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                <text>COLOURED FEMALE FREE PRODUCE SOCIETY</text>
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                <text>We begin to grow proud of our countrywomen. For a long time we could not think only with deep mortification of their unworthy negligence of the piteous call of their suffering fellow creatures. In England societies were forming in almost every corner and section of the country. Here only one existed, to cheer with its usefulness and activity the broad waste of inertness that surrounded it. But the prospect is now growing brighter. There are luminous spots rising over the gloomy horison. The thought of our country's Dixon and Greenfield rises like a beacon of hope amidst its darkness, and the many manifestations of an increasing interest in the fate of those who have been so long suffered hopelessly to perish beneath the curse of slavery, seem to offer a consolatory promise that a happier day is yet in store for them.&#13;
&#13;
It is especially pleasing to us that so many of our coloured sisters have united in entering the field of Emancipation. If we have hitherto said but little respecting their Association, it was not because we have beheld its formation and progress with indifference; for the remembrance of it seldom crosses our thought without bringing with it a feeling of exultation. Their promptness and numbers are a reproach to the inactive carelessness of so many of their white sisters: and we sincerely hope they will persevere undiscouraged in the noble course they have commenced. To hear of their activity and usefulness will always be a high pleasure to us, and we wish that their excellent examples may not be lost either upon their sisters of a fairer hue, of those of their own colour in other places. We rejoice also on their own accounts at the step they have taken; it is one that is calculated to raise them both in their own respect, and that of others, and in itself to contribute to the elevation of their characters. We learn that some of our friends of the Free Cotton Association have at different times met with them, and that a number of their members have attended the meetings of that society. These manifestations of reciprocal good feeling afford us much pleasure, and both societies have our warmest wishes for their prosperity and advancement in usefulness.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Genius of Universal Emancipation&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;2:4, p. 57</text>
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                <text>August 1831</text>
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                <text>Anti-Slavery Meeting</text>
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                <text>The Rev.S.R. Ward delivered an interesting Anti-Slavery Lecture at the Castle Inn, Woodford, Essex, on Friday the 21st July ult., Stephen Bourne, Esq., late Stipendiary Magistrate in Jamaica and British Guiana, presiding. The meeting was numerously and respectably attended, and much sympathy was excited by the appeals of Mr. Ward. The object of the meeting was to promote the formation of a local Anti-Slavery Society, to co-operate with the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Ladies' Free-labour Association&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;at Walthamstow, the members of which are working single-handed, and would be glad of a little assistance from the gentlemen of the immediate neighbourhood.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Ward gave especial prominence to the fact that those who consume slave-labour produce are parties thus far to keeping up Slavery: and enjoined those who professed anti-slavery sentiments to act consistently, by abstaining, as far as lies in their power, from consuming articles the product of slave-labour. He also showed how, by developing the resources of our East and West-India Colonies, and by promoting the cultivation of cotton there, in Africa, Australia and elsewhere, and thus augmenting the supply of free-labour staples, slave-holders would eventually be thrust out of the markets of the world by the more sucessful enterprises of free-labour.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Chamerovizow, Secretary of the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;also addressed the meeting. He pointed out in what manner the system of slavery reacted on the people of this country, as, to wit, in the case of the law relating to coloured seamen, and indicated the course which the American church has observed in abstaining from taking action against slaveholders. He also referred to the various instrumentalities that might be employed, to break down the system, amongst which, he stated that the religious bodies in this country might become the most powerful, by remonstrating with their American co-religionists who either uphold slave-holding or do not speak against it, and by refusing to receive such into church-fellowship. This course, he observed, would awaken a sentiment in the American churches against Slavery, which it was to be regretted does not exist.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Provincial Freeman&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>9.23.1854</text>
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                <text>Henry Highland Garnet delivers an address </text>
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                <text>A crowded meeting of the friends of the Society was held at the Music Hall on Thursday evening, to hear an address from the Rev. H. H. Garnet, a coloured minister from the United States. The Rev. Dr. Marsh occupied the chair, there being also upon the platform, Capt. Beville, G. Rawson, Esq., the Rev. Dr. Wright, Rev. Dr. Young, the Revds. A. Pope, O. Winslow, &amp;c., &amp;c. Dr. Young opened the proceedings by prayer. The Rev. H. H. Garnet, who spoke English with great fluency, then delivered an eloquent address, in which he said there were three millions of slaves in the United States, three millions more in Brazil, and about one million in the West India islands; but the slavery of the United States was the most cruel, and the greatest efforts were mad to give it a long life. He proceeded to sketch the main features of the system, especially viewing it in connexion with the religion of the country. He stated the various sects who held slaves, and the numbers they held; and dwelt at some length upon the enormities of the Fugitive Slave Law, illustrating its working in an interesting and powerful manner. Being a retrospective law, it would, he said, enable a slave-owner to claim an escaped slave, no matter how many years his claim might have been waived; and the owner could also claim the children and grandchildren of this slave, as well as any property they might have acquired. The number of slaves escaped into the Northern States, and consequently subject to the operation of this law, was about 70,000. He thanked God that 50,000 or 60.000 more, who were safe in Canada, could not be touched. The consequences of the Bill was that slaves were flocking in large numbers over in Canada in order to escape re-capture. After demonstrating the unhappy influence exercised on the slave system by the purchase in England of slave produce, which purchase, in fact, only rendered the slave owner the agent of the purchaser, Mr. Garnet concluded his speech by urging the audience to purchase and use only the products of free labour. The meeting was subsequently addressed by the Rev. O. Winslow (who said that having been in America he could substantiate the truth of what had been advanced by Mr. Garnet), the Rev. A. Pope, and Dr. Marsh; each speaker calling upon the meeting to carry out its practical object, namely, not to purchase other articles than those produced by free labour. The Doxology having been sung, the large assembly dispersed shortly after ten o'clock.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Patriot&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>3.13.1851</text>
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                <text>American Slavery - The Free Labour Movement</text>
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                <text>Description of Henry Highland Garnet's visit to England and lecture on free produce</text>
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                <text>It is already known to our readers -- for we have repeatedly brought the fact under their consideration -- that a movement is on foot in this country to undermine the institution of American slavery, by withdrawing, as far as may be, its foundation and support -- the consumption of its products -- its cotton, and sugar, and race -- raised by the enforced and unrequited toil of the negro. With this view tracts have been circulated making known to housekeepers what countries and colonies produce their goods by slave labour, and what by free labour -- that, in making their purchases, they may choose the free in preference to the slave -- may prefer, for instance, the sugars and coffees of the British West Indies to those of Cuba or the Brazils, the rice of Patras or Java to that of Carolina, the cocoa of Trinidad or Grenada to that of Brazil. But the friends of the free-labour movement have chiefly endeavoured to promote the cultivation and supply of cotton by voluntary and remunerated industry, as the most effectual means of competing with the American slaveholder, and wounding him to the quick. There are great difficulties in the way of this enterprise; but they are not insurmountable, and already some wholesale mercantile houses have placed themselves in a condition to supply free-labour goods to retail tradesmen. Moist sugar, coffee, and rice, the produce of voluntary labour, may be obtained from any wholesale house; loaf sugar, from Stantin &amp; Fry, London; prints for ladies' dresses, Crewdson's fine shirtings, Morris's white and grey calicoes, coloured glazed linings, sewing cottons, tapes, &amp;c., from J.F. Browne &amp; Co., Manchester; white and grey calicoes, knitting cottons, &amp;c., from Barrow &amp; Satterthwaite, Lancaster; hosiery, from J. &amp; R. Morley, Wood-street, Cheapside, London; Strutt's three-thread knitting cottons, from Burtenshaw &amp; Gaude, London. In Newcastle, Richardson &amp; Coxon and Mr. Charles Bragg, and in Gateshead Mr. F. Clark, drapers, keep free-labour goods; and other tradesmen will doubtless also procure them -- and the more readily if their fair customers ask for them.&#13;
&#13;
To induce our countrywomen on whom the success of this movement mainly (we might say altogether) depends, to make this request -- to desire the shopkeeper to serve them with goods that have been freely procured for market wages, in preference to those the slaveholder has raised by the labour of his bondsmen -- not only, as we have already stated, has the press been set in motion, but MR. HIGHLAND GARNET, a coloured gentleman, of pure African descent, born in slavery, but now happily emancipated, has been induced to visit this country, and appeal from the platform for sympathy and support. His arrival in this country was announced in a previous number of the Gateshead Observer, and we have not to report his first appearance before a public meeting. This was held on Monday evening, the 16th inst., in the Weslyan school-room, Gateshead--the most spacious apartment in the borough, yet crowded from end to end. A hymn had been sung, prayer was offered up by the Rev. Mr. RATTRAY, of Swalwell, and the Rev. T.K. ANDERSON, Presbyterian minister, was called upon to take the chair.&#13;
&#13;
Mr. GARNET was most kindly and cordially received when he rose to address the meeting. After a few words of introduction, he stated that he appeared before an English audience on behalf of an oppressed and injured race on the continents of America and Africa, and of countless numbers on the islands of the ocean, who lifted up their fettered hands to Heaven, and prayed for liberty. He was there as their advocate, not only because he was of the same race, every drop of blood in his veins being African; but also because he was a man. (Applause.) Mr. Garnet read a letter -- one of the last letters ever written by John Wesley -- which was on the subject of slavery, and was addressed to William Wilberforce, animating him to renewed zeal and courage in his philanthropic enterprise, and stigmatizing American as the worst form of slavery which had ever existed under the sun. The institution thus justly described by Mr. Wesley had now three millions of victims; or, in other words, there were as many human beings held in bondage in the United States as there were inhabitants -- men, women, and children -- in all Scotland. (Sensation.) And the physical horrors of slavery -- on which it was not his intention to dwell -- were not its worst and most appalling consequences. Its moral effects were still more fearful and lamentable. Yet of these the slaveholder was accustomed to make his boast. When he had blotted out from his victim the natural, inborn love of liberty; when he had extinguished within him all those high and holy aspirations and affections which gave dignity to human nature; then, with his foot upon the neck of his prostrate slave, he exulted in his work, and proudly proclaimed that the crouching and abject serf was -- CONTENT! (Hear, hear.) But, as a class, they were not content. If they were, how came it that thousands of them fled the house of bondage? The slaveholder bitterly complained of the loss of his property--he was angry that they sought and found an asylum in Canada -- that, flying from the shadow of the Republic, they took refuge under the shelter of the English Monarchy. (Applause.) But what would have become of the United States, if the forty thousand negroes now in Canada had ben retained in bonds? Canada, in fact, was the safety valve of American Slavery -- the protection of the Republic from a destructive explosion. Thither it was that the aspiring negro, whose resolve was liberty or death, directed his fugitive feet; and woe to the United States if no such asylum existed for the mounting and untameable spirits of his (Mr. Garnet's) race! (Applause.) Virginia and Maryland, Mr. Garnet stated, were states whose chief exports were slaves; and the average duration of an exported negro's life did not exceed from five to seven years. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Garnet exhibited one of the whips wielded by the drivers-- a whip, he said, which had frequently been used in lashing men and women. He also produced the chains imposed upon the necks and limbs of the slaves. But, he said, for these he was indebted, not to America, but to England. Yes! Birmingham was the place in which the shackles were forged which the manstealer placed upon his prey. (Sensation.) But let the forgers beware! Lord Brougham, in. 1840, obtained a law which made it felony to aid and abet the Slave Trade; and the men who made these chains, and who were well known, might be transported. (Applause.) While America built the fleetest vessels in the world -- the Baltimore clippers -- to waft the poor negro from slavery, Portugal and Spain supplied the crews, and England wove the fabrics that were given in exchange for the captive African, and forged his chains. (Hear, hear.) A rude song, said to be the composition of a slave, was frequently sung in the United States on the occasion of processions of the captured gangs. He (Mr. Garnet) had no pretensions to be considered a vocalist, but h would sing the words:--&#13;
&#13;
See these poor souls from Africa&#13;
Transported to America.&#13;
We are stolen, and sold to Georgia:&#13;
Will you go along with me?&#13;
We are stolen, and sold to Georgia:&#13;
Come sound the jubilee!&#13;
&#13;
See wives and husbands sold apart:&#13;
Their children's screams will break my heart.&#13;
There's a better day a-coming:&#13;
Will you go along with me:&#13;
There's a better day a-coming:&#13;
Go sound the jubilee!&#13;
&#13;
O, gracious Lord! when shall it be&#13;
That we poor souls shall all be free?&#13;
Lord, break them slavery powers:&#13;
Will you go along with me?&#13;
Lord, break them slavery powers:&#13;
Go sound the jubilee!&#13;
&#13;
Dear Lord! dear Lord! when slavery'll cease,&#13;
Then we poor souls will have our peace.&#13;
There's a better day a-coming:&#13;
Will you go along with me?&#13;
There's a better day a-coming:&#13;
Go sound the jubilee!&#13;
&#13;
(These simple lines, set to a plaintive air, produced a marked impression on the meeting.) Mr. Garnet proceeded to say, that the only way in which Britain could, legitimately assist in the emancipation of the American slave, was by argument; and the most powerful argument would be the discontinuance, as far as possible, of the consumption of slave-labour products. A former generation gave up, for the sake of the negro, the use of slave-grown sugar; and this was done when free labour sugar was not to be had. A less sacrifice was now demanded of the British public. It was simply asked of them to prefer free-labour to slave-labour sugar, coffee, cotton, rice, &amp;c. This he believed they would many of them do. He had been encouraged at Frankfort, while visiting that city as a delegate to the Peace Congress, by the request of the chief magistrate that an anti-slavery meeting should be held. This suggestion was carried out, and it was resolved that free-labour stores should be established in Germany. Mr. Garnet exhibited cottons and cotton prints the products of free labour, now on sale in Newcastle, Gateshead, and elsewhere. There were British colonies, he said, which could produce cotton with even more advantage than the United States; and he trusted that every encouragement would be given by Britons to this branch of British industry. (Applause.) Mr. G., of whose address we give but a bare outline, resumed his seat amidst loud cheers, -- We find that we have omitted to allude to one of the dark features of American slavery, presented by Mr. Garnet the law by which the negro child is bound to follow the fortunes, not of its father, but of its mother. If the mother was born free, so was the child. The motives of the lawmaker was obvious. If, the father being free, the child was free also, the licentious slaveholder would lose much "property." It was therefore decreed that the child must be a slave, if its mother was a slave; and hence there were many men and women in bondage who were as fair as any of the ladies and gentlemen whom he had the honour of addressing. In illustration of this portion of his lecture, Mr. Garnet exhibited several daguerrotype portraits of fugitive slave-girls, "guiltless of a skin not coloured like our own;" yet all the Saxon blood that circles in their vein does not atone, in the eye of the American, for the slight remaining taint of the African.&#13;
&#13;
At the close of the meeting, a collection was made in aid of its object; and thanks having been voted to Mr. Anderson, and to the trustees for the use of the room, a benediction was pronounced and the proceedings closed.</text>
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                <text>10.01.1850</text>
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                <text>Philadelphia; 10.15.1844 (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>AMERICAN FREE PRODUCE ASSOCIATION. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The sixth annual meeting of the society will be held in Philadelphia, on the 15th of Tenth month. To all persons interested in supplying themselves with productions free from the guilt of Oppression,--and to the members of the Anti-Slavery Societies, an earnest invitation is given to be present at this meeting. To the former that they may effectively aid in carrying on a work which they consider essential to secure a conscience void of offence toward God and man--to the Abolitionists who do not refrain from the use of slave labor products that they may learn--that in this UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS, they are upholding a system which they wish to destroy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;JAMES MOTT, Ch'n. Ex. Com.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Philadelphia,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;9th mo. 18th., 1844.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;5:19, p. 75</text>
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                <text>AMERICAN FREE PRODUCE ASSOCIATION &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Fourth Annual Meeting of the American Free Produce Association, will be held at Clarkson Hall, Philadelphia, on Third day, the 19th of Tenth month, 1842. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;BENJ. S. JONES,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Secretary&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2:18, p. 3</text>
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                <text>10.07.1841</text>
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                <text>New York; 6.1.1853 (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>From the N.Y. Tribune. Free Produce.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;MEETING OF THE "FREE PRODUCE ASSOCIATION OF FRIENDS OF NEW YORK, YEARLY MEETING."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;To the Editor of the N.Y. Tribune&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;This association wes its existence to a belief entertained by its members in the doctrine: "Who gives the motive makes his brother's sin his own"; and under this belief they feel bound to withold the money patronage that operates as such a powerful motive to the slaveholder to retain his hold upon the slave, regardless of the remonstrances so frequently addressed to him. They believe that it is equally correct to say "the demand is parent of the supply," when applied to the commercial intercourse existing between the slave holder and the consumers of slave-grown productions as in the most familiar illustration of that maxim--"that Cotton growing and Slavery are cause and effect, and that the growth of the latter has been coincident with the consumption of the former." And in these resolutions they are strengthened by a part of the discipline of their own religious body, viz: "Friends are advised to avoid any act by which the right of Slavery is acknowledged."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Under these convictions they are seeking for opportunities to supply themselves with such dry-goods and groceries, the produce of free labor, that are generally the result of slave labor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;They do not flatter themselves that the few hundred dollars they are employing in this way will do much toward overturning the gigantic institution they desire to see abolished, but if by these means they can enable some others as well as themselves to dissolve the guilty partnership existing between the producrs and consumers of slave-grown productions, their labor will note be in vain.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The meeting was held at the Friends meeting-house, Orchard-st. on the evening of the 1st. inst., and attended by Lewis Tappan of this City and Samuel Rhoades of Philadelphia, both of whom addressed the meeting and furnished information of a highly interesting character, confirming the statements, in&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;The Tribune&lt;/em&gt; of the 30th. and other papers, relative to the favorable views entertained by Prof. and Mrs. Stowe, of this place, of carrying out the resolution to have "No union with slaveholders."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The members of the Association are no friends to coercive measures, but they claim the right of refusing to purchase the mutton of stolen sheep, and of exercising the same privilege when the blood-stained cotton of Slavery is offered to them, and of supplying their wardrobe and their tables with the cotton, sugar, or rice, the result of paid labor. In their humble effort to make their practices agree with their protestations against Slavery, they are cheered by the favorable reception the plan is receiving in England and in many parts of the United States.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The annual report of the Association contains some interesting details, which the limits of a newspaper will probably exclude.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If the friends of the slave is in earnest in his resolution to have "No union with slaveholders," let him touch not, taste not, handle not the productions of slave labor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;H. Miles</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="283">
                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Anti-Slavery Bugle&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;8:39, p. 1</text>
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                <text>6.18.1853</text>
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                <text>UNION FREE PRODUCE SOCIETY. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the annual meeting of the Union Free Produce Society, the 28th of the 8th mo. 1842, the following persons were elected officers for the ensuing year, viz--&lt;em&gt;President&lt;/em&gt;, Eli Hambleton--&lt;em&gt;Vice Presidents,&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;Evan Bolton, and Hannah Kent--&lt;em&gt;Recording Secretary&lt;/em&gt;, Benjamin Kent--&lt;em&gt;Corresponding Secretary&lt;/em&gt;, Alic E. Hambleton--&lt;em&gt;Treasurer&lt;/em&gt;, E. Kent--&lt;em&gt;Acting Committee,&lt;/em&gt; Wm. Brosius, Daniel Kent, jr. Sarah Hambleton, Rachel Sharpless, and Thomas Hambleton.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On motion, the following were appointed delegates to the annual meeting of the American Free Produce Society, in the 10th month next, viz--Elizabeth Kent, Alice E. Hambleton, Eli Hambleton, Thomas Whitson, Mahlon Brosius, and Sarah Hambleton.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The following resolution was offered, partially discussed, and referred to next meeting, viz:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Resolved, That the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;same principle&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;which required the Society of Friends to&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;disown&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;their members for the hiring of slaves, would, with&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;equal force&lt;/em&gt;, require them to abstain from the produce of the slaves' labor.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;JOHN HAMBLETON,&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Rec. Sec'y.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3:17, p. 3</text>
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                <text>9.29.1842</text>
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                <text>Philadelphia; 10.21.1845 (Meeting)</text>
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                <text>FREE PRODUCE&#13;
&#13;
The Seventh Annual Meeting of the American Free Produce Society will be held in Philadelphia, on third day, the 21st of 10th mo. &#13;
&#13;
All persons interested in the cause of the slave, are earnestly invited to be present.&#13;
&#13;
SARAH PUGH, sec.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;National Anti-Slavery Standard&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;6: 18, p. 3</text>
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                <text>Free Produce Meeting in New York&#13;
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We have received the gratifying intelligence that the annual meeting of the Free Produce Association of Friends of new York Yearly Meeting, held on the evening of Third day last, in the Yearly Meeting House, was very numerously attended by the members of that Yearly Meeting. This large attendance was probably the result, in part, of notice being given by the Clerk, in the Yearly Meting, of the intended meeting of the Association and its purpose being there approvingly spoken of by several influential members; but it is believed, it may be more attributed to an increasing, deepening sense throughout the Yearly Meeting of the duty of working with CLEAN HANDS in our efforts to subvert the system of slavery. A subscription was opened at the meeting towards the establishment of a Free Produce Store in New York, and the sum of $550 raised, additional to previous collections. A large committee consisting of several members within each quarterly meeting, was appointed to collect further sums. We hope to give a fuller account next month.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Non-Slaveholder&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;2:6, p. 140</text>
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