year after year, of the existence of so much&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;apathy&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;amongst those that it is reasonable to expect would manifest the opposite--that is,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;interest.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;It is now gratifying to observe others are taking the subject in hand. The "Wesleyan" is discussing it, the "Burlington Courier" admits an article occasionally in support of the doctrine of abstinence; and thinking people hereaway are beginning to inquire if there is not some other way by which they can procure cotton than by going to the slaveholder for it? The "Non-Slaveholder" is curculated here, and is doing good; may be it will be enlarged some day, so as to do more good. Some of the friends of the free labor movement are desirous of carrying their views more thoroughly into practice than they can by individual action alone. They are beginning to think the "outsiders" might have a free labor association. I have written to Gerrit Smith on the subject, and he has returned me a favorable answer, and has sent my letter to F. Douglass's Paper. The proposition is to form an American Free Produce Association, admitting all that are willing to conform to the conditions of membership, to raise a little capital for investment in free labor goods, cotton especially, and have it manufactured, so as, if possible, to offer it at the price of that from slave labor cotton.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I am induced to make this application to three, believing the Pennsylvania Freeman has heretofore advocated this plan of antislavery action, for information in relation to it, viz: Is the "American Free Produce Association," that has held its meeting in Philadelphia, still in being? Is it aiming at extending its influence into ts or other regions? If it has suspended its operations, would it be desirable to reorganize upon a plan that would admit all those friendly to it, &amp;amp;c.? Its constitution and such other statistics as thee thinks would be acceptable to us here, will be thankfully received.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Allow me to inquire, also, do not the labors of our transatlantic friends in this department increase the inducement for exertion on this side the ocean? And do not the plans developed in the "Cotton Plant" against us give an additional inducement?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The best apology I have at hand for this communication, is a desire to co-operate in my feeble way with those laboring for the abolition of slavery.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I remain, respectfully, thy friend.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;HENRY MILES</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Pennsylvania Freeman&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;X/IX: 42, p. 166</text>
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                <text>10.20.1853</text>
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